ΠΕ ARY 
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JE ANCIENT LOWLY 


tory of the Ancient Working People from the 
Earliest Known Period to the Adoption 
of Christianity by Constantine 


VOLUME I 


BY 
©. OSBORNE WARD 


fe 


CHICAGO 
CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY 


CO-OPERATIVE 


Copyright, 1888 
By C. OSpoRNE WARD 
FIFTH EDITION 


PEESS OF 
JOHN F. HIGGINS 
CHICAGO 


| Tl aaa 


YS ys 
(ae 


Publisher's νοι δ Fourth Edition 


The first editions of vA. Ward’s great work were 
printed and circulated privately, because no capitalist 
publishing house would take the responsibility for so 
revolutionary a book, and no socialist publishing house 
existed. 

Now, nearly twenty years after the first publication of 
the book, its publication has been taken over by a co- 
operative publishing house owned by sixteen hundred so- 
cialist clubs and individual socialists. A systematic effort 
will now for the first time be made to give this author’s 
works the wide circulation they deserve. 

Osborne Ward’s contribution to the history of the 
working class movement is unique, and its tremendous 
value is only beginning to be appreciated. In his chosen 
field, the period of ancient civilization covered by histories 
and inscriptions, he speaks with an authority based on a 
minute and comprehensive knowledge of his subject. 

The case is different when he comments on another 
field of investigation, and it is only fair to warn the reac r 
that the author’s statements on page 38, which reappear 
in various forms elsewhere in the book, are now known 
to be erroneous. The researches of Lewis H. Morgan in 
“Ancient Society,” popularized by Frederick Engels in his 
“Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State,” 
have stood the test of a generation of criticism, and they 
show conclusively that a communist form of society ex- 
isted for ages before the beginning of the era described 
so graphically in the present work. 


CHARLES Η. KERR. 
January, 1907. 


Ke Rey ££ TEs 


PREFACE. 


The author of this volume is aware that a strong 
opposition may set in and perhaps for a time, ob- 
ject to the thoughts and the facts which it portrays. 

Much of its contents is new. The ideas that lay 
at the bottom of the ancient competitive system, 
though in their day thoroughly understood, have been 
so systematically attacked and gnawed away during 
our nearly 2,000 years’ trial of the new institution, 
that men now, no longer comprehend them. The 
whole may strike the reader as news. Much of it 
indeed, reads like a revelation from a sealed book; 
and we may not at first be able to comprehend it as 
a natural effect of a cause. 

The introduction of Christianity was fought, and 
for a long time resisted by the laboring element it- 
self; solely on the ground that it seriously interfered 
with idol, amulet, palladium and temple drapery 
manufacture. As shown in the chapter on “Image- 
makers,” there were organized trades, whose labor 
and means of obtaining a living were entirely confined 
to their akill in producing for the pagan priesthood 


δὲ PREFACE. 


these innumerable images and paraphernalia of wor- 
ship. Indeed, the ultimate introduction of certain 
unmistakable forms of idol worship to be found lin- 
gering in the so-called Christianity to-day, must be 
considered as having been partly motived by the re- 
sistance of trades unions against any change which 
would result in depriving themselves and their babes 
of bread. This has been a potent hindrance to the 
ever growing but imperceptible realization of the 
social revolution. 

The great strikes and uprisings of the working 
people of the ancient world are almost unknown to 
the living age. It matters little how accounts of five 
immense strike-wars, involving destruction of prop- 
erty and mutual slaughter of millions of people have 
been suppressed, or have otherwise failed to reach 
us ;—the fact remains that people are absolutely ig- 
norant of those great events. A meagre sketch of 
Spartacus may be seen in the encyclopedias, but it is 
always ruined and its interest pinched and blighted 
by being classed with crime, its heroes with crimi- 
nals, its theme with desecration. Yet Spartacus was 
one of the great generals of history; fully equal to 
Hannibal and Napoleon, while his cause was much 
more just and infinitely nobler, his life a model of 
the beautiful and virtuous, his death an episode of 
surpassing grandeur. 

Still more strange is it, that the great ten-years’ 
war of Eunus should be unknown. He martialed at 
one time, an army of two hundred thousand soldiers. 
He manceuvred them and fought for ten full years for 
liberty, defeating army after army of Rome. Why is 
the world ignorant of this fierce, epochal rebellion? 


PREFACE. ix 


Almost the whole matter is passed over in silence by 
our histories of Rome. In these pages it will be read 
as news; yet should asimilar war rage in our day, 
against a similar condition of slavery, its canse would 
not only be considered just, but the combatants would 
have the sympathy and moral support of the civilized 
world. The story of this wonderful workman is news. 

The great system of labor organization explained in 
these pages must likewise be regarded as a chapter of 
news. The portentous fact has lain in abeyance cen- 
tury after century, with the human family in profound 
ignorance of an organization of trades and other labor 
unions so powerful that for hundreds of years they un- 
dertook and successfully conducted the business of 
manufacture, of distribution, of purveying provisions to 
armies, of feeding the inhabitants of the largest cities 
in the world, of inventing, supplying and working the 
huge engines of war, and of collecting enustoms and 
taxes—tasks confided to their care by the state. 

Our civilization has a blushingly poor excuse for its 
profound ignorance of these facts; for the evidences 
have existed from much before the beginning of our 
era—indeed the fragments of the ravaged history were 
far less broken and the recorded annals much fresher, 
-mmore numerous and less mutilated than the relics 
which the author with arduous labor and pains-taking, 
has had at command in bringing them to the surface. 
Besides the records that have come to us thus broken 
and distorted by the wreckers who feared the moral 
blaze of literature, there were, in all probability, thou. 
sands of inscriptions then, where but dozens remain 
now to be consulted; and they are growing fewer and 
dimmer as their value rises higher in the estimation 


x PREF ACK, 


of a thinking, appreciative, gradually awakening world. 

The author is keenly aware that certain critics will 
complain of his dragging religion so prominently for- 
ward that the work is spoiled. The defense is, that 
though our charming histories from a point of view 
of brilliant events, such as daring deeds of heroes, bat- 
tles and bloodshed, may be found among the ancients 
without encountering much of a religious nature, yet 
such is not the case in the lesser affairs of ancient so- 
cial and political life. The state, city and family were 
themselves a part of the ancient religion and were 8 
part of its property. Priests were public officers. 
Home life of the nobles was in constant conformity 
with the ritual. The organizations of labor were so 
closely watched by the jealous law that they were 
obliged to assume a religious attitude they did not feel 
in order to escape being suppressed. A long list of 
what we in our time consider honorable, business-like 
doings, was rated as blasphemy against the gods and 
punished with death. 

Nearly all of the idolatry, with its attendant super- 
stition and nympholepsy, its giants and prodigies, its 
notions of elysiwm and tartarus, its quaking genuflex- 
ions, its bloody sacrifices and its gladiatorial wakes, 
had their real origin in the torture of the menials who 
delved, and in the rewards of the favored ones who 
banqueted on the riches which flowed from unpaid la- 
bor; and nearly all the iconoclasm of the later soph- 
ists may perhaps be traced to an organized resistance 
of the working people of pre-christian days. These 
seemingly curious, if not extraordinary truths will, we 
are confident, be made clear to the intelligent, careful 
reader of these pages; and in this humble hope, the 


PREFACE. za 


author has set them forth as an indispensable begin- 
ning to those who would logically and correctly under 
stand the great problem of labor as it is to-day. 

As rightly mentioned by Bancroft and others occu- 
piedin the collection and study of monumental arche- 
ology, there is often a readiness among the degenerate 
natives to ingeniously imitate and palm off for genn- 
ine, numbers of fraudulent counterfeit relics upon the 
unsnspecting and credulous wonder-hunters. This, 
however, is with us, in our scope of research, placed 
beyond suspicion. Most of the slabs we mention have 
already been lying unobserved, on their original sites 
or in by-nooks of the museums of their own countries, 
for hundreds of years; but they have long since been 
recorded, catalogued and even numbered in dingy old 
books and manuscripts, the importance of their grim 
inscriptions having been little understood by the capa- 
ble epigraphists themselves. Besides, no interest hav- 
ing ever been elicited on subjects of which they are so 
suggestive, there has been no lively demand for them, 
even as curiosities. They are genuine. 

The author may sum up these prefatory remarks with 
a word on the general lesson taught by this volume; it 
being one of the first histories yet compiled and written 
exclusively from a standpoint of social science, That 
the “still small voice” meant the ever suppressed yet ever 
living, struggling, co-operating and mutually support- 
ing majorities, is made self-suggestive without forsaking 
history. The phenomenal fact is moreover brought out, 
that the present movement whose most radical wing 
loudly disclaims Christianity, is nevertheless building 
exactly upon the precepts of that faith, as it was told to 
us and taught us by Jesus Christ ; whatever may or may 


xii PREFACE. 


not have been borrowed by His school from the immense 
social organization of His own and preceeding ages. 

Modern greed with its class hatreds, individualisms. 
aristocracy, its struggle for personal wealth, dangerous, 
defiant in our faith and in our political economy, is not 
Christianity at all; it is the ancient evil still lingering 
in the roots of the gradually decaying paganism that ap- 
pears to remain for the labor movement to smother and 
at last uproot and completely annihilate. 

One thing must be solemnly set forth as a very sug- 
gestive hint to modern anarchists, however honest their 
impulses. The historical facts are that the great strikes, 
rebellions and social wars—if we are permitted to except 
those of Drimakos and the strike of the 20,000 from the 
silver mines of Laurium in Attica—all turned out disas- 
trously for the general cause. The punishments meted 
out to the strikers and insurgents of the working class 
after their overthrow by the Romans, as in the rebellions 
of Hunus, of Athenion, of Spartacus, of every one we 
have treated in this book, with but the above exceptions, 
was bloody, revengeful and exterminatory to the last de- 
gree. Anancient author whom we quote, gives the aggre- 
gate number crucified at something more than a million. 
Crassus and Pompey alone crucified over 6,000 working- 
men on the Appian Way as examples of the awful blood- | 
wreaking to be expected from Roman military justice. 
Twenty thousand were similarly massacred at Enna and 
Tauromanion. These unscrupulous deeds of retribution 
that went far toward annihilating the ancient civilization 
by stimulating a blood-thirsting craze in a long succes- 
sion of Roman emperors, completely extinguished all 
hopes of the workingmen for the achievement of liberty 
by violent means. 


PREFACE 
TO THE SECOND EDITION. 


The author of the Ancient Lowly, on presenting to 
the public his first and incomplete edition, felt that it 
was an experiment. It was a mass of facts, withheld for 
many ages from the human race—some that had been 
suppressed—and his natural conjecture that there is still 
a desire to cover and conceal them was verified by a gen- 
eral refusal on the part of publishing firms, to touch it. 
He published it himself. Large numbers of letters flow- 
ing in from kind-hearted readers at every quarter, and 
a delightful, perhaps overwrought expression of thanks 
and sympathy in form of sermons, newspaper reviews and 
lecture themes has been a consolation that cannot be 
measured by this poor expression of gratitude. Let his 
loving answer and assurance to them all be, that the book 
shall not fall into vandal hands for money or for price; 
but the naked truth shall be unstintedly offered to its 
generous and appreciative readers who thus announce 
themselves, after ages of agitation, fully prepared to 
accept. 

Considerable disappointment has been gently hinted, 
that the author broke off abruptly without writing a chap- 
ter of conclusions. The actually written twenty-fourth 
chapter promised in the table of contents, was prudential- 
ly omitted in the first edition. Conclusions are deviations 
from the historian’s compass—this is one explanation. 
A stronger one is, that the general conviction which over- 
takes the student, on studying the ancient working people, 
is of a nature so radical as to be distasteful to many readers. 

One curious conclusion is, that the modern and correct 
doctrine of nationalizing the tools of labor was actually 
carried out, almost to perfection, especially in the cele- 
brated Spartan state. But alas! the awful incongruity of 
its system was, that human beings as slaves, were them- 
selves bodily those nationalized tools! though treated with 


xiv PREFACE, 


worse contempt of feeling than we have for machines pro- 
pelled by motors instead of whips; and the demand of the 
nationalists or socialists to-day is in some points of princi- 
ple, to return to the nationalization of Lycurgus, only with 
the chattel-slave tools and wage-slave tools substituted, o1 
supplanted by the inanimate labor-saving implements this 
much-abused workman has invented, constructed and re 

duplicated for a higher civilization. When this shall have 
been accomplished there will be an exact social equality 
and a status of positive equities—a vast and beneficent rev 

olution! Surely, under these considerations, the working 
masses, the “two-thirds majority,” can afford to crowd on- 
ward until they reach the ambrosial gardens, become them- 
selves masters and re-enjoy the symposium, in a region of 
equitable distribution and plentitude, the “mansion of the 
blessed,” longed for in those earlier ages. 

Another conclusion arrived at from the facts in history, 
and explained in this terminal chapter is, that the ancient 
rebellions, although fearfully disastrous, as mentioned by 
way of warning in our preface to the first edition, were, 
under the circumstances, just. Workingmen who rebelled 
and bravely fought and lost, had no other friend to appeal 
to but their own strong arms; and Jooking back upon their 
sufferings and their magnificent resistance, we clearly see 
that they did not lose after all. They won, though they 
fell in myriads—a martyrdom, nobler and happier than 
was their crucial life from which such a death was triumph- 
ant relief—for by their fall they taught a lesson to an in- 
experienced world that is to this day exerting its influence 
in creating a better era. We may be thankful for their 
having lived end fought and died; for they were the true 
forefathers of these struggling wage-slaves, now making 
themselves felt and feared in these, though still cruel and 
hatcfu', yet brighter and more hopeful surroundings. 


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xx SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 


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plissima Collectio. Zurich 1828. 

*Orosius (Paulus,), Libri VII. Historiarum Adversus Paganos 
Editio princeps, Vienna, 1471. 4 

Ovid (Publius Naso),  Fastorum Libri qui supersunt, Merkel 
and Riese, 1857. 

Panpecta Justiniani, Samuel Petit in Thesaurus Greevii et 
Gronovii, Utrecht, 1699. 

Pausanias, Hellados Periegesis (Descriptio Greeie), Teubner 
Series, Leipzic, Schubart, 1850. 

Peirese (Nicholas Clande), Dionis Cassit Excerpta Vaticana, 
Aix, 1635 

Petit (Samuel), *Studies of the Arundelian Inscription, Paris, 
1640; also Several other Criticisms. 

Philo (Judeus), Quod Omnis Probus Liber, *Turnebus Paria, 
1552; Legarde, Onomastica Sacra, Paris, 1870., 

Plato, Apology of Socrates, 

Plato, Menexenos, 


Plato, Minos, Bekker, London ed., 1828, 
ΡΟ, ass Stallbaum, Leipzie, 1825, 
Plato, Protagoras, Orell., Winkelmann, Baiter 1840 
Plato, De Republica, Burges, Cary, Davis, trs. 


Plato, Statesman, 

Plato, Thectetus, 

Plutarch, Lives of IMustrious Men, Teubner Series, Leipzic, 
1850; English Translation of Langhorne, London, n. ἃ, 

Polybius, Historia Katholike, Leipzic, 1843. 

Pomponius-Mela, De Orbis Situ, Tzschucke, Leipzic, 1807. 

Porter, (George Richardson), Progress of the Nation, Lon. 1836. 

Preller (Ludwig), Mithologie: Demeter wnd Persephone, Leip- 
zic, 1854. 

Prudentius (Aurelius) Hymni, *Arvali, Roma, 1790. 

Pseupo-Plutarch, De Nobilitate, in the Teubner Series, 1845. 

Rangabé-Rhizo, Antiquités Helléniques, 2 vols. Paris, 1855. 

Reat Lncyclopedie, Pauly. 

Reinesius (Thomas), Inscriptionwm Antiquarum  Syntagma, 
Leipzic, 1682, Oracles: Sibylline Books, 1704. 

Renan (Ernest), Vie de Jésus, Paris, 1863. 

Rinaldo, Memorie Istoriche della Citta di Capua, Napoli, 17565. 

Ritschl (Friedrich Wilhelm), Plautus, Bonn, 1848. 

Rodbertus (von Jagetzow), Der Normal Arbeitstag, Berlin, 1871. 

Roscher (Wilhelm), Principes d’ Economie Politique, French 
Edition, Paris, 1872. 

Rogers (J. E. Thorold), Six Centuries of Work and Wages, 
New York, 1884. 


SOURCES OF INFORMATION. xxi 


Rohden, Johannis der Taufer, Brochure; A_ Dissertation. 

Romanelli (Domenico), Topografia: Viaggio a Pompe. 

Rose (H. J.), Jnscriptiones Grace Vetustissime, Cantabrid- 
gize,, 1825. 

Ross (Ludwig), Voyages dans les Iles; Les Inscriptions de Scio, 
Halle, 1842. 

Rossi (Giovanni Bernardo de), Jnscriptiones Christiane Urbis 
Rome, Roma, 1853. 

Baint-Edme (M. B.) Dictionnaire de la Pénalité, Paris, [825. 

Sallustius (Caius Crispus), Historiarwm Libri Quingque, Vatican 
Fragments ; Schambach’s Sklavenau/fstand. 

Sanger (William W.), J/istory of Prostitution, New York, 1876. 

Schambach, Der Italische Sklavenaufstand, n.d., n.p., 4to, 

Schliemann (Henry), Zhe Ziryns, New York, 1885. 

Schémann (F. G.), Assemblies of the Athenians, English Uni- 
versity Translation of Cambridge, 1837. 

*Servius, On the dmeid of Virgil, Fabricius, Meissen, 1551. 

Siefert (Otto), Sicilische Sklavenkviege, Altona, 1860. 

Smith (William), Dictionary of the Bible, Boston, 1886. 

Smith (William), Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, 
London, 1849. 

Solon, Code, in Plutarch, Gaius and others. 

Stobeeus, Quoting Lost Works of Florilus, mentioned by Bicher. 

Strabo, Geographica, Tzschucke, Leipzic, 1812. 

Suetonius (Claudius), Vite Duodecim Cesarum, Burmann, 
Amsterdam, 1743. 

Syncellus, Quoting Africanus, in Chronica, 

Tarrentenus (Paternus), De Re Militari, Quoted by Drumann, 

Terence (Publius Afer), Heauton-timorumanos, London, 1857. 

Tertulian (Quintus ‘Septimius Florens), Avpologeticuvs and De 
Idololatria, @hler, Leip. 1857; Dr. March, Douglass 
Series, New York, 1876. 

Theophrastus, Ethikoit Karakteres (Moral Characters), Ast, 
Munich, 1825. 

Theopompus, In *Plutarch, De Jside et Osiride, 

Thiersch (Henry W.) Christian Commonwealth, Edinburgh, 1877. 

Thucydides, Polemon ton Peloponnesion (De Bello Pelloponnes- 
taco), Leipzic, Bibliotheca Teubneriana, Bdhme, 1857. 

Tompkins (Henry), Friendly Societies of Antiquity, Lon., 1867. 

Tompkins (Henry, Acting Secretary to Registry, of Friendly 
Societies of Great Britain), Reports, London, 1867-9. 

Ulpian (Domitius), De Officio Proconsulis; Vatican MS. ἃ Εἶν. 
cerpta Digestorum; De Dominorum Sevitia, Bonn, 1840. 

Uwaroff, Essai sur les Mystéres d’ Eleusis, 

Valerius Maximus, Factorum Dictorwmque Memorabilium Libri 
IX. Leipzic, 1836. 


xxii SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 


Varro (Marens Terentius), De Re Rustica Libri Tres, *Sclinei- 
der, Leipzic, 1796. 

Velleius (Paterculus), Historie Romane, Orelli, Leipzic, 1835. 

Virgil (Publius Maro), -dneid, Teubner Series, Leipzic, 1840, 

Wallace, (Robert), Numbers of Mankind, Edinburgh, 1753. 

Weissenborn, Comments on Livy, Leipzic, 1871. 

Wesseling (Peter) Veterum Romanorum Itineraria, Utr’t, 1750. 

Wescher~Foucart, Inscriptions recueillies ἃ Delphes, Paris, 1863. 

Wescher (C.), In Revue Archéologique, Paris, 1864. 

Westermann (Anton), Nymphodorus, In Real-Encyclopeedie, 

Wiener-Jahrbuch, XX. 

Wilkinson (Sir Gardner), Ancient Egyptians, Boston, 1883, 

Wordsworth (Christopher), Fragments of Early Latin, London, 

Wright (Carroll D.), Industrial Depressions, Report of the Unit- 
ed States Bureau of Labor, Washington, 1886, 

Xenophon, Conversationes, 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, 

Xenophon, C£conomicus, Leipzic, 1859, 

Xenophon, De Republica, 

Xenophon, De Vectigali, J 


#The Asterisks refer to “Yorks that were consulted by the author 
during his researches abroad. 


SYMROT.S OF ANCIENT PERFUMER®’? UNIONS, 


F.om ap Inscriptic: ...)u jasper.—=see Chapter xix 


CONTENTS OF THE VOLUME. 


CHAPTER I. 


PAN Or TABOR. 


TRAITS AND PECULIARITIES OF RACES. 


GRiEVANOES of the Working Classes—The Competitive System 
among the Ancients—Growing Change of Taste in Read- 
ers of History—Inscriptions and suppressed Fragments 
more recently becoming Incentives to reflecting Readers 
who seek Them as a meaus to secure Facts—No true De- 
mocracy—No primeval Middle Class known to the Aryan 
Family—The Taint of Labor an Inheritance through the 
Pagan Religio-Political Economy. Page 37 


CHAPTER II. 


THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 


THEIR COMPETITIVE SYSTEM. 


Reuicion anp Pouitios of the Indo-Europeans Identical—Reason 
for Religion mixing with the Movements of Labor—The 
Father the Original Slaveholder—His Children the Orig- 
inal Slaves—Both Law and Religion empowered him to kill 
them— Work of Conscience in the Labor Problem. 47 


xxiV CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. 


CHAPTER III. 


EOST Mss: ἈΚ ΕΘ ΟΣ. 


TRUE HISTORY OF LABOR FOUND ONLY IN 
INSCRIPTIONS AND MUTILATED ANNALS. 


Prototyrrs OF Industrial Life to be found in the Aryan and 
Semitic Branches—Era of Slavery—Dawn of Manumission 
—Patriarchal Form too advanced a Type of Government 
possible to primitive Man— Religious Superstition fatal to 
Independent Labor—Labor, Government and Religion in- 
dissolubly mixed—Concupiscence, Acquisitiveness and Iras- 
cibility a Consequence οἱ the archaic Bully or Boss, with un- 
limited Powers—Right of the ancient Father to enslave, 
sell, torture or kill his Children—Abundant Proofs quoted— 
Origin of the greater and more humane Impulses—Sym- 
pathy beyond mere Self preservation, the Result of Βά- 
ucation— Education originated from Discussion—Discussion 
the Result of Grievances against the Outcast Work-people— 
Too rapid Increase of their Numbers notwithstanding the 
Sufferings— Means Organized by Owners for decimating them 
by Murder—Ample proof—The great Amphyctyonic League 
— Glimpses of a once sullen Combination of the Desperate 
Slaves—Incipient Organization of the Nobles. Page 67 


OHAPTER IV. 


ELEUSINIAN MYSTERIES 


ANCIENT GRIEVANCES OF THE WORKERS. 


WorkinG Propte destitute of Souls— Original popular Beliefs— 
Plato finally gives them half a Soul—Modern Ignorance on 
the true Causes of certain Developments in History—Sym- 

athy, the Third Great Emotion developed out of growing 

ason, through mutual Commiseration of the Outcasts— 
A new Cult--The Unsolved Problem of the great Eleusinian 
Mysteries—Their wonderful Story—Grievances of slighted 
Workingmen--Organization impossible to Slaves except in 
their Strikes and Rebellions—-The Aristocrats’ Politics and 
Religion barred the Doors against Work-people—Extraor- 


CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. 


dinary Whims and Antics at the Eleusinian Mysteries—The 
Causes of Grievances endured by the Oastaway Laborers— 
Their Motives for Secret Organization—The Terrible Cryp- 
tia —The horrible Murders of Workingmen for Sport—Dark 
Deeds Unveiled—-Story of the Massacre of 2,000 Working- 
men—Evidence—The Grievances in Sparta—In Athens— 
Free Outcast Builders, Sculptors, Teachers, Priests, Dancers, 
Musicians, Artisans, Diggers, all more or less Organized—Re- 
turn to tbe Eleusinian Mysteries—Conclusion. Page 89 


CHAPTER V. 


STRIKES AND UPRISINGS. 


GRIEVANCES CONTINUED. PLANS OF ESCAPE, 


First Known and First Tried Plan of Salvation was that of Retal- 
iation—The Slaves test the Ordeal of Armed Force—Irasci- 
bility of the Working Classes at length arrayed against their 
Masters—Ty pical Strikes of the ancient Workingmen—Their 
Inhuman Treatment—Famous Strike at the Silver Diggings 
of Laurium——20,000 Artisans and Laborers quit Work in 8 
Body and go over to the Foes of their own Countrymen— 
The Great Peloponnesian War Decided for the Spartans, 
against the Athenians by this Fatal Strike. Page 133 


CHAPTER VL 


GRIEVANCES. 


LABOR TROUBLES AMONG THE ROMANS. 
MORE BLOODY PLANS OF SALVATION TRIED. 


Tue TRasorte Puan in Italy—Epidemic Uprisings—Attempt to 
Fire the City of Rome and have Things common—Oonspir- 
acy of Slaves at the Metropolis—Two Traitors—Betray al— 
Deaths on the Roman Gibbet—Another Great Uprising at Se- 
tia—Expected Capture of the World—Land of Wine aud 
Delight—Again the Traitor, the Betrayal and Gibbet—The 
Irascible Plan a Failure—Strike of the Agricu!tural Laborers 
in Etruria—Slave Labor—Character of the Etruscans—Expe- 


uxvi CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. 


dition of Glabro—Fighting—Slaves Worsted— Punishment 
on the dreadful Cross, the ancient Block for the Low-born— 
Enormous Strike in the Land of Labor Organizations—One 
Glimpse at the Cause and Origin of Italian Brigandage—La- 
borers, Mechanics and Agriculturers Driven to Despair— 
The great Uprising in Apulia—Fierce Fighting to the Dag- 
ger’s Hilt—The Overthrow, the Dungeon and the Cross —~ 
Proof Dug from Fragments of Lost History, Page 145 


CHAPTER VIL. 


DRIMAKOS. 


A QUEER OLD MAN OF THE MOUNTAINS. 


Srrike or DrimaKos, the Chian Slave—Co-operation of the 
Irascible with the Sympathetic—A Desperate Greek Bonds- 
man at Large—Labor Grievances of the ancient Scio—Tem- 
perament and Character of Drimakos—Vast Number of un- 
fortunate Slaves—Revolt aud Escape to the Mountains— 
Old Ruler of tbe Mountain Crags—Rigid Master and loving 
Friend—Great Successes—Price offered for his Head—How 
he lost it—The Reaction—Rich and Poor all mourn his Loss 
as a Calamity—The Brigands infest the Island afresh since 
the Demise of Drimakos—The Heroén at his Tomb—An Al- 
tar of Pagan Worship at which this Labor Hero becomes the 
God, reversing the Order of the ancient Rights—Ruins of 
his Temple still extant—Atheneus—Nymphodorus—Arche- 
ology—Views of modern Philologists. Page 163 


CHAPTER VIII. 


Vid Aden 


A GREAT REBELLION IN SPAIN. 


Tar Roman Slave System in Spain—Tyranny in Lusitania— 
Massacre of the People—Condition before the Outbreak—- 


Yirst Appearance of Viriathus—A Shepherd on his Native 
ae 


CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. xXxVL 


_ Hille--A Giant in Stature and Intellect—He takes Com- 
mand—Vetillius Outwitted—Captured and Slain—Confliot 
in Tartessus—Romans again Beaten—Battle of the Hill of 
Venus—Viriathus Slaughters another army and Humiliates 
Rome—Segobria Captured—Arrival of Almilianus—He is 
Out-generaled and at last Beaten by Viriathus—More Bat- 
tles and Victories for the Farmers—Arrival of Plautius 
with Fresh Roman Soldiers—Viriathus made King—More 
Victorivs—Treason, Conspiracy and Treachery Lurking in 
his Camps—Murdered by his own Perfidious Otlicers— 
Pomp at His Funeral—Relentless Vengeance of the Romans 
—Crncifixion and worse Slavery than before—The Cause 


Lost. 


CHAPTER 1X 


EUNUS. 


GRIEVANCES. MORE SALVATION ON 
THE VINDICTIVE PLAN. 


Tae JRrasoiste Impuuse in its Highest Development and most 
enormous Organization—Greatest of all Strikes found onRec 
ord—Gigantic Growth of Slavery—General View of Sicilian 
Landlordism and Servitude before the Outbreak—Great In- 
crease of Bondsmen and Women—Enna, Home of the God- 
dess Ceres, becomes the Stronghold of the Great Uprising— 
Eunus; his Pedigree—He is made King of the Slaves—His- 
tory 0: hisl10 Years’? Reign—Somebody, ashamed to confess it, 
has mangled the Histories—The Fragments of Diodorus and 
other Noble Authors Reveal the Facts—Cruelties of Damo- 

hilus and Megallis, the immediate Cause of the Grievance— 

anus, Slave, Fire-spitter, Leader, Messiah, King—Venge- 
ance—The innocent Daughter—Sympathy hand-in-hand with 
Trascibility against Avarice—Wise Selection by Eunus, of 
Acheeus as Lieutenant—Council of War—Mass-meeting—A 
Plan agreed to—Cruelty of the Slaves—Their Army—The 
War begun— Prisons broken open and 60,000 Convicts work- 
ing in the Argastula set free—Quotations—Sweeping Extinc- 
tion of the Rich—Large Numbers of Free Tramps join—An- 
other prodigious Uprising in Southern Sicily—Cleon—Con- 
jectures regarding this Obscure Military Genius—Union of 
Eunus, Achzeus and Cleon—Harmony—Victories over the 
Romans—Insurgent Force rises to 200.000 Men—Proof— 


ΚΆΤΙ CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. 


Overthrow and Extinction of the Armies of Hypseeus—Man- 
lius—Lentulus—The Victorious Workingmen give no Quarter 
—Eunus as Mimic, taunts his Enemies by Mock Theatrical, 
Open-Air Plays in the Sieges—Cities fall into his Hands— 
His Speeches—Moral Aid through the Social Struggle with 
Gracchus at Rome—Arrival of a Roman Army under Piso— 
Beginning of Reverses—O rucifixions—Demoralization—Fal} 
of Messana—Siege of Enna—lInsoriptions verifying History 
—Romans Repulsed— Arrival of Rupilius—Siege of Tauroma- 
nion—Wonderful Death of Comanus—Cannibalism—The 
City falls—Awfal Orucifixions—SecondSiege of Enna—Its 
20,000 People are crucified on the Gibbet—Eunus captured 
and Devoured by Lice in a Roman Dungeon—Disastrous 
End of the Rebellion or so-called Servile War. Page 191 


CHAPTER X. 


ARISTONICUS. 


A BLOODY STRIKE IN ASIA MINOR. 


FreeDMEN, BonpsMen, Tramps and Illegitimates Rise against Op- 
pression—Oontugion of monster Strikes—Again the Irasci- 
ble Plan of Rescue tried—Aristonicus of Pergamnus—Story 
of the Murder of Titus Gracchus and of 300 Land Reformers 
by a Mob of Nobles at Rome—Blossius, a Noble, Espouses 
the Oause of the Workingmen—He goes to Pergamus—The 
Heliopolitai—The Commander of the Labor Army overpow- 
ers all Resistance—Battle of Leuca—Overthrow of the Rom- 
ans—Death of Orassus—Arrival of the Consul Paperna—De- 
feat of the Insurgents—Their Punishment—Discouragement 
and Suicide—Aristonicus strangled, Thousands crucified and 
the Cause Lost—Old Authors Quoted. Page 232 


CHAPTER ΧΙ. 
ATHENION. 


ENORMOUS STRIKE AND UPRISING IN SICILY. 


Sz00np Sicm1an Lasor-War—Tryphon and Athenion—Greed 
and Irascibility Again Grapple—The War Plan of Salvation 
Repeated by Slaves and Tramps—Athenion, another remark- 
able General Steps Forth—Castle of the Twins in a Hideous 
Forest—Slaves goaded to Revolt by Treachery and Intrigue 


ΧΧΙΧ CONTENTS ΟἹ 


of a Politician—Rebellion and the Clangor of War—Battle 
in the Mountains—A Victory for the Slaves at the Heights 
of Engyon—Treachery of Gaddeus the Freebooter—Decoy 
and Crucifixions—Others cast Headlong over a Precipice— 
The Strike starts up Afresh at Heraclea Minoa—Murder of 
Clonius a rich Roman Knight—Escape of Slaves from his 
Ergastulum—Sharp Battles under the Generalship of Salyius 
—Strife rekindles in the West—Battle of Alaba—The Pro- 

retor punished for his bad Administration—Victory Again 

reathes a Laurel for the Lowly—A vast Uprising in West 

ern Sicily—Athenion the Slave Shepherd—A nother Fanatical 
Crank of Deeds—Rushing the Struggle for Existence—Fierce 
Battles and Blood-spilling—What Ordinary Readers of His- 
tory have not heard of—Fourth Battle; Triokala—Meek 
Sacrifices by the Slaves, to the Twins of Jupiter and Tha- 
lia—March to Triokala—Jealousy—Great Battle and Car- 
nage—Athenion Wounded—He escapes to Triokala and re- 
covers—Fifth Battl—Lucullus marches to the Working 
men’s Fortifications—Battle of Triokala—The Outcasts Vic- 
torious—Luceullus islost from View—Sixth Battle—Servili- 
us, another Roman General Overthrown—The Terrible 
Athenion Master of Sicily and King over all the Working- 
People—Seventh and Final Field Conflict—Battle of Macel- 
la—Death of Athenion—Victory this Time for the Romans 
End of the Rebellion—Satyros, a powerful Greek Slave es- 
capes tothe Mountains with a Force of Insurgents—They 
are finally lured to a Capitulation by Aquillius who treacher- 
ously turnsupon, and consigns them as Gladiators to Rome 
—They fight the Eighth and last Battle in the Roman Am- 

hitheatre among wild Beasts—A ghastly mutual Suicide— 

he Reaction—Treachery of Aquillius Punished—The Gold- 
Workers pour melted Gold down his Throat, 


CHAPTER XII. 


SPARTACUS. 


THE IRASCIBLE PLAN TESTED ON AN 
ENORMOUS SCALE. 


Riss, Viorssrrupes and Fall of a Great General—The Strike of 
the Gladiators—Grievances that led to the Trouble—Growth 
of Slavery through Usurpation of the Lead by the arrogant 
Optimates—What is known of Spartacrs before heing Sold 


ΧΧΧ 


CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. 


into Slavery—Bolt of the 78 Gladiators from the Ergastulwm 
of Lentulus at Capua—Escape of the Ranaways—How they 
seized Weapovs— Vesuvius—First Battle-—Battle of the Cliffs 
—Rout of Clodius—Second Battle—Destruction of a Preeto- 
rian Army—Battle of the Mineral Baths—Great Increase of 
the Rebel Force—From a petty Strike it assumes the Propor- 
tions of Revolution—Fourth Battle; Hilt to Hilt with Var- 
inius—Destruction of the Main Army of the Romans—Win- 
ter Quarters of Spartacus at Metapontem—Honor, Discipline 
and Temperance of the Workingmen—Proofs by Pliny and 
Plutarch—Coalision with the Organized Laborers of ltaly— 
Uses of Gold and other Ornaments Forbidden—Wine Ban- 
ished—Great Numbers Employed in the Armuries of Sparta- 
cus—Fifth Battle—Battle of Mt. Garganus—Ambuscade of 
Arrius—Overthrow and Death of Crixus—Sixth Battle— 
Spartacus Destroys the Consular Army of Poplicola—Sev- 
enth Battle—Great Conflict of the River Po—Overthrow of 
Cassius and Defeat of the 10,000 Romans—Spartacus, now 
Master, assumes the Offensive—Eighth Battle—Lentulus De- 
feated; Great Army nearly annihilated—Mortification and 
Terror of the Romans—Ninth Battle—Mutina—Proconsul 
Cassius again Routed in a Disastrous Conflict with the wary 
Gladiator—Spartacus now obliged to contend with the De- 
mon of Insubordination—Crassus elected Consul—Reverses 
Begin—On down to Rhegium—Sedition, Treachery, Betray- 
als—Workingmen’s own Jealousies, Insubordination and Lack 
of Diplomacy canse their final Ruin—Tenth Battle—Scaling 
of the Six-Mile Ramparts by Spartacus—Battle of Croton— 
Destruction of the Seceders, Granicus and Castus—Obstinate 
Fighting—Spartacus arrives and checks the Carnage—Pe- 
telia, the Eleventh Battle—Victory—Twelfth Battle; Silarus 
—Last and most Bloody Encounter—Spartacus, stabbing his 
Horse, Rushes sword drawn, in search of Crassus—H eaps 
of the slain—Dying like a King—End of the War—The great 
Supplictwm—Pompey and Crassus, emulous of meagre Hon- 
ors—Inhuman Oruelties—Awful Wreaking of Vengeance on 
the Cross—Dangling Bodies of 6,000 Crucified Workingmen 
along the Appian Way—Theasands of Others crucified—Ut- 
ter Failure of the ivascitie Plan of Deliverance Page 275 


CHAPTER XIE. 


ORGANIZATION. 


ROME'S ORGANIZED WORKINGMEN AND WOMEN. 


ORGANIZATION OF THE Feeepuen—The Jus Coeundi—Koman Un- 


CONTLNTS OF CHAPTERS. XXXI 


ions—The Collegiwm—Its Power and Influence—What the 
Poor did with their Dead—Cremation— Burial a Divine Right 
which they were too Lowly to Practice—Worship of bor- 
rowed Gods—Incineration or Burial and Trade Unions com- 
bined—Proots—Glance at the Inner social Life of the ancient 
Brotherhoods—State Ownership and Management—Nation- 
alized Lands—Number and Variety of Trade Unions—Strug- 

les—Numa Pompilius First to Recognize and Uphold Trade 

nions—Law of the 12 Tables taken from Solon—Harmony, 
Peace, Ease, steady Work, Prosperity and Plenty Lasting 
with little Interruption for 500 Years—Bondmen fared worse. 


Page 333 
CHAPTER XIV. 


LAWS AGAINST COMMUNES. 
THE GREAT ECONOMIC ORGANIZATIONS. 


Anorent Feperatrons of Labor—How they were Employed by 
the Government—Nomenclature of the Brotherhoods—Cat- 
egories of King Numa—Varieties and Ramifications —The 
Masons, Stonecutters and Bricklayers—Federation for Mu- 
tual Advantages—List of the 35 Trade Unions, under the 

Coeunds. Page 359 


CHAPTER XV. 


TRADE UNIONS. 


ORG ANIZED ARMOR-MAKERS OF ANTIQUITY. 


Trape Unions Turnep to the Manufacture of Arms and Muni- 
tions of War—How it came about—The Iron and Metai 
Workers—Artists in the Alloys—How Belligerent Rome 
was Furnished with Weapons, Shoes and Other Necessa- 
ries for Her Warriors—The Shieldmakers, Arrowsmiths. 
Daggermakers, War-Gun and Slingmakers, Battering-Ram- 
makers etc.—Bootmakers who Cobbled for the Roman Troops 
—Wine Men, Bakers aud Sutlers—All Organized—Unions 
of Oil Grinders; of Pork Butchers; even of Cattle Fodderers 
—The Haymakers—Organized Fishermen—<Ancient Labor 
brought charmingly sear by Inscriptions Page 372 


Exxli CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. 
CHAPTER XVI. 


TRADE UNIONS. 


THE GREAT TRADES VICTUALING SYSTEM. 


How Rome Was Fep—Unions of Fishermen—Discovery of a 
Strange Inscription at Pompeii, Proving the Political Power 
and Organization of the Workingmen and Women’s Unions 
—Female Suffrage in Italy—The Fish Salters—Wine Smok- 
ers—Union of Spicemen—The Game-Hunters’ Organizations 
—Unions of Amphitheatre-Sweepers— Unions of Wagoners, 
Ox-Drivers, Muleteers, Cooks, Weighers, Tasters and Milkmen 
—The Cooking Utensil-Makers—Unions of Stewards—Old 
Familiar Latin Names, with Familiar English Meanings Re- 
produced—Gaius and the Twelve Tables— Numerous Notes 
with References to Archwxological Collections and to Histories 
Giving Pages and many Necessary Renderings, of the Ob- 
scure Curiosities Described. © Page 38° 


CHAPTER XVII 


INDUSTRIAL COMMUNES 


AMUSEMENTS OF OLD. UNIONS OF PLAYERS 


Tux Cottee1a Soaniconvm—Unions of Mimics—Horrible Mim- 
ic Performances in Sicily—Bloody Origin of Wakes—Unions 
of Dancers, Trumpeters, Bagpipers, and Hornblowers—The 
Flute Players—Roman Games—Unions of Circus Performers 
—Ot Gladiators—Of Actors—Murdering Robust Wrestlers 
for Holiday Pastimes—Unions of Fortunetellers—Proofs in 
the Inscriptions—Ferocious Gladiatorial Scenes between the 
Workingmen and Tigers, Lions, Bears, and Other Wild Beasts 
made compulsory by Roman Law. Page 401 


CHAPTER ΧΥΠΙ. 


TRADE UNIONS. 


THE ANCIENT CLOTHING-CUTTERS. 


How THE ANCIENTS WERE CLOTHED—The Unions of Fullers—Of 


ΟΟΝΤΕΜΩΩ OF CHAPTERS xxxiii 


Linen Weavers, Wool-carders, Cloth-combers—Inscriptions 
as Proof—Later Laws of Theodosius and Justinian Revised 
—Government Cloth Mills—What was Meant by Public 
Works—Who managed Manufactures—The Dyers—Old- 
fashioned Shoes of the Forefathters—How made—Origin of 
the Crispins—The Furriers’ Union—Roman Ladies and 
Fineries of Fur—The great Ragamuffin Trade—Their In- 
numerable Unions—Ragpickers of Antiquity—Origin of 
the Cenciajuole—Organization of the Real Tatterdemalions 
Origin of the Gypsies—Hypothesis. Pe 415 


CHAPTER XIX. 


TRADE UNIONS, 
THE PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN IMAGE-MAKERS. 


Organizations of People who worked for the Gods—Big and 
little Godsmiths—Their Unions object to the New Religion 
of Christianity because this, originally Repudiating Idol- 
atry, Ruined their Business—Compromise which Originated 
the Idolatry in the Church of to-day—The Cabatores— 
Unions of Ivory Workers—Of Bisellarii or Deity-Sedan- 
Makers—Of Imagemakers in Plaster—The Unguentarii or 
Unions of Perfumemakers—Holy Ointments and the Unions 
that manufactured them—Etruscan Trinketmakers—Book- 
binders—No Proof yet found of their Organization. Page428 


CHAPTER XX. 


TRADE UNIONS CONCLUDED. 
THE TAX-GATHERERS. FINAL REFLECTIONS. 


Unions of Collectors—A Vast Organized System with a Uni- 
form and Harmoniously Working Business—Trade Unions 
under Government Aid and Security—The Ager Publicus 
of Rome—True Golden Age of Organized Labor—Govern- 
ment Land—A prodigious Slave System their Enemy— 
Victims of the Slave System—Premonitions on the Coming 
of Jesus—Demand by His Teachings for Absolute Equality. 

Page 437 


xxxiv OONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. 


CHAPTER XXL 


ROMANS AND GREEKS. 


THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


Unions Or Romans anp GREEKs compared—Miscellaneous Soci- 
eties of Tradesmen—Shipcarpenters—Boatmen—V esselmak- 
ers—Millers—Organization of the Zwpanarii—Of the Anci- 
ent Firemen—Description of the Greek Fraternities—The 
EFranoi and Thiasoi—Strange Mixture of Piety and Business 
—Trade Unions of Syria and North Palestine—Their Offi- 
cers—Membership and Influence of Women—Large Num- 
bers of Communes in the Islands of the Eastern Mediterra- 
nean—Their Organizations Known and Described From their 
Inscriptions. 


OHAPTER XXIE 


THE ANCIENT BANNER. 


INCALCULABLY AGED FLAG OF LABOR. 


Tas Oxp, Old Crimson Ensign—An Emblem of Peace and Good 
Will to Man—Strange Power of Human Habit—Deseent ef 
the Red Banner through Primitive Culture— White and Azure 
the Colors of Mythical Angels, Grandees and Aristocrats— 
Colors for the Lowly without Family, Souls or other Serapbie 
Attributes—How the Red Vexillum was Stolen from Labor 
—Tricks which Compromised Peace Tenets of the Flag—The 
Flag at the Dawn of Labor’s Power—Testimony of Polybius 
—Of Livy—Of Plutarch—Causes of Working People’s Affec- 
tion for Red—The Emblem of Health and the Fruits of Toil 
—Ceres and Minerva their Protectresses and Mother-God- 
desses Wore the Flaming Red—Emblem of Strength and Vi- 
tality—Archzology in Proof—Their Color First Borrowed 
from Crimson Sun-Beams—More Light and less Darkness— 
White and Pale Hues for the Prieste—Origin of the Word 
‘«FLAG”—It is the Word-Root of “ Flame” a Red Color— 
Proofs Quoted—Medieval Banner in France and England— 
The Red of All Modern Flags Borrowed from that of the An- 
eient Unions—Disgraceful Ignoranes ef Medern Prejudice 
and Censure. 


CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. xxrv 
᾿ 


Evidence showing that the Early Christians were Members 
—Testimony of Philo—Of Eusebius—Facts Related by One 
of the Fathers—A Full Rendering—Numbers and Ways of 
the Secret Orders in and about Canaan at the Time of Christ 
—The Secret Order of Eranists—Inscriptions deciphered by 
Bockh and other Masters—-Tertulian’s Evidence—Community 
of Goods—The Hranistes and Thiasotes—Great Numbers of 
Secret Societies in Asia Minor and Syria. Page 276 


CHAPTER XXIII. 


Bene eB ak 1  ἸΝ Eis 


HER PRE-CHRISTIAN COMMUNES. 


Crapie oF a Mighty Reform—Acquisitiveness and Concupiscence 
in open Conflict with Irascibility and Sympathy—A new An- 
alysis of the Origin of the celebrated Movement in Judea— 
Communes of Palestine—Boundaries between the Lowly of 
Phoenicia, Judzea, Greece and Rome, Unrecognized—-Num- 
bers of the Organized About the Cradle of the Saviour—Diffi- 
culty of comprehending the true Import of the Judaic Idea 
in that Movement—Argument and Inscriptions Showing it 
to have been the Result of a long Line of Culture, Organiz- 
ation and Exveriment Page +3 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


oo LNA REV TE WwW. 


ANCIENT PLANS OF *“ BLESSED” GOVERNMENT. 


Way re Facts were Suppressed and the Books Mangled—Did 
our Hra rise out of the Great Labor Struggles—An Aston- 
ishing Probability Unmasked—Plants and Plans of the Dis- 
tant Past—Lycurgus—Reverential Criticism —His Funda- 
mental Error—The Citizens were the Nobles—Public Lands, 
Meals, Schools and Games—The Grotto of Taygetus—‘“ Hell 
Paved with Infants’ Bones” —A Model Young Gentleman— 


rxxvi CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS. 


His Introduction to the Ladies—An Earthquake believed to 
have been the Spartans’ Punishment for Cruelty to the 
Working People—The Poor and Lowly were called “Slave 
Souls”—The Great Aristotle’s C urse—Lucian’s Choice of a 
Trade—Even Plutarch Lampoons Them—Kings Planting 
oisons with which to Destroy Them—Prophets and Mes- 
1ans—Hunus the Prophet of Antioch—His Plap of Salvation 
—No Quarters— Wholesale Extinction of the Wealthy— What 
Succeeding Ages Learned from the Outcome of this Ordeal 
of Carnage —Plans of the Anarchists Taught Needful Lessons 
on Future Political Eeonomy—Drimakos—His Home of Run- 
away Angels in the Skies—How his Plan Worked—Desper- 
ate Plan of Aristonicus in Asia Minor which offers the Toilérs 
the Beatitude of being ‘ Citizens of the Sun *—Sad Outcome 
—Innocent Plan of Spartacus—His Ideal ‘‘ Salvation’’ was 
his Emancipation Proclamation and Armed Power to Enforce 
It—He Wanted to Go Home to the Green Hills of His Boy- 
hood—All these Plan-Makers were Messiahs and Prophets— 
“The Kings Kall the Prophets ”"—The Great Messiah at Last 
—lLong-Smothered Authors Dragged forth—Their own Ut- 
terances Quoted in the Living Tongue-—-Numerous Excerpts 
from their Books—Men Growing Wise in Their Understand- 
ing—The Vastness of the Revolution from the Pagan Cult ἡ 
which Denied the Majority Both Soul and Liberty, threw the 
Race into Bewilderment of Two Thousand Years of Trial 
and Doubt—Plans of the Founders of Government Reviewed 
—Kesemblance of Socrates and Jesus—Paralellisms Drawn 
—One Agitates by Simile the other, Allegory—Proof that, 
they were Both Creat Orators—Their Eloquence—Teaching 
Precepts that are just Becoming Applicable—The Intellect- 
ual Stagnation in after Ages a Natural Consequence upon a 
Revolution that Overturned the Great Pagan Cult—The Mo- 
hainmedan Reseue—London’s Socialism from Same Old Plant 
—What two Men Did in Twenty-five Centuries—Pagan Self- 
ishness Exhibited in Prayers—Very Ancient Prayers of{Our 
Germano-Aryan Mothers and Fathers—Specimens Quoted— 
Prayer of Alcestis—Of Other honest Pagans—AlII Based upon 
Self and Family—Prayer of Socrates to Pan for More Wisdom 
and Humility—Prayer of Juvenal for the Poor Slave’s De- 
liverance—Finally, after many Centuries, the Dying Prayer 
Begged the Pan of Socrates or Universal Father for Universal 
Cancellation, to fit the World for a New Era—The Relation 
of the Jews to the Labor Movement—The Romans, Mad at 
the Spread of the Christian Doctrines of Universal Equality, 
Take Vengeance in the Slaughter of the Jews—Progress of 
Ancient Invention—The Labor- saving Reaner -Gonclusion 


THE ANCIENT LOWLY. 


CHAPTER L 


TAINT OF LABOR 


, TRAITS AND PECULIARITIES OF RACES. 


Guizvance of the Working Classes—The Competitive System 
among the Ancients—Growing Change of Taste in Readers 
of History—Inscriptions and Suppressed Fragments more re- 
cently becoming Incentives to Reflecting Readers who Seek 
them as a Means to secure Facts—No true Democracy - No 
primeval Middle Class known to the Aryan Family—The 
Taint of Labor an Inheritance through the Pagan Religio- 
Political Economy. 


Stuvents of history appear to be of three distinct 
classes: first, those who examine it to enjoy the stir- 
ring scenes of war and the exhibit that it makes of pop- 
ular pageant, pomp and military genius; secondly, those 
who examine it with an object of gleaning facts regard- 
ing spiritual, ecclesiastical and other matters of reli- 
gion; and lastly those who search for recounted deeds as 
well as clues to tenets of social movements among man- 
kind. In this last, there has been an increasing interest 
since the beginning of the nineteenth century. 

_Among the precious obscurities sought by our genera- 
tion are historical fragments, obscure hints and allusions 
and queer paleographs on tablets of bronze, stone, earth- 
enware and other objects, containing inscriptions, symbols 
and embiems, even rulesshowing the existence of labor so- 
cieties all through the past civilization. Especially is re- 
search quickened in the hearts of a certain class of anti- 


quaries who are interested in the search of history, for its 
social phases. 


ἌΝ 


88 RACE PECULIARITIES. 


It is evident from all clues obtainable that in the open 
world there has never sxisted a social government. Ἐπ - 
forts have been made to prove that mankind at various 
intervals and at various points, once enjoyed conditions 
of life based so radically upon democratic laws as to γ6- 
semble those now advocated; but such examples do not 
bear the test of rigid investigation. Although there have 
existed republics and paternal governments they have 
been so tinged with patrician leadership on the one hand 
and patriarchal dictatorship on the other, as to render it - 
impossible to compare them with the socialism now advo- 
cated, where the lowly ascend and the lordly descend, to 
unite on a common level. The deep aim of these great 
struggles of our age known as the labor movement is to 
acquire and to enjoy complete and lasting co-operation. 
This co-operation, or brotherhood of life economies is ex- 
pected to be not only political but economical, changi 
both the government and the methods of creating an 
dispensing the means of life, from the competitive into 
the purely democratic or co-operative. A practical adop- 
tion of this mutualism by any tribe or branch of the hu- 
man family has probably never yet occurred and never 
has such a state of things existed except among those se- 
cretly organized, of whom we propose to treat. 

All the evidences combine to prove that the only meth- 
od societies have ever yet used, either in political or in 
economic life, is the competitive one; and as the change 
from the purely competitive into the purely co-operative 
involves little less than revolution, or to say the least, in- 
troversion, it becomes a study of gravest importance. 
In the remote past so meagre was the co-operative and 
so potent the competitive that there existed no interme- 
diary classes and conflicts were common in consequence. 
Roscher thinks that middlemen are an indispensable el- 
ement to peace; and it seems evident that his opinions 
are not without grounds, when applied to every stage of 
the competitive system in all known ages of the world. * 


ι prs @ Economie politique, Paris, 1857, pp. 175-6 ”Tant qu'il existe 
entre les riches et les pauvres une clsse intermédisire considSrable, l’influence 
morale qu’elie exerce sufiit pour empécher une collis.on’’. 


YAWNING ABYSS BETWEEN RICH AND POOR, 3% 


Glimpses of evidence reward the researchers into the 
early history of the laboring masses by establishing the 
fact that there primarily existed no middle class. But 
we find great numbers of freedmen or plebeians as early 
as 700 years before Christ. Men were originally divided 
into lords and servants. There were masters and there 
were slaves. The chasm between these two was an emp- 
ty pit so wide that no leap from one class to the other 
was considered either practicable or imaginable, As late 
as the sophists there appears a pronounced aversion to 
wage taking, especially in all business having for its ob- 
ject educational results. Plato abhorred a sophist who 
would work for wages. Public servants in the instruc- 
tion of philosophy and other branches of what was then 
an ordinary education, were despised when they allowed 
themselves to belittle their manhood and their calling by 
this ignoble pay. Plato received gifts from the rich but 
refused pay. He was a patrician or peer. A statesman 
of to-day who receives gifts and is not content with his 
salary is regarded with distrust and aversion, almost as 
great as that against wages in ancient times. One can ac- 
count for this metamorphosis of ethics only in the com- 
parative absence in those days of labor among patricians 
or managers. Although free mercenary soldiers were 
common who took wages for their recompense, and free 
hucksters and other petty dealers were known to exist, 
yet most labor of cultivation, of building, of housekeep- 
ing and aconsiderable amount of the labor of mechanics 
was performed by slaves. 

The law of Moses had partly abolished slavery among 
the Hebrews as early as B. C. 1400, probably on account 
of the contempt for that degradation which the Hebrews 
felt, after the deliverance from their protracted slavery 
in Egypt. It appears that the Hebrews were the chief 
originators and conservators of what is now known and 
advocated in the name of socialism; and their weird life, 
peculiar language, laws, struggles and inextinguishable 
nationality scintillate through many of the obcurities of 
history in a manner to command the wonder if not the 
awe of all lovers of democratic society. Especially does 
this remark apply when we consider the intensely and 


40 ANCIENT GRIEVANCES OF LABOR, 


bitterly opposite character of every other community or 
nationality with which the Hebrew race has ever come in 
contact. 

The Hebrew people were the Congregation and the 
place where they assembled was called the Tabernacle. 
The Pentateuch that records the great Jewish law, quite 
sufficiently explains that absolute liberty, or relative soci- 
alization was the law of Moses. Under no other code of 
Jaws have equal rights of man with man been possible 
among other contemporaneous nations or tribes; because 
the ethics of the family, the city or state, were grounded 
upon the competitive rather than the co-operative or mu- 
tual principle.’ Nearly all the ancients were fighters. 
The Hebrew branch of the great Semitic family scems to 
have been a partial exception. It is true that they had 
wars and competed with outsiders; but their peace-lov- 
ing traits within their own ranks, prevailed over warlike 
ones, probably somewhat as a result of their long captiv- 
ity in Egypt, but principally from the peaceful and hu- 
mane code of laws which they received from Moses. But 
it appears very certain that Jewish monotheism, together 
with the social or mutually protective habits of this peo- 
ple and their comparatively mild laws made them the ob-. 
ject of hatred among the more competitive and conse- 
quently fiercer nations with whom they came in contact. 

It is not then, from this Semitic branch of the human 
family that our struggling, warlike and competitive char- 
acteristics are derived. A close observation of the He- 
brews discloses that although they were often engaged 
in strifesit was generally because attacked. The aggress- 
iveness which characterizes mankind springs not from 
the Semitic so much as from the Aryan germ.‘ Two dis- 
tinct ideas have been contended for from the dimmest re- 
moteness either of the provable or the conjectural history. 
One is the co-operative, which means the mutually pro- 
tective or socialistic, the other the competitive or warlike 
and aggressive. 

poeriiiens, xix. Mann’s History of Ancient and Mediwval Republics, pp. 

8 Fustel de Coulanges, Cité Antique, Chap. 1. Croyances sur lame et sur 


mort. 
4The Phosnicians are excepted from this remark. 


A GREAT POWER UNRECOGNIZ4D. 41 


Through thousands of ages men have vigorously con- 
tended for these antipodal results, especially in Europe. 
They have contended for them through religious beliefs, 
through social inculcation and philosophy, through rig- 
id scholastic training, and through the most implacable 
hatreds, bloody persecutions and race-wars ever recorded 
in the annals of mankind. Until we become better ac- 
quainted with the history of the poor classes and divest 
ourselves of clouds that have hitherto obscured the vision 
of all historians; until we study the past especially the som- 
ber life and strange career of the Semitic family, from a 
standpoint of development or evolution, and analyze their 
strangely tenacious and persistent views unbiased by 
the views through which we are still taught to regard 
others; until we can catch the practical advantages of co- 
operation, mutually one with another and thoroughly see 
the savage nature of competitive life, must we remain 
blind to the true object which inspired the greatest ad- 
vent of this world;—the visit and labors at Palestine and 
the movement whose undying germs there planted the 
world still loves and cultivates. 

These words are expressed preliminarily to announcing 
facts which have perhaps never before been observed 
and certainly never enough considered:—that the Ary- 
an or Indo-European branch of the human race has al- 
ways, in private and in public life, in religion, in soci- 
ety conventionalism, in methods of reasoning and in its 
political economy, been competitive, whilst the Semitic 
branch has ever been co-operative. For thousands of 
years these two great families have lived over against 
each other, sometimes mixed, sometimes by themselves, 
have struggled and fought, have built up and torn down, 
each with its own inexorably fixed notions; and never 
as we shall prove, did they show anything like a fusion 
or even a conciliation of the two systems until three 
hundred years after the death of Christ. They are war- 
ring still; and the direct causes of this warfare as well 
as its direct results are the great labor movements of to- 
day. We hope in these pages to showthat the natural 
bent of the lowly majority of mankind is toward co-op- 


42 RACH PECULIARITIES. 


eration; that race hatreds ran so high that it became 
necessary to have an Intercessor or mediator to act be- 
tween the two races and their two ideas, in order to 
bring about a mutually co-operative system under which - 
the lar 96. majorities, including working people could bet- 
ter subsist. It became necessary to ‘have this Interces- 
sor not merely to arrange areligion based upon salvation 
of the soul or immortal principle, but more likely, as our 
train of ev τς goes to prove, to introduce an organiz- 

able method for the economic salvation of the downtrod- 
aes and realize practically the promised “Heaven on 
earth.” 

We :nean by this that from the days of Moses, dating 
something above fourteen hundred years before Christ, 
there have existed two distinetly opposite sets of ideas or 
of thought upon which mankind—the arrogant blooded 
family with its competition on the one hand and the slave 
with his rebellions, and freedman with his formidable un- 
ions on the other—have been struggling to build up civil- 
izations. The transition from a completely competitive 
to a mutually co-operative system involved complete rev- 
olution. The channels in which human thought has run 
since man has been a mere animal, occupying as the the- 
ory of evolution daringly asserts, a hundred thousand or 
more of years, have, except in the case ofthe persecuted 
and sometimes almost exterminated unions, been purely 
competitive. 

The competitive is the oldest system known. It is pro- 
foundly aged. It is the system employed by all living be- 
ings by which to procure for individuals, each for itself and 
its species, the means wherewith to subsist. It is, with- 
out the least shadow of doubt, the original. It consists 
in methods of the individual, whether a weed, a tree, fox, 
reptile, hawk or human being, of subsisting, as an isola- 
ted creature or ego, independently of others. It has recog- 
nized self as uppermost and taken upon its own respon- 
sibility for others’ sake their care only for gratification of 
self, as that manifested in preservation of species. 

Back in the remote past, as reason began to dawn upon 
creeping cayve-dwellers or troglodytes of our race, when 


TWO ANTAGONISTICAL SYSTEMS. 43 


thought was inspired by suspicion and methods of subsist- 
ence were based upon cuuuing, nature, in the vagueness 
of his understanding was full of terrors. As he began to 
realize the ceitainty of death, man established the first re- 
ligion; but it was purely upon the competitive basis, al- 
ways with this aristocratical ego uppermost. 

Not until uncounted ages had passed, nor until this pa- 
gan religion was inconceivably old did another appear, 
arising from the mutually protective or co-operative idea. 
This was at so late a period that by groping back into the 
misty past, we are enabled to know its founder and trace 
its history. That it was an innovation, intolerably anti- 
thetical to this more aged, original conipetition or brute- 
force underlying and inspiring both business and religion is 
proved by the hatreds borne against it, which have so 
stamped themselves, not so much upon the religion as up- 
on the whole race that kindled its flame, spoke its tongue 
aud cherished its ideas. 

The great struggle going on to-day seems best under- 
stood by the laborer. Persons brought up under the 
purely competitive system which governs human affairs, 
see with difficulty the idea of true socialism; but the Jews 
even of our day, grasp it with ease. We are at a loss to 
comprehend this. Why should the two founders of the 
labor party in Germany have arrived while young, at the 
same conception of a method which involves a revolution 
from the prevailing ideas of political economy? Marx and 
Lasselle had been born and educated under the Mosaic 
law. Ricardo, a Jewish speculator in stocks, was brought 
up in strict obedience to the Jewish law by his father; but 
finding the Hebrew doctrine very adverse to his specula- 
tive tendencies, notions of wages and political economy, he 
withdrew or seceded from his ancestral religion and join- 
ed the more numerous ranks of the competitive one.*® 

The Mosaic Law, divested of its idiosyneracies such as 


5866 Prof. Ely’s French and German Socialisms; Chap. xii. pp. 189-203; 
Lassalle’s Allgemeiner Dautscher Arbeiter Verein. Ferdinand Lassalle and Kari 
Marx were Jews; and it is conjectured that their ease in comprehending the 
true theories of the working people eminated from their early training, 

@McCulloch, Introduction to The Life of Ricardo: london, 1576, 


4 RACH PECULIARITIES. 


thirty-two hundred years ago, when men were simpler, 
were suitable enough, condensed into fair English, reads 
about as follows: 

It is compulsory upon every man to stand in awe and 
obedience before father and mother and to keep the sab- 
bath. Do not turn in favor of idols nor make molten 
gods for your worship. ΑἸ] sacrifice of a peace offering 
must be offered of your own free will, and eaten the same 
day and the next; for if any of it remain until the third, 
it must be burned as unhallowed and abominable. 

When you reap the harvests of your land, leave some 
in the corners of the field and do not gather the glean- 
ings of the harvest nor glean the vineyards. Leave some- 
thing for the poor and the stranger.’ All stealing, false 
dealing and lying, one to another are forbidden. You 
must not swear by my name falsely nor profane it. You 
are forbidden to defraud or rob your neighbor. Pay with- 
out delay the wages agreed upon, to those whom you en- 
gage to labor for you. Never ill-treat the deaf nor put a 
stumbling block before the blind, Be careful and dis- 
creet in your judgmcnt and your word of honor, treating 
neighbors with righteous equality. Never go about tale- 
bearing among the people, nor stir feuds with neighbors. 
To hate your brother is forbidden and to prevent him 
from falling into error you should call his sttention to 
his fault. Abstain from revenges and grudges against 
the people and love your neighbor as yourself. Cultivate 
your stock after the natural law of selection. Let the 
seed of your fields be pure. Let your garments be un- 
mixed; if linen, let them be of pure linen; if wool, let 
them be all wool. 

Then follow many details minutely describing what 
constitutes crime and what the punishment. Many of 
the punishments, while probably in very good keeping 
with an early and semi-barbarous age, appear to us bru- 
tal nd distastefulin the extreme. The severe punishment 
or death* visited upon all who defiled the peculiar people 
by mixing their blood with Moloch,’ has gone far toward 
preserving the Hebrew stock from admixture with other 
races of mankind. The purity with which the Jews have 


7 Leviticus, xxiii. 22. 8 Leviticus. xx. 2. 7. 9 Leviticus, xxi 14 


RELIGION AND TOIL UNAVOIDABLY MIXED, 46 


thus maintained themselves amid vicissitudes, such as 
would have swallowed up and annihilated any other fam- 
ily of the human race, is readily pronounced one of the 
most remarkable phenomena encountered in the study of 
ethnology. The command is severe against witch, wiz- 
zard and spirit-worship.” This must be partly accounted 
for by the fact that the Egyptians, under whose domina- 
tiou the Jews had chafed for 400 years as slaves, were 
among the most superstitious in their belief in, and wor- 
ship of all sorts of prestigiation. Charms, incantations, 
witchcraft and all the sleights of the wand were so pop- 
ular that the art was for ages interwoven with their reli- 
gion. However much we may desire to ignore all men- 
tion of religion in this history of the ancient lowly, we 
find this impossible because of the prevalence of priest- 
power and dictum in political economy. The Hebrews 
were the only ancients who worshiped one deity; and 
as that deity is represented to be the very one who 
dictated the law of Moses, he would naturally be severe 
against false gods. “I am ajealous God,” isan expression 
often repeated in the bible;” and such a one in giving a 
code of laws for the government of men would scarcely do 
otherwise than make idolatry a crime. Immodesty also 
receives a full share of condemnation from the great He- 
brew law, which thoroughly defines * what constitutes 
unrefined or immodest actions. 

It is thus seen that a lofty spirit of chastity and of mor- 
al purity is inculcated into all the Mosaic law. ‘There is 
nothing in it that binds the Jews to the practice of any- 
thing lke close community of goods. The law of Moses 
is not communistical. Competitive methods then as now, 
were the reigning ones. But the law was mutually pro- 
tective. The condition of society to-day is toned in a 
great measure by the practice of the demands of this aged 
code, Nearly all of the above cited paragraphs are now 
being obeyed by us; and they act alike, among Jew and 


10 Leviticus, xx. 6. Witch hanging by our fore-fathers originates here. 
11 By this is meant; one animate, all-powerful being. Ancient Helioiry and 
other Pagan forms, most of which treated the wurking class with contempt 
and cruelty as we shall show, paid homage to inanimate, representative gods. 
12 Exodus, xx. 5. 13 Leviticus, xx. 11, 


48 RACE PECULIARITIES. 


gentile, an effective part in keeping our civilization pure. 
The command” that the people when harvesting their 
erain and grapes, should not forget those who are less 
fortunate, but should leave some for them, is a touching 
rebuke to the niggardly system of these more enlighten- 
ed times. One remarkable habit, that of buying and sell- 
ing, owning and profiling upon slaves, even of their own 
kindred,” seems inconsistent and cannot again enter into 
practice. It also, to our critical understanding, brings 
into severe reproach and doubt the sacred or divine au- 
thorship of the law of Moses. Jesus rectified all this. 

Most of the customs of the Hebrews are fixed. The 
same rules established in Palestine thirty-two hundred 
years ago are still adhered to. It is true that at that time 
Judea was a farming or pastoral country; and that the 
Jews of to-day, having been separated by defeat and per- 
secution, scattered and distributed to all portions of the 
world, cannot continue their original pastoral and agricul- 
tural vocations and so have become merchants and mon- 
ey-lenders and have assumed the various methods of ob- 
taining a living similarly to other people. It is also true 
that being thus isolated, having no country, and obliged 
to exist in the competitive world, under the competitive 
idea, they act among outsiders competitively.* This they 
do; and they do it thoroughly. 


l4Leviticus xix. 9, 10. Exodus xxi. 2—8. Our object in bring. 
{ng the Jewish question in here, Is to arrange the groundwork before bringing 
forward the great movements of the lowly, enslaved working people, who, as 
will be seen, had not only their grievance but their distinct Plans of Salvation 
from trouble, which they for ages followed. 

leSee Millman, History of the Jews. 


tli 9) 
] 


ΜΝ} 


CHAPTER IL 


THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 
THEIR COMPETITIVE SYSTEM. 


Retraron and Politics of the Indo-Europeans Identical—Reason 
for Religion mixing with Movements of Labor—The father 
the Original Slaveholder—His Children the Original Slaves 
—Both the Law and Religion empowered him to Kill them 
—Work of Conscience in the Labor Problem. 


History began to register facts and to throw its ear- 
liest light on the actions of the human race about the 
time that slavery began to take its leave. But enough of 
the slave system always remained to cast its dark shad- 
ows upon life. There had, previously to the historic rec- 
ord and ages before the breaking up of slavery, been an 
immense, en immeasurable period of time through whose 
trackless swamps humanity had trod; for the weak, uncer- 
tain story of a once happy reign of Neptune,’ we are for- 
ced to ignore for want of evidence. When we reflect that 
there were freedmen or emancipated slaves two thousand 
years before the beginning of the Christian era, and that 
consequently the laboring classes have been strugglin 
for four thousand years, writhing out from their slave fet- 


1Plato says (Laws, iv. 6, Bekk., L. ed.), that a great while before 
cities were ever built, as is told, and during the reign of Saturn, there ex- 
{sted a certain extremely happy mode of government to regulate the dwell- 
ing of men..... It had all things unrestrained, yielding spontaneously..... It 
was governed by Dzmons of a diviner, more perfect race. Plutarch (Nw 
ma Pompilius), also speaks of such 8 time and states that Numa desired to 
bring back those happy days to men. Plutarch (De Definitione Oraculorum 
18,), also says that Saturn slept on an island of the biessed. But it was 
in ancient Italy, Cf, Dionysius of MHalicarnassus, (Anizquitates Romane, 
i., 34,). that the mythical saturn and Janus chained down the god of war 
and cloced the temples against belligerency and want. The conclusion, af& 
ter all our research is, that the whole story is a myth based upon the well 
know : longings which gave shape to thousands of Utopias and Measiabs. 


48 INDO-EUROPEAN LABOR. 


ters without having yet fully succeeded, we may at least, 
establish a basis of conjecture as to the time it required 
for the laboring denizens of the ancient slave system to 
grow to a conception of manhood and womanhood, suffi- 
cient to break their first bonds. Of the purely slave epoch 
which preceded the art of annals we have little but con- 
jecture. There must have been a comparatively high civ- 
ilization at the dawn of manumissions, where history and 
archeology find human society and begin gracefully to 
transmit to us its deeds. An inconceivable space of time 
must have intervened. Let us attempt to make history 
for the laboring classes from conjectural data in order 
to connect the link binding the known with those dark 


_ abysses of the unknown in antiquity. 


The supposed original cradle of the Aryan family from 
which comes the Caucasian or Indo-European type, is 


| Central Asia. Greeks and Romans were Aryan Europe- 


ans; Arabs or Ishmaelites, Jews or Hebrews, and Phoeni- 


- cians belonged to the Semitic family. We have already 


seen that the Semitic races, especially the Jews, were us- 
ing a low and very imperfect and unsatisfactory form of 
the co-operative ideal in place of the Pagan or purely 
competitive one, as a basis upon which to build their so- 
ciety and their civilization. The Aryans, especially the 
Greeks and Romans on the contrary, built their society 
and their civilization upon the extreme competitive idea. 
The one ever was and is, mutual, interacting, loving, char- 
itable, rigidly reverential and non-destructive; the other 
fierce, warlike, excessively egoistic, combative and destruc- 
tive. Both brave, lofty, intelligent, capable, and suscep- 
tible of a higher development of physical type and of 
intellectual culture than any other branches of the hu- 


/man race? 


It appears from all the evidences that the first form of 
society was that of masters and slaves.* The extreme 


2Under the ancient idea, religion which governed political as well as 
private habits, was exclusively based upon man-worship. Zens or Jupiter 
was a man god. Daemons or Lares were dead men, imagined, all through 
Pagan times to be still influential for good or evil. Cf. Pausanias, Descip- 
tio Grecie, ν. 14 At oreupe the first two prayers were offered at the 
focal fire, always burning in honor of these dead men and of Zeus. 

3Granier de Cassagnac, Histoire des Classes Ouvritres et des Classes 
Bourgeoises, Chaps, iii. iv. VW. 


ORIGIN OF BONDAGE. 49 


lowliness of the laboring man’s condition at that remote 
period can easily be imagined when we consider that all 
the children of the aristocratic household except the old- 
est son born of the real wife and legal mother, were to- 
tally unrecognized by law. All except this heir? were 
originally slaves. In fact this was the origin of slaver Υ; 
The first human law was, long before being written, ἃ law 
of entailment upon primogeniture. When the patrician 
or owner of the property, which in those times, mostly 
consisted of lands, died, the property did not fall to the 
children or by testament, as 15 now the case. It fell to 
the oldest male child. No other person of that house- 
hold had any claim upon it. The deceased father may 
have had many other children, but these became subjects 
to the manor; and frequently they were very numerous.‘ 

This eldest son and inheritor was, by usage of that 
day, obliged to bury his father within the house or court 
and worship him as a god, ‘Lhe original workingman was 
not even a citizen.’ There is no lack of testimony regard- 
ing this curious custom which was really the religion 
and the rule or groundwork upon which stood the anci- 
ent competitive regulation of labor. Let us now trace 
this new family in order to get at the origin and perpet- 
vation of human slavery. 

There being in primitive ages no power as now exists, 
behind this new heir and administrator or despot of the 
paternity, he easily becomes an absolute lord or monarch. 
To make this unjust and wonderful civilization appear 
more comprehensible and home-like, we may assume fa- 
miliar names. A rich farmer, one who has inherited his 
property from his father, dies, leaving many children, 


4Fustel de Coulange, Cité Antique, c. vii. pp. 76—89 Droit de Success- 
ton. Granier, Hist. des Classes Ouvritres, p. 69: ‘‘Ainsi, nous ponyons 
dire maintenant que nous avons trouvé les premiers esclaves qui furent; 
οὗ étaient les enfants.” As to the great numbers in families, see Iliad, 
EXON Voave “400. {0.7.9 
Πεντήκοντά μοι ἧσαν, or’ ἥλυθον υἷες A’ χαιῶν 
ἙΕ᾽ννεακαίδεκα μέν μοι iis εκ νηδύος ἦσαν, 
Τόὐς ἄλλους μοι ετικτον ἐνὶ μεγάροισι γυναῖκες. - 
So also Plutarch, TJieseus, 3, says that Pallas had 50 children. Gideon 
had 70, according to Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, Book V. Chapter ix. 
Apson had 60; Jair 30 children. 
5 Biicher, Αμβιᾶπας der unfreien Arbeiter, S. 11. “Per beste (antike) 
Staat schliesst die Arbeiter vom Biirgerrechte aus; und wo sie dassclbe er- 
halten konnten, blieben sie steis eine misachtete und einiuss’ose Klasse.” 


. 


50 INDO-EUROPEAN LABOR. 


boys and girls. There may be several daughters senior 
to his oldest son. This latter, however, because the first- 
born male, comes into sole possession of the paternal es- 
tate. The girls are of a sympathetic, unsuspecting na- 
ture and being also less physically powerful, they make 
little or no resistance. The boys are young; and being 
in this tender age are, after a certain amount of struggle, 
in shape of battles, with words and other weapons, also 
compelled to yield. This bully moreover to accomplish 
his purpose, also draws upon the superstition of the un- 
fortunate children and hides the wickedness of his avar- 
ice behind the sanctuary of religious rites over their dead 
father who practiced the same cunning, force and craft 
before. The bully thus originated the great law of en- 
tailment upon primogeniture, and has never once loosen- 
ed his grip to this day. ) 

To resume our home-drawn, practical illustration of the 
origin of this ancient law of usurpation, it may be said, 
that not a penny can possibly fall to one of the many sis- 
ters and brothers thus cast out, although they had con- 
tributed their labor toward the creation of the estate. He 
becomes the supreme ruler over the property. By vir- 
tue of the arrogant law of primogeniture, ancient and 
hallowed as the adoration of the vestal fires, this unique 
successor becomes, without formality, the monarch. But 
his possessorship is not confined to the ownership of the 
real estate of the paternity. He also owns the stock and 
fixtures thereto belonging. Among the rest of the stock 
and fixtures are the brothers and sisters; both those who 
are pure, or born of his own mother whose character and 
chastity, especially in ancient times, were always beyond 
reproach, and also those more numerous children other- 
wise born. These all fall to him also, as part of the in- 
heritance! He is monarch absolute.?’ He has become a 
pater familias; and as such, has the power of his father 
before him. No law exists that can restrict his will. 


6In ancient days, as shown in note 4, they were often very numerous 
For the law giving license to concubinage, see Gaius, Zwelve Tables. 

7 Dionysius of Halcarnassus, Archeologia Romana, or Roman oer ree 
liber II. cap. 25; Seven Essays on Ancient Greece, Oxford. 1882, 
52: “The state gave parents the power, atrocious and unnatural, to 
kill them; he—the father—could refuse to preserve and rear his own off- 
spring.” See likewise Aristotle, Politic, 


THE ANCIENT COULD KILL HIS CHILD. 51 


ΗΘ cannot liberate his poor slaves ;—for it is an assum- 
ed episode in prehistoric conditions that we are describ- 
ing; it antedates the era of manumissions, although the 
same wrongs existed long afterwards. but he can pun- 
ish his own slaves—his brother, sister or his child—with 
death. He can sell them. He can whip them and im- 
pose upon them the most cruel of tortures. Tiger or 
lamb is his option. 

His religion is as aristocratical, as brutal and exclusive 
as his economic and social policy. Unlike the mild dem- 
ocracy infused into the worship of present civilizations, 
his religion cannot tolerate even the thought that all may 
do homage at a common shrine or adore a common Fath- 
er. Ὁ allow this would be to cancel the distinction be- 
tween master and slave.* The father of this autocrat, 
buried under the hearthstone, has himself become the 
only god whom thisman may worship. Thus every nerve 
is active in perpetuating, glorifying and rendering aristo- 
cratic and lordly the prestige of his house.* ‘The sacred 
altar is his father’s grave over which is kept a fire that 
is never allowed to be extinguished. His own father 
thus becomes his tutelary god and guardian, watching, 
like a veritable spook, with a jealous eye over his inter- 
ests. Should this sacred fire be extinguished, the acci- 
dent is punished with an ignominious death.” This par- 
ent-god, like the man when walking on this earth, is be- 
lieved to be subject to hunger and thirst. He-must con- 
sequently be fed with actual food; with bread and wine, 
butter, honey and the purest delicacies of the table. If 
this be neglected, the propitious smiles and favors which 


8Fustel de Coulanges, Cité Antique, chap. iv. p. 38. Here this student 
explains the Pagan mode of sacrifice, including the whimsical old sn- 
perstition of the Lares, or the remains of said parent after burial, to 
which this living heir gave offerings of food, such as milk, clarified 
butter, wine, ect. 

9In Greek, this altar was called Bwyds and Ἑστία; in Latin, Ara, 
Focus—the focus of all thoughts; prayer, moral concern; the shrine. 

10 This statement is not absolutely exact: for the fires were, ot. cer- 
tain rare occasions, renovated. See Fustel, Cité Antique, Ὁ. 23, Feu sacré. 

11 Centuries afterwards, when there had become many such aristocratic 
houses, such masters as were friendly with each other, found it necessary for 
mutual protection iargely from the wrath of these very outcasts, to form 
a city of aristocratic houses. A central city-altar or focus was adopted, 
a central city-fire kindled and a Vigil or maiden watcher was stationed, 
to keep its fires glowing forever. Punishment of a most horrible death was 
i.tlieted upon her for letting these sacred fires die out. 


La ae cs EOE 


52 INDO-EUROPEAN LABOR, 


prayer invokes, are turned, by the slighted and angry 
ghost against the perpetrators of the negligence The 
law of agnation or descent in the male line, rules severe- 
ly in this family; and consequently the female portions 
of it are the especial objects of the master’s power. The 
lord himself being supreme, may commit acts of libertin- 
ism such as would consign others to the punishment of 
death. Should his wife, the mater familias, vary from 
the rules of family regularity, it would place in doubt 
the descent of the paternity. It would cause it to be- 
come a question whether her first-born son, the inheritor, 
were really his own and of the pure blood—the agnate. 
Should the deception be so veiled as to escape the mas- 
ter’s knowledge, there yet remains a still more terrible 
source of disclosure. The buried gods themselves, om- 
nipotent and omniscient, jealous and disturbed, feeling the 
dignity of their noble line defiled,” their august preroga- 
tives encroached upon by a pretender who might in turn 
at death usurp the beatitudes of the penates® and the 
holy altar, are aroused. Conscience in the guilty mother 
becomes too galling to permit of life’s longer endurance 
and death must be the consequence after the confession, 
and the error rectified by the destruction of the intruder. 
Here is the key to that extraordinary tenacity of ancient 
ladies in wedlock with the noble or gens families, to vir- 
tue.* The Lares, or redoubtable ghosts, are, as we now 
begin to understand, charged with the office of chastizinz 
such criminals ; also of watching all the thoughts, words 
and deeds going on in the sacred penetralia—penates—of 
the living lord’s household. So egotistical and selfish is 
this religious culture that none but the family can pray 
at that altar and no one can be prayed for except mem- 
bers who have beeu in high standing. A thing so degrad- 
ed as a being compelled to subsist by labor has no place 
there, nofamily,no shrine. Family initiation made it worse. 

But we have only entered upon the description of this 
despot. His most revolting attributes are yet to be put 
into history. All the creatures of his household, with 


12 From this may be traced the origin of blood-distinctions still boasted 
ofand tenaciously cultivated ; in dynasties, as divine right ; in families, as pres- 
tige, The horror against this sin was inexpressible ; and # liagon with one 
of the outcasts rendered the crime trebly henious, 

13See Livy’s Lay of Lucretia. 14 Plutarch, Questiones Romane, 51, 


ORIGIN Of PRIESTCRAFT. 53 


the exception of the noble mother and her first-born male 
child, are slaves. They may be, as we have said, broth- 
ers and sisters, or even children born to amorous coercion” 
of this thus privileged despot; yet they have no claim to 
anything but his sympathies. Having no legalized rights 
they are menials; left without education they become 
sycophantic and unmanly. Their food is coarse. Only 
the lord and lady of the house are entitled to wheat bread. 
They are glad to get peas and second-rate bread." Should 
too many infants be born, a council is called and it is de- 
liberated whether the little innocents shall be saved or 
killed.” The children being slaves, are not supposed to 


be suppli¢d with a thing so dignifying as.a_soul.”The 
ee ono ens For a slave or a strang- 
‘ef to enter the apartments of this lord, is an offense, impi- 
ous and unpardonable. ‘The lord’s own parents and an- 
cestors before them for generations back, are buried un- 
der this enclosure soul and body; and their jealous manes 
or ghosts,” are believed to be omnipresent and on guard, 
with power to repel or punish the sacrilege. The man- 
or house is situated within the holy court. The common 
slaves and the children constituting the true laboring ele- 
ment, are taught the most extreme reverence. Should 
they violate any of the rigorous rules they are subject to 
punishment; if the lord of the manor wills it, with death. 
Thus deep superstition, hard, unpaid labor, hard fare and 
degradation are enforced by the cunning wiles of priest- 
craft; for love of profits from labor seems to originate or 
urge ancient priest-power. This superstition is the more 
necessarily rigorous, since lack of faith is known to be 
dangerous, leading to sedition and rebellion. 


15 Fustel de Coulanges, Cité Antique, I. c, 1.-ἶν, Antiques Croyances, From 
these phenomena of the ancient family may be traced the origin of the belief 
in ghosts, spooks, spectres, haunted abodes etc.; idem, pp. 127-30 

16 Plutarch, Solon, xiii. 17 Horace, Epistole, lib. 11. Hpist. i. v. 123: 
“Vivit siiiquis et pane secundo.’’ Poor fare for labor continued late. Of 
course, where much harmony and love existed the despot could be generons. 

18 This practice held good among the Dorians even after Greeks began 
to acquire the art of making historical records. See Plutarch, Lycurgus, xvi 

19 Homer, Odyssey, lib, XVII, ‘The passage here alluded to refers to a 
comparatively enlightened period, As late as Plato, when emancipations 
and resistance had created a middle class, it was doubted whether working- 
people had all of the attributes recognized in true members of the human 
family. Cf. Plato, Rep. vi. 9; Ixxi. Lows, vi: Womer, Odyssey, xvii. 332. 
Plato wanted slaves and believed in the inferiority of all Jaborers 

20 Cicero, Pro Domo; Tusculanarum Disputationum Libri, 1. 18; “Sub terra 
censel ant ieliquiam vitam agi mortuorum.” LHuri, ides, Alestis, 168; Hecuba. 


54 INDO-EUROPEAN LABOR. 


The lord of the estate permits of no social or religious 
mixtures with other people or other estates, There are no 
tenants, no neighbors, and consequently few sociabilities. 
Egoism is so severe that little of the kind can be tolerated, 
it is master and slave; no intermediaries. Communities 
are unknown. Promiscuity which makes the village,” the 
community, the social gathering, the free sports of chil- 
dren and general merriment are interdicted by this pro- 
found solemnity based upon an adoration of, and implicit 
obedience in one central ruler; a man who is the inherit- 
or; who, by virtue of this inheritance giving him power, 
and of this egoism giving him will, assumes, as through 
the countless ages his ancestors assumed, to be the sole 
_ owner in life, and the immortal to be worshiped, caressed, 
 entreated, propitiated, glorified, after death !* 

We have thus described, as if actually existing among 
us at present, a scene whose stage was once this earth;* 
whose unhappy actors were workingmen and women and 
whose managers were then as now, the capitalists; a scene 
which mankind, grace to an eternal resistance, in turmoils, 
servile wars, and innumerable social communes, has largely 
outgrown. It isa scene which no civilized society could 
at present tolerate. Yet it was the almost all-prevailing one 
among mankind of the distant past in Greece and Italy. 

Lordship, therefore, was the very first condition in the 
establishment of society; slavery its antithesis, the sec- 
ond. Of the middle class occupying the great gap wide- 
ly separating the lord from the slave there was none. 


21 The ancient house was sitnated within the sacred enclosure, This enclos- 
ure was divided, among the Greeks, into two parts; the first being the court. 
The house was in the second part ‘The sacred focus was placed near the cen- 
ter of the enclosure, It was consequently at the foot of the court, near the 
entrance of the house. The Romans had it differently, though essentially the 
game. The focus remained, as in Greece, in the center of the enclosure, but the 
build ings were placed around it leaving an inner court; the walls of the houses 
rising around it on all sides, he Greeks used to say that religion taught them 
how to build houses. Fustel de Conlanges, Cité Antique, pp. 62—85. 

22In Greek the ἑστία δεσποινα, in Latin the Lar familiaris, were key-words 
of the ancient pagan family. Etymologically this is the origin of the term despot. 

23We have not space to make copious quotations from the numerous au- 
thors whose descr.jtions and hints we have ransacked in search of the proof 
of this condition of ancient affairs ; but recommend the doubtful to the following 
commentators and original writers: Granier de Csssagnac, Histoire des Classes 
Ouvrizres &c. Chapters iii. iv v. De Covlanges, Cité Antique, passim ; to the ρυ- 
ems of Homer; to almost any of the voluminous works of Cicero; to the Ora 
tions of Demosthenes; to Orellis Inscriptionum Collectio ; to Béckh’s Corpus Jn- 
scriplionum Grecarum ; to Euripides, Alcestis and especially Hecuba, passim; tc 
Plato’s Creatiom, Protag. 30-4, Theat. 30-2, Rep. 21: to Pausanias, Descriplio Gre 
wa; to Macrobius, Somnium Scipionis é Saturnaliorum Libri and many others. 


ON THE ORIGINAL STRIKE. 55 


That came later. For fully six thousand years it has been 
growing more and more numerous until in the nineteenth 
century it may be said to have almost filled the great cay- 
ity and is now pressing in all directions to force the ex- 
tinction of both those aged originals. 

Theoretically, this middle or intermediary class betwixt 
lord and menial, owner and outcast, immortal and perish- 
able, is perfect; occupying the ambrosial vales of Utopia 
where men are no longer struggling for existence against 
despotism, ignorance and death. In theory we should sup- 
pose it an altruistic state in which men looking upward to 
wisdom and mutual love, and backward to past ignorance 
and competitive greed and hatreds, would erect their so- 
ciety and their government upon a pian wherein neither 
lords nor menials could have law or foothold. Such would 
be the revolution realized—the revolution that began with 
manumissions, But practically—although many are dream- 
ing of this ultimatum—we are far from it. Lords still 
exist though with milder domination and slaves yet remain 
though on a higher plain. 

M. de Laveleye informs us that communities held lands 
in common for the people in times past“ and cites an 
abundance of instances in proof; but while this may all be 
true, it is none the less true that the original condition was 
that of masters and slaves. Particularly was this the case 
with the people from whose records we extract these data 
—the Aryan race. It is the perfectly natural condition, 
explainable in the theory of development. In the Aryan, 
especially its Indo-European type, we see the original the- 
ory of development verifed; and it comes to us from pre- 
historic data which philology, archeeology and reason har- 
moniously combine to verify. What would man, primi- 
tively a wild animal, naturally do? Would he not be just 
hke all animals? It wants only the observation of an hour 
to note that a group of barnyard fowls, soon after being 
put into a yard begin fighting for mastery or lordship ; 
and this conflict will not stop until the strongest, clever- 
est chanticleer has mastered every adversary. This also 


_ Ἢ De Laveleye, Primitve Property, pp. 137. In attempting to prove these no- 
tions about primitive property, thig author is confronted at the outset, with the 
fact that he is seeking to rebut the principle of development; his village com- 
munities are a late, not a “primitive” condition. 


ὅδ᾽ INDO-EUROPEAN LABOR, 


must be said of a herd of cattle grazing on a common. 
The strongest steer, after a full test of its muscular 
forces, becomes master of the flock and remains so. 
With perfect truth it might be further remarked that 
should no individual of the herd be of the male gender, 
the contest for mastery will be between the heifers ; thus 
seeming to prove the principle of the survival of the fittest 
without any reference to the instinct of perpetuation of 
species. Even plants, in their struggle for existence are 
constantly in the competitive field, warring with each 
other—the tares rooting out the wheat—until the hand 
of the reasoning cultivator lays low the obnoxious weeds. 
Thus it is shown that the principle of individual ascend- 
ency with its acknowledgement, is the original and nat- 
ural one. It is the guiriture dominium. The law of nat- 
ural selections and survival of the fittest applies without 
the aid of reason. Naturalists who have lavished great 
care and honest pains in search of proof of this philosophy 
in plants, animals and men,” have scarcely brought their in- 
vestigations to bear upon that new, almost supernal power 
of reason, which some admit to have come later, as a re- 
sult of evolution. 

If we are allowed to tread the penetralia of this philos- 
ophy with the eye and ear of a critic we shall find in the 
law of natural selections the bed rock of brute competi- 
tion. While beholding this with the conviction of its 
truth and forced to admit it as the fiat of growth, we 
shall see that it rests upon the toppling trestles of brute 
force. We shall find that the superstructure resting 
upon these abutments is time-worn and rotton. Itsspans 
are becoming unsafe; its planking hoof-worn; its string- 
ers sway with the winds of newer things and we find our- 
selves dizzy peering into the angry foam of progress be- 
low. As long as there are only masters and slaves the 
strongest brutes may survive; but when the new idea of 
manumission arrived which was forced upon the masters 
by the growth of population, the survival of the fittest 
changed hands. If we accept the doctrine of natural 


5 We here incorrectly place man above animals in are to the egoism 
he has not outgro pecially is man to be considered and classed among 
animals under She philosophy οὗ the fittest, since this very survival is oe 
the result of the competitive struggle, akin to brute force and antedating the 

milder forces of reason. 


ORIGIN OF HUMAN SYMPATHY. 5? 


selection based upon brute force we accept the survival of 
the fittest as its corollary. So long as the doctrine is so 
based it remains undeniably true. Reason is not there. 

But with the advent of reason there came also sym- 
pathy, civilization, enlightenment; and these have already 
so filled the world with mutual or altruistic sentiment that 
the working classes of both Europe and America are now 
combining with a determination to drive from the world 
the whole brute force upon which the old theory is based. 
They will not longer hear to the competitive principle 
which holds up the shrewdest and strongest as fittest to 
survive. They demand the extinction of competitory 
force and insist upon equal opportunities for co-operation 
such as will result in the survival of all. They are thus 
ushering in the era of reason. In disenthralling their 
species from the competitive system of the isolated in- 
dividual and establishing them on the co-operative or al- 
truistic system they procure the revolution. They usher 
in the era of the survival of all and banish from the world 
the culture of darlings, the reign of partiality, the pres- 
tige of masters and ‘the servility of slaves. But as force 
lies at the bottom of the law of natural selections and the 
survival of the fittest, so reason, its moral antithesis, must 
be the bottom rock upon which the new mutualism is 
founded, 

We cannot leave this theoretical dissertation without 
some reflections upon the ghastly immorality and the re- 
turn to insatiate selfishness which this new philosophy of 
the survival of the fittest inculcates; and must submit 

“that it not only logically inculcates an arid dreariness of 
words, but has already produced and is producing wither- 
ing and demoralizing effects. We shall submit that the 
religion of Jesus, planted by a manual laborer and form- / 
ing the basis of hope upon which stands the great labor | 
movement of our own time has been severely attacked, | 
stamped as a calamity and trodden under foot, notwith-| 
standing the fact that this plan of faith has been the power, 
that openly struck the first well organized blow at the) 
system of masters and slaves and boldly championed it \ 
as a principle; and in essence it has never since shrunk | 
from its prodigious task toward realizing the much con- | 
tested doctrine of human equality. 


58 INDO-EUROPEAN LABOR, 


Viewed from a standpoint of mere comparative strength 
of organized muscle and brain, or of the low cunning and 
prowess which wrench from the weak and unwary what 
they do not contribute to produce, this theory of survival 
is undeniably logical. But these forces are the old, orig- 
inal ones and strictly belong to a period prior to the ad- 
vent of a society enlightened and refined by reason. They 
are animal and are of the ages of bullies and of clubs. 
Why we confront such theorists is that this philosophy 
does not keep march with the very power that gives them 
| insight into it—reason. The original state was egotist- 
ical, with brutal foree—forcible possession. The next was 
| arbitration, discussion, conciliation—all the struggles of 
| reason. The former occupied an immense, unmeasured 
\ period of time, the latter has also had its vista of tedious, 
| unhappy ages; for since the first glimmerings of history 
\and archeology it has numbered between four and five 
| thousand years and itsmillennium is still far away. It is 
the transition period; the passage from pure brute force 
and labor ordered by masters and performed by slaves 
with survival of the fittest, to the pure era of reason, mut- 
ual love and mutual care, with the survival of all. Such 
is the revolution. 

Whoever, therefore, at this enlightened day, forgetting 
his reason, the very weapon he wields with which to grasp 
- his inspirations, allows this aged original, because it is 

yet true of the beast or the plant, to usurp the domain of 
reason self-won in the struggle of ages,” returns to the 
dogma that because the survival of the fittest has been 
true of snarling beasts, of the plants and of the club-and- 
weapon age of men, it is also true of men in a state of rea- 
son and refinement, is going backward dragging reason 
with him into the caves of the troglodyte. 

Let us glance at the moral effect upon the mind, ot 
persons in search of wealth and other means of happiness 
natural to our lot in the competitive world. A student of 
evolution is constrained by perusing the pages of Lucre- 


ἷ 


46 Mr. Darwin, a thoughtful and thoroughly careful writer refrained from 
pushing his argument on this subject farther than it applies to energy without 
reason. A Careful student of Darwin will perceive that he always uses the low- 
er order of life as proof; such as plants, birds, fishes, andthe otheranimals. He 
clings to this, not venturing into the domain of the reasoning power, which is 
alone capable to grasp the labor problem. 


ANNIHILATION OF CONSCIENCE. νὺ 


tius, Vogt, Spencer, Darwin and others, to view man as a 
creature without an immortal soul. Through the doctrine 
of development as explained by Darwin, men are taught 
to understand this perishability merely as a logical corol- 
lary of the premise itself.” The theory carries with it 
the irrepressible deduction that if man has an immortal 
soul he has, himself, been the maker of it. The thecry 
from the first, assumes that he is a creature grown from a 
long line of consequents, each an effect of causes natural 
to this world. This is evolution. It holds that motion 
and heat acting upon the material spread out upon this 
earth will of, themselves, generate life; and that from 
cells or matrices of slime it calls protoplasm—the assumed 
earliest forms of life—come shape, growth and variety, 
some of which in time have reached as high a develop- 
ment as reasoning men. Nor are these ideas confined to, 
or the work of, the benighted and superstitious. They 
are gaining ground among the most thoroughly respect- 
able and learned ; so much so that it is already danger- 
ous for the followers of the old belief upheld by Plato and 
Moses, to criticize or compare arguments against the 
ponderous weight and increasing multiplicity of proof in 
its support. So irrefutable is the evidence which our in- 
defatigable diggers in science have accumlated, that from 
the timorous lspings ofa few years ago it has become 
a ereed for the army of science; and is claimed by nat- 
uralists, by comparative philologists and historiographers, 
by archeologists and others in the field of ethnical re- 
search, to be the key of the new discovery. 

What then can science do for the immortal soul? Man, 
certainly, away back in that night of time of which we 
are going to write a history, while yet an anin.2] and brute, 
a homo troglodyticus, not yet knowing how to build a fire 
or hardly to wield a club, could not have possessed so 
noble and highly developed a thing as an immortal soul! 
Or if we can conceive this to be possible, what shall we 
think of him during the still earlier cycles of his existence 
in forms yet cruder and more remote? Further than this 


21 In making these reflections we do not set up a disclaimer against the the- 
ory of development. The object is to show the pernicious effect upon the mind 
of masses, should this theory become universally acknowledged, and tanzht, 
before the competitive system is superseded by the co-operative or socialisiic. 


60 INDO-EUROPEAN LABOR, 


we may in our play of fancy measure him at the dawn of 
his development of reason, which is a faculty higher but 
less unerring than instinct. Reason is a gift which must 
be guided by social laws. Not having these, man must 
have been a maniac ; either thus, or he preserved enough 
of instinct to guide reason. The reason of a madman 
turns to cunning.* Cunning, we are told, is the weapon 
this ferocious, selfish, competing, primeval being first 
used to work his title clear to the realms of immortality ! 

Thus in reading rare records of the ancient lowly we 
cannot be too thoughtful or too careful when contemplat- 
ing the subject of immortality. Though old in life’s 
ephemeral span, the human race is still in the dawn of its 
day ; and the sun has yet to rise higher and illume many 
a still dark chasm of our belief. The great aphorism of 
Lucretius: 


“Proinds licet quotvis vivenlo condere sacla: 
Mors eterna tainen nilo 1uinus illa manebit,” 29 


though it has been parried and fought in darkness, is like 
that of Proudhon—“ La prop:iété c’est le vol,” still respect- 
able ; and so long as our standard cyclopedias speak of 
the Rerum Matura of Lucretius as the “ greatest of didactic 

oems” * even now, when the grand sun of man’s morning 
of life has lit up all the grottoes but that of fate and ren- 
dered radiant many a dark belief, just so long is it wisest 
in us to withdraw cavil, polemic and concern from a post 
mortem future and throw our whole religion into practical 
doings for the improvement of ourselves upon the mortal 
stage. But most especially are these words wise counsel] 
to all engaged in a study of the labor problem. 

Such is this wonderful man, says the theorist, developed 
from a protoplasm of slimy earth. ‘Then up to this stage 
he was without a soul—an animal. He further developed 
to the stage of reason—mind, Cunning must then have 
secured for him the boon of an immortal soul; a thing 


28 Plato, Laws, vii. 14. ‘‘The boy, without being fitted by education, be- 
comes crafty and cunning and of all wild beasts the most insolent.” Plato 
knew the fierce mature of men and his seventh book of laws is athoughtful code 
of precepts for equalizing habits among the people, and punishing with means 
in use for doing so. Plato even doubts the possibility of a soul in such wild 
Creatures. 

29 Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, lib. LI. 1088-9. 

20 American Cyclopedia, vol. X. p. 717, ed. of 1867. 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF SURVIVAL, 61 


which most people agree in believing that the reasonless 
animals do not possess! 

This sort of speculation may appear quite innocent, even 
popular; for such is the freedom of thought in these days 
that men delight in catching at the gossamers of skepti- 
cism. Where the danger to the moral sense ariges on this 
new philosophy, is in the fact that the revolution is not 
yet realized. The world is still in its competitive stage. 
Man is still combating with his blind egoism in the strug- 
gle for existence, It is not altruism or mutual love and 
care that governs his career. He is yet fighting against 
odds for survival; and if his fitness to win the means of 
life prove insufficient he does not survive, but perishes. 
Knowing this, he is too ready to apply his reason in the 
direction of selfishly actuated cunning, and thus wring out 
a living recklessly. One thing however, has always barred 
him from the exercise of dishonest cunning. It is con- 
science. From the earliest data we find man building 
upon conscience as the foundation of ethics. As we have 
shown, it began with the mother’s virtue. True, it was 
absurdly imaginative, figuring the rage of the lar famili- 
aris in case that weird omnipotent was offended by an 
evil deed of the living. Thus to commit an evil deed 
used to cause conscience to fill the imaginations of men 
with horrid appearances rising from the grave. Goblins 
and spectres of a thousand shapes. Elfins and haunting 
terrors appeared. Conscience was thus the origin of 
ghosts. Conscience, even under the most aristocratic and 
tyrannical religion, held base actionsin check. Under the 
prevailing religions of the world conscience at this day 
holds evil doing in check. Ethics is now, as in ancient 
times, based upon conscience. All laws are largely the 
outcome of it. It is the inner counselor of outward 
actions and conscience of the individual must never give 
up its scepter so long as the competitive, egotistical state 
dominates. When the revolution has been accomplished, 
when society shall have arranged the getting of the means 
of life on the mutual or co-operative plan, when it shall no 
longer be the survival of the fittest but the survival of all, 
when it no longer becomes necessary to fight in the cruel, 
dreary old field of competition an1 the struggle for exis- 
tence ceases, then we may find some vague grounds fot 


62 INDO-EUROPEAN LABOR. 


imagining ourselves no longer compelled to apply the check 
of conscience; since wrong doing will have lost its incen- 
tive. 

But now, in the height of the great competitive struggle 
when working people, goaded at the sight of their own 
labor products falling into the rapacious hands of monop- 
olies, are avin on the rally and are forming the most com- 
pact and extensive organizations that have yet existed; 
just at this moment when the restraining counsels of con- 
science are most needed to check and withhold what else 
may become mobocracy, with results more furious and 
sanguinary than the deeds of EKunus and Cleon or of 
Spartacus and Crixius which we are going to relate, and 
at the very moment the moral world seems riven and 
quails before the swelling legions of aggrieved labor or- 
ganizing in the struggle for existence with the multifold 
weapons of an advanced enlightenment at their command, 
what do we see? 

A new thingin the world. Astranger in form of a phi- 
losophy whic!: den‘esthe immortality of the soul. A codex 
which secks its precedents back of religion or law, beckon- 
ing into the world a totally new scheme of dialectics. In 
denying the old belief in immortality it stamps the ancient 
conscience ;“ for what further use has ethics or morality 
for conscience, after the cherished hope of earning some 
longed-for compensation in the hereafter, has been lost ? 

The only conscience left to man would be that based on 
cunning! This invites him back to the law of Lycurgus, 
which made stealing a virtue but being caught, a crime. 
Conscience the foundation rock of religion, ancient and 
modern, is ground to powder by this new giant philoso- 
phy” whose arguments seem fortified by the chemist, the 
archeologist, the comparative philologist, the palzonto- 
logist, the geologist and all naturalists now devoting them- 
selves to labors which are to prepare for a study of ethni- 


31 We refer mostly to that moral side of conscience which has hitherto se 
prety actuated and restrained men by force of belief in awards and pun- 
ishments. 


32 Arnobius was in great doubt on the question of immortality. Lucretius, 
author of the celebrated didactic poem on nature, believed that the sou! perishes 
with the body. Aristotle, now known as the greatest of teachers, could never 

romise anything to those inquiring of him onthe problem of immortality- 
arwin was equally silent on the subject. 


RELIGION A HANDMAID OF CONSCIENCE. 63 


cal science, The boldest of these claim, as we have shown, 
that when in the long course of evolution, man, then a 
brute but with a stature more erect anda cranial organism 
more capacious than other creatures with which the for- 
est teemed, began to experience the first scintillations of 
reason, he exercised this new and growing gift for his own 
advantage and to secure his own personal survival; sacri- 
ficing all others for himself through prowess and strategem 
or cunning. Conscience came later and established ethics 
which has developed society, law and order and kept him 
somewhat restrained. Religion is the handmaid of con- 
science and both groped together up to the present time 
inseparable—neither able to exist without the other. 

Thus the new philosophy finds man. Religion rests 
upon assumed immortality; conscience upon religion, The 
philosophy, by proving that belief in immortality is an il- 
lusion, that the soul is an etherial delusion, that with the 
decease of body comes our eternal quietus, proves also 
that there is no religion. The great bulwark of human- 
ity, moral law, order, hope, restraint, is annihilated at one 
stroke. Conscience, resting upon religion,” is also shat- 
tered with it, and man goes back to his primeval cunning 
and brutal instincts. 

Now, in coloring our description of the revolution in a 
history of the lowly, let us select an average workingman 
who has been converted to the new philosophy as thous- 
ands are—and picture the effect upon him as an agitator 
of the labor question. 

Belief in the doctrine of development is belief either 
that man is without an immortal spirit or that through 
his own genius and cunning he has evolved or developed 
one out of his original beasthood, independently of an al- 
mighty power, The latter is not even pretended. Con- 
sequently immortality is denied. The belief also stamps 
out religious conscience ; leaving in him the conscious- 
ness that, as there is noresponsibility before God—there 
being none except insentient law which regulates the uni- 
verse, the only thing to consider before the commission 


se Teascience resting on punishments and rewards for actions in the phys- 
teal word, as effects of causes, [8 not here taken into consideration. 


64 INDO-EUROPHAN LABOR. 


of a deed, is caution, for safety’s sake, first that the act 
may not recoil upon himself, and second, that he be not 
caught init and discovered. These are affairs of cold 
reason. Concience with its compunctious concomitants, 
ig ruled out of the affair; and rigid experimental know- 
ledge, aptitude, tact, adaptiveness take its place. No mat- 
ter how horrible the work to be undertaken, he is totally 
absolved from danger of punishment if cunning enough 
to elude the natural and the statute laws and succeed. 
With cold reason and in cold blood he fearlessly under- 
takes the deed, knowing that to succeed is to survive his 
victim and be happy. 

Lions, dogs, wolves, hyenas, vultures are constantly do- 
ing this for they are in the world of competition and have 
no conscience ; and he is not a whit above them morally. 
Had he the restraint of religious conscience in the same 
field of competition, he would be lifted by it above these 
brutes. It teaches him the survival of the fittest and in- 
flates his egotism with presumption that he is superior to 
his victim. It thus unhinges the little enlightenment 
which mutual co-operation and social interaction have by 
great agonies of effort and with the labors of eonscience, 
sympathy and belief in immortality, brought into the 
world. Does it indeed, threaten our civilization ? 

One will say this shocking description may apply to the 
workingman; but we think it too often applies practically 
to the most educated. It especially applies to them; for 
such revolting immorality seldom penetrates the ranks of 
laborers who from remote ages of the past have been re- 
* ligiously inclined and rather prejudiced in favor of reli- 
gion. No tale of ancient labor can ignore its religion, 

But admitting the workingman and agitator to have 
become a convert to this philosophy, we still have the same 
revolting consequences. Such consequences are now con- 
stantly transpiring. The present century is producing 
some reformers who are believers in the doctrine of de- 
velopment and are scoffers of religion. Few of them ex- 
pect to live beyond their grave. Many have no conscience 
regarding a future punishment, and are two honest in 
their earnestness when they conspire against great wrongs 
and argue to destroy this civilization. Any person 


BASIS INTRODUCING THE LABOR WARS 65 


shielded from ristraints of conscience by a logic which 
poses on the dignity and grandeur of science, may guard 
himself and his legions from detection by buckling’ on the 
life-preserver of cold reason, and boxing himself into some 
sequestered laboratory and with recondite presumption, 
construct infernal machines. He may sally out with these 
and if there come conflicts between him and unjust juris- 
prudence or even tornadoes of destruction, it is but the 
recoil of a philosophy that is driving men’s conscience 
from the earth. 

This lack of conscience is seen in the brutal treatment 
of poor slaves by Damophilus to which we devote a long 
chapter of this book, It is a want of feeling that marks 
the social ages of the past and rightly does not belong to 
modern days. 

It were difficult to describe the terrible depression of 
moral sentiments to which a man naturally sinks under 
this doctrine, if really convinced by it that his own cun- 
ning, aptitude and ambidexterity are legitimate forces 
upon which he must depend for success and survival, 
Freed from the fear of punishment beyond this life, he 
finds that the conscience within his breast has fled. There 
is no everliving, responsible soul and consequently no re- 
sponsibility. ‘He finds himself completely absolved from 
any danger except that of failing in the attempt. He de- 
pends entirely upon adroitness or cunning. Egotism 
lends him faith in this; for men are enterprising and glad 
to undertake innocent adventures and in this philosophy 
every act is innocent which does not recoil upon its author. 
Thus stimulated and shielded he goes back to brigand- 
age and hardened to fratricide, is willing to do devil work 
of whatever manner that promises to gratify greed, whim 
or caprice, in cajoling the transient hour. In the com- 
petitive struggle for existence, it is true, every one hag 
the same chances but the survival falls to him who pos- 
sesses the most of force, tact and cunning. Reason has 
not yet changed the moral aspects of things from this 
fighting, competitive state, to the mutually co-operative 
condition wherein all harmoniously agree to care for each 
other as the best means of caring for themselves. This 
great epoch is fast coming. Until its arrival men are in 


66 INDO-EUROPEAN LABOR, 


the competitive, transitionary state whose progress de- 
pends upon every possible advantage known in civiliza- 
tion; and one of the most powerful agents for transform- 
ing such into noble, sympathetic beings, and quickening 
them into the sweet emotions of love and care, is and al- 
ways has been conscience. When the time arrives that 
reason shall have become wise, shall have massed its way- 
ward individualism into collective solidarity, pruned off its 
egotism, dressed itself inrobes of charity and mutual love, 
outgrown its benighted gropings and adapted itself to a 
seat in the Christian temple of equality, then there will be 
time for further and more scientifically investigating the 
erowniug problem of immortality. 


SYWBOLS OF THE ANCIENT FARM. 


From an Inscription at Ravenna; age of Caesar. 


Bits ac -- 


CHAPTER OL 


LOS Mss. ARCH AOLOGY 


TRUE HISTORY OF LABOR FOUND ONLY IN 
INSCRIPTIONS AND MUTILATED ANNALS. 


Prototypes oF Industrial Life to be found in the Aryan and 
Semitic Branches—Era of Slavery—Dawn of Manumission 
—Patriarchal Form too advanced a Type of Government 
possible to primitive Man—Religious Superstition fatal to 
Independent Labor—Labor, Government and Religion in- 
dissolubly mixed—Concupiscence, Acquisitiveness and Iras- 
cibility a Consequence of the archaic Bully or Boss, with un- 
limited Powers—Right of the ancient Father to enslave, 
sell, torture or kill his Children—Abundant Proofs quoted— 
Origin of the greater and more humane Impulses—Sym- 
pathy beyond mere Self-preservation, the Result of Hd- 
ucation—Education originated from Discussion—Discussion 
the Result of Grievances against the Outcast Work-people— 
Too rapid Increase of their Numbers notwithstanding the 
Sufferings—Means Organized by Owners for decimating them 
by Murder—Ample proof—The great Amphyctyonic League 
—Glimpses of a once sullen Combination of the Desperate 
Slaves—Incipient Organization of the Nobles, 


Tue history of the lowly classes of ancient society must 
begin with manumissions,' although slave labor seems tlie 
most ancient. There have come to us very few traces or 
accounts of the slaves of high antiquity. Except some 
relics which have been found in caves, some hieroglyphs 
carved not perhaps by themselves but by masters portray- 
ing their low condition,’ we have no landmarks to guide 


1Granier de Cassagnac, Hist. des Classes Ouvritres, Chap. v. 

2The typical strikes and uprisings of slaves do not come to usin their dreaded 
form except through vague, uncertain evidence, πη} about 600 years before 
Christ. See chapters on Strikes and Uprisings; wifra. 


68 TREATMENT OF THE POOR, 


our groping inquiry through the long night of time which 
lasted till the dawn of manumissions. Unlike the African 
slaves of modern times who were the property of a class 
of masters not of their own race or kindred, the ancient 
slaves were, in race and consanguinity, the equals of their 
masters ; and there can be little doubt that the causes of 
their emancipation were in many instances, their own 
resistance to slavery. At present the laboring classes of 
the same races we are describing—the Semitic and Indo- 
European—are organizing in immense numbers and with 
skill to resist the forces which modern wage servitude in- 
flicts ; and it is therefore very similar to the great struggle 
humanity passed through in ancient times, to resist the op- 
pressive system under which nearly all were born. The 
difference between the two struggles however, lies in the 
fact that the ancient one had to deal with the lowest, most 
debased and cruel species of subjugation which the ancient 
religion stamped into its tenets. Both these great strug- 
gles are of long duration. When the first was partly won 
Christianity came with its doctrine of equality’ and 
brought the struggle into the open world. It went hand in 
hand with the emancipation movement until chattel slavery 
and its vast, aged system may now be pronounced extinct 
throughout the civilized world. The struggle has contin- 
ued ; but from emancipating chattel slavery it has shifted 
to the enfranchisement of competitive labor. 

Notwithstanding the profound learning and research de- 
voted by M. de Laveleye‘ in proof that the primitive con- 
dition of mankind was of patriarchal form, we find that the 
great slave system always prevailed among the Aryans from 
whom we are the immediate descendants; and indeed he 
sets out ® with a confession at least that the early Greeks 
and Romans never had any institutions of the communal or 
patriarchal nature. Prof. Denis Fustel de Coulanges makes 

¢Granier, Hist. des Clasess Ouvrieres, pp. 392-4; Laveleye, Primitive Prop- 
erty. Introduc. to 1st ed., pp. xxvi., xxvii. xxx., xxxi, Here M. de Laveleye 
again admits slavery to have been earlier than communism. 

4 Primitive Property, Eng. trans., pp. 7-25, chap. ii. 

5 Idem, Ὁ. 6. “From the earliest times the Greeks and Romans recognized 
private property as applied to the soil and traces of ancient tribal community 
were already so indistinct as not to be discoverable without careful study.” M. 
de Layveleye might better have said such traces are not discoverable at all: and 
iudeed, the most of the instances he cites are of a comparatively recent era, the 


probable development of resistance, thousand of years after the manumisgion of 
slaves had set in as a result of their strikes and uprisings, of which we get clues. 


LAW OF ENTAIL AND ITS DANGERS. 69 


no hesitation in saying that the Aryan religion, as already 
described, made the first born son, by the law of entail, the 
owner of his own children who thus became slaves.° Ref 
erences to this old custom are very numerous in the an 
cicnt writings.’ Under Lycurgus* the Spartans tried the 
system of communal proprietorship from the year 825 to 
371 B.C. Although every deference was paid to the ten- 
ets of the Pavan religion that this celebrated code of laws 
established by the great lawgiver should not interfere with 
worship, yet worship itself being interwoven with pro- 
perty was seriously disturbed; because to divide among 
the people, the rabble, the profane, that which fell to the 
god who sl pt under the sacred hearth, or to his living 
son, secmed to be a sacrilege too blasphemous to endure. 
The scheme fell to naught. The probable fact is, that the 
ancient paterfamilias, perceiving himself robbed of his pa- 
ternity, united with other patricians in similar trouble and 
succeeded in working the overthrow of the innovation, 
We propose to establish that these great innovations, like 
the laws of Lycurgus and many similar attempts at reform, 
the detailed causes of whose mighty commotions some- 
times shook Rome and Greece like the eruption ofa vol- 
cauo, were often caused by the multitudes of secret trades 
and other social organizations existing in those ancient 
days 

Historians seldom mention them. The reason for this 
is quite clear. This disturbing element was made up of the 
outcasts of society. How did it come about that there were 
such outcasts? The answer to this involves a detour of 
discovery into pheuomana of evolution. Οὐδ family of say 
thirty persons—there exists abundance of evidence that 
there were oft. ἢ thirty and more persons born to one patri- 
cian or lord *—there is but a single owner or director, the 
first-born son. The other children and servants by pur- 
chase or otherwise, are slaves. It was a crime to leave the 
paternal estate. They might be clubbed to death for dis- 


6 La Cilé Anhque; Leviticus, li. 4. 

7Plato, Minos, also Servius In Aneid, v. 84, vi. 152. 

8Roscher, Histoire de |’ Economie Politique, French tr. Paris, p. 192. “He 
adopted a common property; education in common, eating in common, steal 
ing authorized, commerce interdicted, precious metals proscribed, land divided 
equilly among the citizens etc.”’ 

9Granicr de Cassagnac, Hist. des Classes Ouvritres, Ὁ. 70 


70 TREATMENT OF THE POOR. 


satisfaction with their lot but they must not leave or desert 
it. That entailed certain death. In extraordinary circum- 
stances they actually did leave the bondage of the paternal 
estate and become wanderers or nomads. This was the 
probable origin of the second estate. We mean by this 
the freedman. Whether they obtained their freedom by 
revolt and bloodshed, by running away from their masters, 
or by emancipation as per agreement, makes little difference, 
In the Asiatic races of later times mentioned by Le Play,” 
they seem to have never relinquished their allegiance to 
some lord, patriarch or ruler. By a tenacity of habit to 
which we shall refer, the very most ancient customs thus 
sometimes come down to us. The power of human habit is 
astonishing. There linger to this day, in the religion wor- 
shiped by the most enlightened of mankind, many rites and 
forms common in remote antiquity; for although the tenets 
and the sentiment are no longer the same, the old rites 
befit themselves to the new ideas. 

Desertion from this bondage is known to have been a 
very risky affair; because the deserter or runaway slave 
had not only the perils of the act of desertion to run but he 
also forfeited his right and title to the small hope of bliss 
accorded him by the gods after death. Even at emanci- 
pation the right of worship ceased,” and a new altar had to 
be erected. ‘This was in case of marriage of a daughter 
when no one was injured or offended. But a deserter was 
treated with terrible malignity both by the father or owner 
and by the injured deity whose relationship in pedigree 
or consanguinity he severed, desecrated, disgraced by the 
blasphemous act. hey had curious opinions on death; 
and religion to those ancient working people, was a part of 
life." The fear of not being buried with the right of sepul- 
ture was greater than the fear of death itself. Although 
comparatively no consequence was attached to a slave, yet 
the slave himself being by lineage and by entailment a chat- 
tel, evidently had some right to sepulture. Of what kind 

10 Le Play, Organization of Labor, chap.i. §.9, Eng. trans., assures us that 
among the nomads, the direct descendants of one father generally remained 
grouped together. They lived under the absolute authority of the head of the 
family, in a systen of community. Some of them are living in this method still. 

11 Fustel de Coulanges, Cilé Antique, chap. iii. 

13 Idem. chap. i. pe “L’opinion premiére des antiques générations fut 


que l’étre humain v. dans le tombeau ; quel’ Ame ne ge geparait pas du 
al qu’ elle reatait fixée 4 cette partie du 80] ot les ossements étaient en- 
te 


CIVILIZATION OUTG ROWS SLAVERY. Τὶ 


it is difficult to determine,“ because historians who recorded 
military deeds and legal transactions which in later days 
were considered work for noblemen, were themselves al- 
most always of noble blood and would not mention so mea 
a thing as a slave who performed labor. This fact accounts 
largely for the scarcity of written record in regard to labor 
in ancient times. : 

Compelled by the darkness of this unwritten age of slay- 
ery which must have lasted infinitely longer than seven 
thousand years of whose events we catch an occasional 
glimpse, we first find the great philosopher Aristotle ac- 
knowledging,” in his startling prediction that “ slave labor 
may become obsolete.” So again Rodbertus of our own 
times, looking at and judging from the organized resistance 
of laboring men, predicts that society will outgrow wages or 
competitive slavery. Here are two seemingly parallel 
cases; the one representing a condition of affairs 350 years 
before Christ, the other taken from actual conditions before 
our own eyes, in both cases, given against the stubborn will 
of the ruling wealthy by two of the profoundest and most 
daringly honest philosophers the world has produced. At 
the time Rodbertus von Jigetzow made this startling pre- 
diction, Germany under Bismarck, was stifling every ef- 
fort of press, legislation, trade-unions and socialists, to give 
the dreaded fact to the world. The freedmen at the time 
of Aristotle were forming an innumerable phalanx of com- 
bined strength. It is not hard for students of sociology to 
understand why in ancient times no mention was made by 
historians of the wonderful organizations which then existed. 
But for laws necessarily recorded for the use of government 
and for the habit which labor unions of those times enter- 
tained, compulsorily perhaps, of inscribing their name, fes- 
tivities, the tutelary saint they worshiped and the handi- 
craft they belonged to, upon slabs of stone, there would be 
no means of knowing or even conjecturing the history of 
a transition period which launched mankind, after long cen- 
turies of struggle, out of a passive subinission to abject. ser- 


13 Idem, chap. i. Antiques Croyances. 

14 Later we find cremation; but only the poor who possessed no ground 
burned their dead. ‘hese were the outcasts supposed to hare no souls. 

15 Aristotle, Politics, i. 4. 16 Kodbertus, Normal Arbeitstag ; Ely, Hist. 
French and German Socialisms, pp. 176-7, 


72 TREATMENT OF THE POOR. 


vitude into the true competitive system. We shall farther 
on have more to say in detail of the hatred and contempt 
which the ancient slave masters held toward their poor 
working chattels. 

There was a taint upon Javor. So there is now. Thus 
far then, there is no progress. We shall attempt to ana- 
lyze the original cause of this taint upon labor and prove 
that the progress of to-day consists in its diminution. 

Admitting the theory of development we go back to man 
at the dawn of reason, when he was still a beast. We even 
imagine a group, such as Professor Oswald Heer has pic- 
tured in the frontispiece of his masterly scientific work on 
the fossils of Switzerland.“ Prowling around this group of 
naked human forms—some upon trecs, others crawling, 
others walking plantigrade, or gorilla-like—we see wild 
animals, birds and reptiles, all in search of food. Just as 
the steer after a desperate encounter with its rival comes 
out the victor and ever holas the mastery over the rest of 
a herd, so the most powerful and ferocious of this group of 
primeval men wins with his club, his fingers, or fists the 
mastery over the rest. ‘hese are first impulses. They are 
entirely animal in character. Wild geese and ducks seek 
in conflict the means of knowing which of their flock shall 
be leader in their flight; and him of the most magnetic or 
muscular or intellectual powers they follow. The purely 
animal, then, is the form which primitive, animal man as- 
sumes. This strong master of the group is the prototype of 
the patriciau and inheritor of the estate as thousands of 
years afterwards we find him lord of the manor with his 
slaves about him. It would be absurd io suppose that im- 
mediately at the dawn of reason, this wild animal actually 
assumed one of the highest types of civilization. The com- 
munistic or even the patriarchal is one of the highest forms 
which human beings have attempted. They have, itis true, 
been attempted but mostly to prove failures; simply be- 
cause they were of atype even in their crudest state, too 
far progressed for others to appreciate and apply. The 
master or as we may better characterize him, the bully has 
slways been too jealous. That Abraham and Moses tried 
a very low form of it, and isolated themselves so as not to 


WDr. Oswald Heer, Urwelt der Schweis, 


EVIDENCE OF INSCRIPTIONS. 73 


juterfere with others, is true. But itis too well known that 
the Hebrews were not appreciated in their good work. 
Their very attempt to institute the patriarchal system even 
in its imperfect, half competitive form, brought against them 
the jealousy of the world of heathendom. It was an intol- 
erable innovation upon the more ancient, aristocratic, brutal 
system of masters and slaves. And it was no mere indi- 
vidual, but this gigantic system which massed its powers to 
drive the presumptious Hebrews from the face of the earth. 

The mere animal form of government must have come 
first. ‘This reasoning, says the law of evolution, must have 
born very brutal forms. Surely enough, so we find it at the 
dawn of history and at the highest discernible antiquity not 
only in Greece and Rome but in Egypt. It was the slave 
system under which the Egyptian monuments were built; 
and no thinking person can doubt that thousands of years of 
this slavery must have elapsed before the Egyptians arrived 
at the art of architecture in which recorded history finds 
them. Advancing reason had already been of millennial date 
ere those people could have known how to carve their hiero- 
glyphs with nice precision upon the monuments. Again, 
we fail to see that these inscriptions mention any mode of 
ὃ more ancient communal or patriarchal government. 
The simplest form of governing the primeval race must 
have been the one adopted ; and the simplest was the one 
common among the animals of to-day. There was at the 
head of every group, or tribe, or family, a master; and him 
the rest obeyed, afterwards adored. 

It next seems natural that surrounded by wild and fierce 
creatures of the waters, glades and forests, the first rea- 
sonable thing to protect this master would beto select some 
place of security—some rock or cave or height, whence he 
might go or send forth into the forests, the swamps and 
shores in search of fruit, roots, shellfish and game. An- 
other thing; it is natural for man to settle permanently 
somewhere. This is peculiarly the case with the Aryan 
races. Itis the form of life almost universally adopted by 
the Indo-Europeans. They select a seat and conquer and 
subjugate in all directions. This also corresponds with 
our proposition that the first idea was to obtain a home. 
With the growth of experience in the application of reason 
came egoism which it is said the brute does not often man- 


74 TREATMENT OF THE POOR, 


ifest. Now with animal prowess, a little reason and a large 
egoism, we have what the present labor movement calls a 
“oss.” He is endowed with the three great attributes 
which our modern authorities on moral philosophy denom. 
inate irascibility and concupiscence. 

Given the right of proprietorship wrung through supe- 
riority in physical power from his tribe and his children, 
and he unhesitatingly uses them as slaves, This the true 
beast cannot do, since it requires reason, The first impulse, 
that of cupidity, makes him a tyrant and the second, that of 
irascibility, fills him with cruel ferocity, accounting for the 
well known fact that the ancient slave-houlder could and often 
did kill hisown children.” ‘he first impulse, that of concu- 
piscence and acquisitiveness combined into one, makes him 
desirous to enjoy and accumulate. So his children are nu- 
merous. These two nearly allied sources of human desire or 
greed filled him with a rivalry to accumulate and often to se- 
quester the stores which the toil of his slaves produced. 

A third impulse, that of sympathy, being yet mostly want- 
ing, man reasonably was thus filled with pomp and greed. 
These whetted his yet unbridled passions, making him 
ambitious to embellish his estate, caused the land to be fruit- 
ful, inspired him to build better houses, select and multiply 
his concubines and otherwise adorn the paternity. But the 
original parent-aristocrat or paterfamilias never until much 
later, desisted from the enforcement of absolute virtue of 
the parent-aristocrat mother or materfamilias. 

Sympathy, it would seem came to him but tardily. Sym- 
pathy was inspired later;—brought into the world through 
the cult of the organizations of freedmen, after the begin- 
ning of the era of manumissions. Socrates and Aristotle 
recognized their powerful school of fraternal coherence and 
mutual love which it seems almost certain culminated in the 
wonderful institution known as Chistianity, destroying the 
old Paganism or, at least, laying the foundation for its final 
eradication from the world. 

This picture presents a poor outlcok for the slaves, who 
were obliged to perform the master’s drudgery. They how- 
ever, always had two advantages: being to the family bor, 

18 Terentius, Heauton Timorumenos, Act III. 5; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 


Antiquitates Romana, lib. 11. cap. xxvi.; Codex Justiniani, lib. VII. tit. xlvii, 
Pandecte, (Digest), lib, XXVIII. leg. xi. 


THE IGNOMINIOUS CREMATION. 75 


they owned a meagre right to some kind of burial; whereas 
it is known that later, the freedman could only expect cre- 
mation. Το have the remains refused the noble rite of bur- 
jal wasa disgrace. It was a virtual acknowledgement 
that the person had no soul. Malefacters, runaways or de- 
serters and freedmen so lowly as to be without protection, 
in other words all whom God spurned to recognize as hav- 
ing an immortal life, were burned or cast out to rot without 
honors.” The other advantage was that their owners were 
their supporters which freed slaves from the responsibilities 
of the struggle for bread. Still the whole picture presents 
a poor outlook for the slaves who were obliged to perform 
his drudgery. But asif they might be inclined to desert 
him the religious belief was so riveted upon their benighted 
minds that for thousands of years they did not doubt that 
the punishment for desertion would be a species of damna- 
tion. The slaves were taught that the most hallowed of all 
places was the central focus or alter of worship of the manes 
of their master. The holy and awful funeral repast had al- 
ways to he partaken upon the same spot where the family 
ancestors lay. ‘Thus for generations families worshiped each 
other at the same tomb,” We have already quoted from 
Dr. Fustel that the dread of being deprived of sepulture 
was greater than the fear of death itself. So fearful were 
the ancients, even the ancient laborers, of arousing the ire 
of their tutelary deities that they worshiped them by sacri- 
fices. They even fed” these disengaged souls” and period- 
ically furnished them with wine, milk, fruit, honey and other 
table delicacies which in life they had been known to pre- 
fer. These strange beliefs which were by no means con- 
fined to the Indo-European, but as Fustel de Coulanges has 
made clear, embraced the entire Aryan family,* were the 


i9Cicero, De Legibus, 2, 23, *‘Hominem mortuum, inquit lex XII. 
(meaning the Twelve Tables,) in Urbe ne sepelito neve urito,..... Quid ? qui 
post XII. in Urbe sepulti, sunt clari viri.” 

20 Euripides, Trojans, 381. 

21 Virgil, «ποῖά, III, 300: Euripides, Jphigenia, 476, “Behold, 1 pour 
upon the earth of the tomb milk, honey and wine; for it is with these that we 
revivify the dead;” Cf. also, Ovid, Fastus, 1. 540. 

22 Critically, this expression is incorrect; for the ancients believed that the 
soul was never disengaged, but remained buried with the body in bliss. Con- 
sult Fustel de Coulanges, Ciié Antique, liv. 1. chap. iv. 

23In substance Dr, Fustel, Idem. Ὁ. 26 gays: Ces croyances ne sont pas 
asnrement empruntées ni par les Grecs des Hindous ni par les Hindons dee 
Grecs ; mais elles appartenaient 4 toutes les leux races, de loin reculées et dv 
milieu de |’ Asie. 


id TREATMENT OF THE POOR. 


prevailing ones and formed the basis of the great Pagan re- 
ligion, The superstition worked so powerfully upon the 
benighted conscience of slaves that however severe their lot, 
they required a higher scale of enlightenment than could be 
had in these low forms of slavery before they could sce their 
way clear to revolt. This, however came in the course of 
time. There is no doubt that discussion among the numer- 
ous organizations of freedmen did much toward bringing 
this about. Theincreasing number of slaves also gave them 
opportunity to meet and interchange opinions. In the deep 
gloom of abject slavery men seldom revolt. Revolt is es- 
pecially rare where there is no contact with public opinion 
adverse to it. Itis not probable, therefore, that the slaves, 
however bad their treatment, found themselves in a condi- 
tion enough advanced in the scale of manhood to organize 
revolt until thousands of years of their abject servitude had 
elapsed. But it appears certain that revolts had been going 
on for along time before we catch the earliest clues to 
their history. 

When language had become perfected and means of 
mutual comprehension had come into their grasp, so that 
an intelligent interchange of each others feelings was had, 
and it became easy to express their grievances and suffer- 
ings one with anotier, they began to revolt. Ifa lord or 
capitalist in a paroxysim of unbridled rage, ordered one slave 
for a trivial offense to be strangled by the others,* they 
were compelied to be the executioners of their comrade. 
If his majesty raised his hand and dashed out the brains of 
his own child, the other children,* though by no means 
so keenly sensitive to the horror as we of our own time, 
would feel a common sympathy and perhaps lay up the in- 
fanticide for a futuie day of vengeance. When the right of 
sepuiture was taken frum them and they found that even 
the consolation of religion was gone, they went desperate 
and reckless over the imagined withdrawal, by the God 
they worshiped, of his blessing. In this state of mind they 


See story of Damophilos in chapter viii., on the revolt of Eunus. 

25 We have, in the ancient records, many allusions to the murder of chil- 
dren by the lords of the estate. See Dionyssius of Halicarnassus, Archiologia 
Rhomana, lib, 11. cap. xxvi. Ὃ δὲ των Ῥωμαίων νομοϑέτης ἅποσαν, ws εἰπειν, ἐδ- 
wkev ἐξοῦσιαν πατρί καθ᾽ υἱοῦ, καὶ παρὰ παντὰ τὸν τοῦ βίον χρόνον... ἐάντε άποκ- 
τίννυναι προαιρῆται" Also Code of Justinian, lib. VIII, tit. xlvii, leg. X., where 
this right is mentioned as having once existed; ‘Jus (patrbus) vite in liberos 
necisque potestas Olim erat permissa.” 


THE FIRST MERCENARY SOLDIERS. ΤΊ 


must have frequently plotted together and concocted insur- 
rections.” They however, did not co-operate with each 
other for the accumulation of wealth. This is a phenome- 
non of which we shall hereafter speak more lengthily. But 
the principle cause of the rebellions which in course of time 
became very common, was their increase among themselves. 
It must not be supposed because the master who owned all 
at their expense and degradation, that he could and did live 
in unbridled libertinism among his human chattels, who by 
reason of the taint on labor ncver had recognized family al- 
liances among each other. However stringent the rules of 
tyrants over the oppressed they were never known to en- 
tirely prevail over nature, What the form of alliance be- 
tween the sexes of the very ancient slaves may have been 
is not fully known;—whether free of formality or by the 
ligature of accorded right.” Be that as it may, the fact re- 
mains that the human race was by no means dependent for 
its increase upon the heads of optimate families. As was 
the case with the negro slaves in the Southern States of the 
American Republic, so in Greece and Italy the slaves mul- 
tiplied among themselves. In course of time they grew 
very numerous. Of course, as their number increased they 
outgrew the actual requirements of the landed estate to 
which they were enfeoffed. Then they were sold to other 
estates or killed.* Later when wars occurred they become 
mercenaries,” in earlier times, under their owners, as im- 
pedimenta of the army; not as combatants, because they 
were of too ignoble birth to engage in the aristocratie vo- 
cation of war. Still later we find them assuming the dig- 
nity of combatants. Of this latter period we find clearer 
traces, and shall show that these mercenaries were none 
other than the supernumeraries from the estates, who had 
run away to take into their own hands the struggle for ex- 


26 Undeniable evidence of this is found in the great servile wars of Sicily, 
where Demeter or Ceres, goddess of that region was complained of by the slaves 
as having deserted them. See Biicher, Aufstdnde der unfreien Arbeiter, S. 53 
and 54, Siefert, Sicilische Sklavenkriege, ὃ. 17-18. 

27See chapters xiii. to xx. on the Collegia and Sodalicia of Italy and the 
Eranoi and Thiasoi of the Greek-speaking labor unions, which produce plenty of 

roof that from before 3. Ὁ. 600, the freedmen had their laws of marriage. 
he more ancient slavery is obscure in records of the social habits of the poor. 

28 Granier de Cassavnac, J[ist. des Classes Ouvrieres, p. 6] 

2 Grote, History of Greece,—Dionysius the Elder. Dionysius, lyrant of Syra- 
cuse employed mercenaries, and Dion’s conquest of Syracuse against Dionysius 
the Younger was begun with mercenary troops in B, ©. 369 


78 TREATMENT OF THE POOK. 


istence. It is very easy to prove that there were organiza 
tions or uvions of mercenaries who sold their services to 
princes and their generals, undertaking to accomplish cer- 
tain military feats for a recompense. 

But we are still treating of the workingman as a siave. 
The father of the family was one individual. But the family 
itself often consisted of fifty. Now as the only one of all 
these eligible to the blooded dignity of nobility was the 
father, what became of the rest?* They were not only 
slaves but they formed, as it were, another race, They 
were the plebeians, the proletariat; “hewers of wood and 
drawers of water.” It was impossible under the extremes 
of this social divergence, for any communication or sympa- 
thy to be recognized between them, Even though the 
master was the father and the child legitimate though a 
slave, by the deadly inheritance of his bondage riveted upon 
him through immemorial usage, he dared not look up into 
his parent’s face with the sweet, tender love of our modern 
consanguinity! It was a sacrilege. Equality was impossi- 
ble. The number therefore, of the slave race compared 
with the noble, was as fifty to one. Even as late as the 
beginning of that powerful reform known as Christianity 
which may be characterized as an emancipation proclama- 
tion, the slave system was in full operation and the num- 
ber of slaves enormous. 

It is through that long night of slavery for the working 
people, that humanity received its almost indelible stamp 
of reproach and contempt which lingers to-day in the 
“taint” of labor. During the struggle of strikes and up- 
risings that set in after the slaves became numerous and 
colonies of them, either as marauders or adventurers ap- 
peared, the slave race developed many men and women of 
extraordinary genius and ability. We shall present an 
elaborate history of these as landmarks in our biography of 
the lowly while groping through the barren void which 
the historians and the literary wreckers have left us, torn in 
fragments or quite unchronicled in their short sighted con- 
tempt and eagerness to set forth only exploits which the 
ambition of their noble masters inspired. So poor was the 
food doled out by the masters to their slaves that they may 


30 The Materfamilias or married mother kept herself in severe seclusion so 
wa to be above suspicion 


BRANDED AND FED HUSKS AND PODS. 19 


be said to have been fed like animals from the crib. Horace, 
Herodotus, Lucanus, Livy, Pliny and many others give tes- 
timony of the wretched food these poor slaves received in 
Greece, Egypt and Rome. Peas,” nuts, roots, pods, 
skimmed milk, very poor bread, and none made of white 
wheat flour.” Great suffering from want is mentioned in 
Pliny’s Natural History, among the slaves of Italy. An epi- 
demic like the black death twice broke out among them. 
He also states that this disease did not attack the noble or 
well-to-do people. These great sufferings and privations 
caused the death rate to be so high as to decimate the 
ranks of the slaves thus reducing the danger always feared 
by the masters, of revolt and of plotiings for insurrection. 
Aside from the curse which their lowly condition stamped 
upon the slaves, they were treated with ignominy and gen- 
erally marked with the stichus™ on their faces. The word 
stigma among the Greeks was full of reproach, not only 
because the scars were on the faces and bodies of these poor 
white men and women™ doomed to perpetual servitude, 
but because it was also indelibly stamped upon their social 
life. Granier who produced a gem in his great work” for 
which the subsequent labor movement acknowledges its in- 
debtedness, says of this ancient slavery: “This curse of 
blood is implacable. Ventidius Bassus was so fortunate as 
to become a consul. They said to him, you were a boot- 
black. Galerius, Diocletian, Probus, Pertiuax, Vitellius, 
even Augustus had the good fortune to become emperors. 
They said to Galerius: You were a swineherd ; to Diocle- 
tian: You were aslave; to Probus: Your father was a 
gardener; to Pertinax: Your father was a freedman ; to 
Vitellius: Your father was a cobbler; and they went so 


31 Horace, Ad Pisonem, v. 249. 
33 Homer, Odessey, lib. VIII. c. v. 221, 222, The earth-born multitudes : 


“Τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων ἐμέ φημι πολὺ προφερέστερον εἶναι, 
Ὅσσοι νῦν βροτοί εἰσιν ἐπὶ χθονὶ σῖτον edovtes.” 

238 Pliny, Natural History, XXVI. c. iii. “Non fuerat hec 1198 apud ma- 
jores patresque nostros.”’ 

34 See Comedie of Plautus: Stichus, ‘The marked Slave; also Plutarch,. 
Nicias, 29; Kenophon, De Vectigal., c.iv.; Diod XXXIV. Fragment, Dindor 

35 Homer, Iliad, L 233 “The earth-born multitude.” 

36 Granier de Cassagnac, Hist. des Classes Ouvrieres ; especially in chap. v. 
117; McCullagh, Industrial History of Free Nations ;—The Greeks. This scholar 
quotes from Hesiod’s*Epya καὶ Ἡμέραι, vy. 186., where tho great poet appeals 
to the lords for amelioration of the people’s sufferings : ‘Hesiod lived for many 
years in Bootia where the oppression and exclusiveness of the dominant classes 
was as unrelenting asin Lacedwmon.” Greek Industries, pp. 6-7. 


80 TREATMENT OF THE POOR. 


far as to write on the marble of the statuc of Augustus, in 
the lifetime of this master of the world: Your grandfather 
was ἃ merchant, and your father a usurer.” The same keen 
observer in his investigation of these ancient phenomena, of 
slavery, makes a very important suggestion, the result, he 
says, of his own personal reading of the Iliad of Homer: 
that as there isin the whole of that celebrated poem, not 
one allusion to freedmen, or to thesubject of emancipation; 
whereas in the Odyssey there appear many allusions thereto 
it is therefore, following the line of reason adopted by com- 
parative philologists and historiographers in search of facts 
in ethnography, very reasonable to suppose that the Iliad 
is the oldest, and that the Odyssey came afterwards.” 
Here is asuggestion worth much to anthropologists in gen- 
eral ; and it is to be hopedit may be cleared so asto become 
useful to the study of Sociology, We hear of no great spasm 
like that of the war of the rebellion of our own day, which 
produced the emancipation of the slaves. If nothing of 
that kind occurred between the composition of those two 
poems, so ancient and obscure, then it is reasonable to 
imagine that the emancipation was gradual; and if gradual, 
an unlimited time must have elapsed—perhaps thousands 
of years—between their composition. This alone seems 
capable of solving the incongruity. But it tends forcibly to 
show the astonishing age of slavery which may well be 
called the long night of suffering of our progenitors. Cer- 
tain it is, however that the Iliad treats of the extremes; 
the lords upon the one hand and on the other the slaves. 
The want of an intermediary class shows its high an- 
tiquity. 

At any rate, all these researches accumulate evidence 
showing the absurdity of a communistic or nomadic form 
of society having been possible among the Indo-Europeans 
from whom we are descended unless that tendency su- 
pervened upon the ancient system of land tenure in sub- 
sequent times. There crops out one curious association 
in very ancient history which, to the reader wishing to 
eratify his military or ecclesiastical taste is totally unac- 
countable; but which appears quite plain to those who 
study history to enjoy glimpses of the social life of the 
past. We refer tc the aristocratic Amphictyonic Council. 


31 Granier de Cassagnac, Hist. des Classes Ouvritres, chap. v. Ὁ. 109 


THE AMPHICTYONIC LEAGUE. 81 


The student of the great slave system sees the absurdity 
of attributing this ancient series of protective organiza- 
tions either to ambitious military schemes or to pure 
piety, although they are given to us by historians, as asys- 
tem of neighbors organized to protect and perpetuate 
the worship of the Gods. They come down to us from 
the gloomy tradition of high antiquity ; and to the two 
first mentioned classes they are uttcrly incomprehensible. 
The sociologist however, who sees the slaves growing in 
numbers while the gens* remained stationary in num- 
bers, can easily picture the causes and spirit of these 
leagues. They were confederations of the lords or indi- 
vidual owners of the patrimonies or estates. These es- 
tates, as we have seen, fell to the lords, by entail in pri- 
mogeniture. The Amphictyony ἢ was simply a co-opera- 
tive association of the lords to defend their estates; and 
they most naturally, as customary with all Pagan ancients, 
held forth first and foremost the horrors of irreligion, 
knowing that the superstition of the slaves was their true 
stronghold, since by making it appear that attack upon 
or contemptuousness of the holy property was an unpar- 
donable misdemeanor or even to utter words of conspiracy 
against that property remaining in the hands of the first 
born son, was blasphemy. This superstition thus incul- 
cated was always, in ancient times, the bulwark of pro- 
tection to the nobles. ‘Lhe Amphictyony existed 2,000 
years before Christ, probably even much prior to that 
time, and grew more and more powerful, until about B. 
C. 700 it had grown in numeric streneth and in the sub- 
tle art of self-protection so that it assumed the dignity of 
the Amphictyonic Council, seated itself in the holy tem- 
ples of Apollo and Demeter, and had delegates who met 
there spring and autumn, representing twelve tribes or 
states of Greece and the Archipelago. Some 600 years 
before Christ the Amphictyonic Council had misunde:- 
standings with its delegates and wars of extermination 
began. These troubles were called the holy wars. It is 
known that for many centuries these corporations pro- 
tected themselves mutually. If one of the sma!l neighbor- 


38 Latin *‘Gens,” whence the “gentry.” See Mann’s Ancient and Medieval 
Republics, chapter vi. 
39 Fiske. American Political Ideas, p. 72. 


82 TREATMENT OF THE POOR. 


hoods represented in and protected by the federation was 
attacked or threatened, the entire power of all the others 
was thrown together inits defense. The article of agree- 
ment between them ran as follows: Not to destroy or al- 
low to be destroyed or cut off from water, in peace or 
war, any town in the Amphictyonic brotherhood; not to 
plunder® the property of the god or treacherously ex- 
tract valuables from the sanctum. Now in face of the 
fact that there were by this time great numbers of sup- 
ernumerary slaves who had, on account of their servitude 
and the abuses they suffered, become reckless, fierce and 
ready to enter upon alife of desperate revolt, still we find 
writers denying that this brotherhood had any other idea 
than a purely religious one. To the searching sociologist 
it is quite clear that this organization must have been one 
of the very first efforts of the Indo-Europeans to form a 
government for the protection of property, 

From incipiency this must have been the earliest form 
of government. Butit was an aristocratic government 
which cast a taint on labor. It perpetuated the holi- 
ness of property which has ever since upheld the dogma 
of divine right of the fathers and of kings and is prob- 
ably the originator of that dogma. Away back in the 
past, before the country had become thickly peopled and 
while superstition combined with rigid rules of the 
masters, kept down all danger of revolt among the slaves, 
there were no cities.“ We have not space in this work 
to explain the phenomenon of the ancient city, but refer 
the curious to Dr. Fustel, whose work“ cannot be perused 
without profit. Modern scholars are making valuable com- 
pilations of evidence showing that cities, like nearly ey- 
erything else, were a natural and gradual growth. 

The great Hesiod, himself a poor freedman if not ἃ slave, 
may have had the Amphictyonic league and its wars in 
mind when he wrote : 


“\en’s right arm is law ; for spoils they wait 
And lay their mutual cities desolate.” 5 


40 The custom was to bury with the deceased father many precious articles 
of which he was fond in life. See Funck-Brentano, La Civilisation et ses Lois. 
on this Fetish custom and his evidence that the favorite wife was often buried 
alive along with the other trinkets; livre I. δ. it pp es 

41 Fustel de Coulanges, Cité Antique, liv.III. c. fi. et 427d. Il. ¢.i 

43 Hesiod, Ἔργα καὶ Ἡμέραι, V. 161. 


OHAPTER IV, 


ELEUSINIAN MYSTERIES 


δ ANCIENT GRIEVANCES OF THE WORKERS. 


WorkiINnG Propte destitute of Souls—Original popular Beliefs— 
Plato finally gives them half a Soul—Modern Ignorance on 
the trae Causes of certain Developments in History—Sym- 
pathy, the Third Great Emotion developed out of growing 
Reason, through mutual Commiseration of the Outcasts— 
A new Cult—The Unsolved Problem of the great Eleusinian 
‘My-teries—Their wonderful Story—Grievances of slighted 
Workingmen—Organization impossible to Slaves except in 
their Strikes and Rebellions—The Aristocrats’ Politics and 
Religion barred the Doors against Work-people—Extraor- 
dinary Whims and Antics at the Eleusinian Mysteries—The 
Causes of Grievances endured by the Castaway Laborers— 
Their Motives for Secret Organization—The Terrible Cryp- 
tia—The horrible Murders of Workingmen for Sport—Dark 
Deeds Unveiled—Story of the Massacre of 2,000 Working- 
men—EHvidence—The Grievances in Sparta—In Athens— 
Free Outcast Builders, Sculptors, Teachers, Priests, Dancers, 
Musicians, Artisans, Diggers, all more or less Organized—Re- 
turn to tbe Eleusinian Mysteries— Conclusion. 


Dorine the long period occupying—in the case of the 
Indo-European race from which most of us are derived, 
several thousand years, there came about a differentia- 
tion in favor of the slaves. Granier in his bright exposi- 
tion of this great social subject, declares slavery to have 
been the natural outcome of the Pagan, or family religion.’ 
Fustel de Coulanges in his instructive and extraordinarily 
lucid work has proved every word written by Granier 


1 Hist, des Ciasses Ouvritres, pp. 89-41. Vide chap. lili. passim 


84 THE MYSTERIES. 


upon this daring theme, to be true.? Philosophers of our 
age, catching at written and unwritten obscurities which 
saliently obtrude upon the path of researchers groping ia 
sociology, are getting down to real causes of events which 
for 2,000 years remained phenomena undeciphered. Ages 
upon ages have rolled and the mouldering stones and tab- 
lets, invaluable with their begrimed inscriptions, have sau- 
cily stared at science, unheeded. Furtive hints by anci- 
ent historians for centuries have mocked the lore of uni- 
versities, bearing their inuendos which failed to insult 
the professorial sticklers to our darling notes and emen- 
dations. Great Social wars with ominous wing have been 
flopping and airing our ignorance as to their deep, sup- 
pressed causes. ‘Then the downfall of the Roman empire 
—that of all others most inexplicable wonder—has been 
for twenty centuries chopped up into indigestible morsels 
and administered to students of history searching after 
great events and ecclesiastical lore. At last the student 
of sociology enters the field. He is philosopher enough 
to divest himself of the crusty film in which prejudice is 
encysted and manly enough to step out of the contumeli- 
ous state and like a Murillo go down among the tatterde- 
malions and give them credit for what they were. 

Society began with the bully.* It began with unbridled 
irascibility, concupiscence and egoism. This creature, 
man, having killed or clubbed away the others, sought 
among the females the handsomest mate and in the best 
cave or hut began the family. The Aryan is not a nomad. 
He wants a home, a permanent residence, He is brigand 
enough to launch forth into all the enterprizes of plunder, 
but he returns to his home. This home remained his fast- 
ness which he would not quit, The land around it be- 
came his. When children came they were also his. 
When they grew strong and could work, his concupiscence 
differentiated into cupidity; and begetting many, he forced 
them to work. They became his slaves. If the little ones 
refused or otherwise displeased him his irascible impulses 
prevailed and he killed them. Those whom he could 
not spare he only punished. His irascibility made him a 
Seer Ege BP. 76-89; See also Iliad, xxi, Odyssey, xxll., Leviticr::. 


8 We are forced to employ this homely term as there exists in English no 
ether which so nearly conveys our idea. 


ORIGIN OF THE PROLETARIAT. 85 


tyrant, while his acquisitiveness made him rich. He be- 
came a lord. Sympathy was a stranger to his bosom 
though no doubt it worked an influence at an early day 
in moulding the nature of the family, as we know there 
were favorites. 

He lived in the wonder-world. The phenomena of na- 
tare he could not understand. There were thunders and 
lightnings, but electricity was a terror which shaped a 
god. When this god of nature grew into shape upon his 
imagination his egoism coveted its glory and immortality 
and the bully came to imagine himself a god; and assumed 
for himself power and immortality deifying himself at 
death and ordaining his first-born son his worshiper and 
the sole inheritor of his fortune. The remuneration de- 
manded of the son for this succession was the paternal 
worship and the deification and adoration of the dead fa- 
ther, now a saint. Egoism was thus the originator of the 
Pagan religion, of immortality and of the sainthood.‘ 

It was a part of the genius of this cult to be aristocratic 
and exclusive. It inculcated divine rights of masters, of 
noble lords and afterwards of kings. On the other hand 
it was a part of the genius of paganism to have slaves. 
It was so exclusively aristocratic that only a very few could 
possibly enjoy its beatitudes. The rest were obliged to be 
castaways, The castaways who were debarred the favorit- 
ism of eternal life through the aristocratic burial and dei- 
fication were slaves, doomed by an inheritance of expro- 
priation and of poverty, to slavery. When they became 
numerous, although wretched, there now and then devel- 
oped a man or woman of genius. Bereft of everything 
tangible, they still had minds. With minds they consid- 
ered and discussed their lowly condition; with strength 
and ingenuity some worked themselves out of bondage and 
became freedmen, As freedmen they began to organize 
into protective associations and trade unions. Thus two 
distinct parties were formed. 

Meantime the power of the lords or property owners 
increased but not so rapidly in numeric strength as the 
power of the outcast, and the grandees, seeing the bondmez, 
runaways and freedmen forming into communes, some as 


{ Latin paganus, of, or belonging to the country, pagus. There were then 
ho towne or cities. These came later. Cf. La Cité Antique, passim. 


86 THE MYSTERIES. 


tradesmen, some as bricands, all dissatisfied, some very 
dangerous, also betcok themselves to organizition. ‘Thus 
there were two distinct classes, Which of these two clas- 
ses began earliest to organize for self defense we cannot un- 
dertake 10 prove but 1eason conjectures that if must have 
been the outcasts. But certain itis * they formed into power- 
ful phratr ies δ or curies for mutual assistance, sometimes un- 
der religious pretenses, as in the case of the Italian col/egia, 

All along, parallel with each other through time, these 
two systems, the grandees or gentes on the one hand and 
the outcasts or disinherited on the other, have existed, se- 
curing themselves by mutual organization, We do not see 
in history much of the working classes. The principal men- 
tion made of them is in connection with slavery and the 
concomitant degradation of servitude. We know from 
certain passages in history that insurrections or slave re- 
bellions occurred. Some of them were ona prodigious 
scale. Plutarch mentions instances where the masters by 
decree of the phratries sometimes allured large numbers of 
the slaves on plea of a fesitval or hunt and w vhen at a con- 
venient spot fell upon and murdered them by hundreds, 
merely to get rid of a dangerous element.” That the ser- 
vile element keenly felt the contempt in which they were re- 
garded, crops out in the records of the remote past. We 
propose to give many instances. 

The exclusion of slaves, frecdmen and afterwards Christ- 
ians from the Eleusinian mysteries gives the student of so- 
ciology an important hint to pages of the unwritten labor 
question; showing the reasons why the outcasts resorted to 
co-operation among themselves, as an only practical court 
of appeals to any power against oppression when aggrieved, 
All writers who have spoken of this celebrated and myste- 
rious organization agree that it was very ancient. As we 
have found irrefutable evidences of numerous trade unions 
so early as the eighth and ninth century before Christ, we 


5 Fuste] de Conlanges, Cité Antique, lib. IL pp. 89-89, La Famille; Mann’s 
Ancient and Medieval Republics, pp. 22-27. 

6 Morgan, Ancien! Socielies, Ὁ. 88: “The φρατρία is a brotherhood, as the term 
imports ; ‘and a natural zrowth from the organizationinto gentes. It ig an organic 
union OF assoc jation of two or more gentes of the same tribe for certain common 
objects. ‘ihese gentes were usually such as had been formed by the segmenta 
tion of an original gens. This author sees some analovy between the ancienf 
Greek and Roman gens and certain tribes of North American Indians; notably 
the Iroquois. Consult chapters ii. and iii. 

7Platarch, Lycurgus; also Lycurgus and Numa compared. 


THE ORIGINAL CRUSADE. 87 


need not trace the Eleusinian band back of that time. It 
is however, worthy of remark that this organization existed 
at a much earlier date and that, although the societies of the 
workmen do not as luminously come to the front on oc- 
count of this stigma which made them secret and prevented 
their recognition, it is no proof whatever that they did not 
also exist, The organization known as the Eleusinians,® ac- 
cording to ancient authors was in full force 1,500 years be- 
fore Christ. Cicero who was an admirer of all the Pagan 
forms that tended to hand down the exclusive splendor and 
dignity of the aristocratic stock, believed these feasts to 
have belonged to the remotest antiquity and that they 
lasted the longest of almost any institution.® Like the great 
trade-union movenent they transmit unwritten records 
through an occasional slab, bearing inscriptions.” 

The Eleusinian crusade was a celebrated and exclusively 
aristocratic religious festival in honor of the goddess Dem- 
- eter or Ceres,” held at Eleusis, a large town some ten miles 
from Athens, in Attic Greece. It was a great outpouring 
from Athens, every 5 years in the month Boedromion,” last- 
ing nine days, The great preparations made before the fes- 
tival began, the extraordinary solemnity of the affair, the 
manner in which the Athenians attended it in a drome or 
chanting caravansary, gave it the appearance of a crusade. 
It was the origin of all well-known crusades. The attend- 
ance at this crusade was a trial of one’s eligibility to the 
blessings of life eternal. Eleusis means a trysting place ; 
consequently it is probable that the great games suggested 
the name of the place, and once established upon a project- 
ing rock of the sea, the city afterward grew around it and in 
course of time held a large population. There are some 
touching memenioes which may be gleaned from this cele- 
brated name. Whoever reals the bible in Greek finds fre- 
quent mention of this word in the signification of the com- 
ing of the Saviour. It isa symbolic word. Emblems in 

8 In later centuries the little Mysteries continued though they were not con- 
fined to Eleusis. 
Cicero, De Legibus, tI. cap. XVI.; Panegyricus of Isocrates, 6. 
 ‘udging from the slab of Paros they began in jhe fifteenth century before 
Chr.-t, Larousse, Dictionnaire Universel, Art. Les Eleusiniens. 
ει Ceres, like the Pelasgic Hermes was theithyphallicdeity, having power 
over reproduction and the supplics of life. Cf. nucyc. brit. vol. XI. p. 670. 
» Βρηδρομιών, the space of time froin September 15th to October 15th ; 


fro; βοήρομεω, I chase with ashout ‘Viescus in the battle with the Amazons, 
chased them with cries 11 18 ἃ word of great antiquity Plutarch, Theseus, 


88 THE MYSTERIES. 


those days were common; and much that is unexplained or 
that may yet be explained —unexplained through ignorance 
ὃ neglect—comes out, by ἃ proper interpretation of em- 
blems. 

But the Eleusinian mysteries were too absurdly exclusive 
to stand the erosions of what is known as progress, In per- 
fect agreement with what we have said regarding the ex- 
elusive character of their worship, centering it upon the 
egoistic household name, forcing a puffed aristocracy by 
dint of glorifying a human creature and cutting off that 
glory from the many, especially those who toil, it had made 
itself odious and intolerable long before the advent of Christ. 
Yet the antiquity and greatness of the trysting scenes at 
Eleusis had become renowned in every well-known part of 
the world, All over Palestine, long afterwards the cradle 
of another but infinitely more democratic plan of worship, 
this curious practice was well-known. In Italy and Africa 
its fame had gone forth. 

We are not speaking of the Eleusinian mysteries merely 
to recount a paltry historico-ecclesiastical fact. We are 
making a point in socivlogic research. We therefore ask 
our reader's indulgence in comparing the social life of home- 
spun work-people through a metaphor as opposite as the 
Eleusinian emblems. Yet it isno metaphor. It bears with 
it a bone of contention which raged for centuries, split and 
divided, founded heresies, sophistries, philosophies, provoked 
labor unions, involved work-people in communism, drew out 
discussion and laid the foundation of the religion of Jesus 
in after years. We now proceed to explain how this was 
done. Inancient mythology Proserpine, or as some write it, 
Persephone, was the beautiful daughter of Ceres the Demeter, 
and of Jupiter. Pluto the god of the infernal regions fell 
in love with Proserpine and while she was in the act of 
gathering flowers in a vale of Enna in Sicily, stole her from 
her mother, carrying her off to his nether-world home.” 
The mother though an immortal and living on the heights 
of Enna the Sicilian Olympus, was so grieved at the loss of 
her child that she came down from heaven, betook to her- 
self the garb of mortals, became an old woman, assumed 
the duties of a nurse and wandered through the country, 


18 Infra, chap. vili., containing the story of Eunus and the great servile war 


THE LOST CHILD FOUND. 89 


péying her profession for a subsistance from place to place. 
She went to Eleusis and there got employment. It wasa 
job of nursing a child of the king of the place. The child’s 
name was Demophon and under the celestial solicitude of 
this goddess in disguise, Metauira, the mother, beheld with 
astonishment and curiosity the marvelous thrift of her boy, 
Ceres breathed upon him the breath of life, dressed him 
with ambrosial ointment and at night used to purge the 
dross of mortality from him by immersing him in a bath of 
mysterious fire, with an object of making him also immor- 
tal. But one night the fund and curious mother peeped 
through the veil screening the immortalizing process of 
trans-substantiation and seeing the boy pendent ina halo of 
flame screamed with affright, causing the haggard old nurse 
to let the youngster drop deep into the consuming pit 
where he instantly perished. The hag then, to save herself, 
threw off her disguise became rehabilitated and forced the 
people of Eleuses to build her a temple to dwell in while still 
continuing her search for the lost Proserpine. Now the 
professional business of Jupiter was to watch the interests 
of mortal men, But Ceres unable to endure the loss of her 
stolen child and remembering the details of her husband’s 
escape when a babe from the ferocious Saturn, struck the 
earth with her wand of famine. She rebelled energetically 
against the shape of things, and at last Jupiter came to the 
rescue of the innocent denizens of the earth as a profes- 
sional duty. Thisled to the discovery of Proserpine. From 
her temple at Eleusis, Demeter who was the protectress of 
the products of labor made things uncomfortable for the peo- 
ple who were in her husband’s care. They were stricken 
with malaria. Contagion spread. The ground ceased to 
produce and the horrors of famine engulfed them. Men 
prayed, sacrificed, and besought their patron gods, each 
gens for itself, and urged the further combination of gentile 
tribes into phratries to no effect until great Jove at last got 
Mercury to visit Erebus who went down into the pagan in- 
ferno where Pluto was enjoying the charms of the beautiful 
stolen prize. Thus the sly god got found out. This pagan 
inferno was Hades where Pluto was king. He, like Satan 
was cunning. He knew that by tempting her, as the devil 
a time before had tempted Eve, he could induce her to eat 
the forbidden fruit;—this time a pomegranite seed. Uns 


80 THE MYSTERIES. 


warily she was lured into the temptation which cost her a 
fourth part of each year, for the rest of her immortal exis- 
tence, in the infernal abode with Pluto. The other three- 
fourths of the year, however, she was permitted to pass 
" upon earth. 

Such is the ridiculous story which among the ancients, 
was believed at the point of the poniard or under penalty 
of the hemlock for at least two thousand years. To cavil 
with its austere sanctity wasa heresy costing the blasphem- 
ist his life and every hope of immortality. 

Some palliation of the absurdity of this sub-terrestrial 
abode is furnished by the qualification that in ancient belief 
the world was flat, not round; and between the two 
flat surfaces there flowed a river with whose murky waters 
Erebus had something to do. On the other side, once 
there, the journeying immortals were ushered into view of 
the indescribable beatitudes of the elysium. This gorgeous 
terra incognita was not to be reached without passing the 
terrible cynocephalous or many-headed watchdog named 
Cerberus. But heaven was on the other side, Passage 
from this to that was the agony. 

Now Ceres, the wife of the mighty Jupiter and mother 
of the lovely Proserpine, was the goddess of the harvests. 
She represented the cereals. She rode on a jagatnatha drawn 
by dragons. Her brow was coronated with wreaths of 
wheat. This rape of Proserpine by Pluto on the ragged 
edge, between our world of mortals and heaven became em- 
blematic of the agonies of winter ;—from autumn when the 
the wheat was sown, then the cold hyemal gloom of gesta- 
tion in the dark borderlands, the trysting place, the hyper- 
borean domain of hades; thence over the half congelated 
Styx was ferried the elastic imagination by the money get- 
ting Charon, and behold, the vernal raptures of heaven 
and its elysian fields appear, full of springing verdure, the 
land of exquisite delight! : 

Such was the Mythic origin of the Eleusinian Mysteries. 
They were weird forms of imagination, assimilating things 
real with things unreal and working them up into maxims, 
emblems and creeds, until they assumed a priesthood and 
became an organization of men and women knit by the tie 
of secrecy which nothing but the long fluctuations of pro- 
gress could unbind. 


THE MYSTERIOUS RITES. 91 


What the actual performance was at the penetratia of the 
Eleusinian mysteries nobody knows. We know that they 
were, in their prime, symbolic of the procreative ernergy of 
nature, But they were attended with certain extraordinary 
rites. What were these rites? They were also conducive 
to the science of eternal bliss. 

Who secured that bliss? In answering these two ques- 
tions we must return to the kernel of our theme—the labor 
element. To the first one of them, the answer is vague. 
This we know, that the rites consisted of dramatic repre- 
sentations of the rape of Proserpine, daughter of Ceres, 
goddess of the vegetable kingdom, of the fields, and labor, 
who was supposed to preside over the cereals and other 
alimentation of man. This rape was performed by Pluto; 
and in its emblematic mysticisms conveys the idea not only 
of procreation but also of immortality of the human soul.™ 
Whether more may still be contributed by science to these 
strange and intensely interesting rites is yet to be seen. As 
late as 1858 an important addition to our knowledge of the 
Eleusinian mysteries has been contributed in the discovery 
by Vlastos, at a village named Hagi-Constantios, of a mar- 
ble slab containing an inscription including rules and regu- 
lations of the society. 

The first day of the nine was celebrated perhaps partly 
in Athens or before the arrival at Eleusis. On the march 
from Athens to Eleusis the jealous outcasts who were ex- 
cluded from the raptures of the scene, always ranged them- 
selves in hostile array and belabored the marchers with 
stones and clubs, until the arrival of the procession at the 
temple of Megaron.* 

The second day was called alade mustae. It was the 
16th of Boedromion, It was the day of the baptism, being 
τ march in phalanx tothesea. The procession here received 
their baptism and purification. The third was the day of 
the feasting. On thefourth day the poppey seeds were ad- 


14 Uwaroff, Essai sur les mysttres d’ Eleusis, 3rd. edition, Paris, 1816; Creu - 
zer’s Symbolik saa Mithologie der alten Volker; Preller, Demeter und Persephone 
vlamburg, 1837. 

15 For a description of the temple of Megaron at Eleusis, see Guhl and Ko- 
ner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, translated by Hueffer, pp, 48-9, The dark 
crypt where the mysteries were performed by the Μυσταγωγοι also the initia- 
lions, was under ground. From Aristophanes (Plato, Bekk. L, ed. Repub. in cap. 
xvii.), we learn that at the initiations they sacrificed a hog, Aristophanes, Paz, 
v. 873-6, has the passage hinted at. 


42 THE MYSTERIES. 


ministered. This rite represented the stupefying influence 
of the narcissus under which the maiden Persephone was 
stolen away. Orpheus was the Aierophant or priest whose 
duty it was to initiate eligible candidates into the mysteries. 
He was assisted by Erechtheis daughter of Krechtheus the 
smasher. It is quite likely that this initiating ceremony was 
some kind of violent struggle. It must have been attended 
by oaths of fidelity under punishment of death to any one 
who divulged the secret. The initiation took place in the 
night or in the dark crypt of the temple, as the dadouchos or 
torch-bearer was in attendance and his torch-procession rep- 
resented the search for the lost daughter of Ceres. This 
dadouchos was a priest holding, as Xenophon tells us, the 
office hereditarily for life; and at his decease it fell to an- 
other of the same family, the Callidae. There was also a 
great sacrificial rite performed, who or what the victim, is 
not very clear; but the herald of the sacrifice, the hiero- 
ceryx was always there.” The new initiates were not per- 
mitted to eat flesh. Even the Aéerophant or initiating 
priest was required to live on low diet that passion might 
be restrained during the ordeal." He drank a decoction of 
hemlock which had the effect to benumb the sensibilities, a 
thing exceedingly appropriate at the moment of this ex 
tatic enjoyment, where, if we are to believe Maury, a critic 
well credited and much quoted on this subject, all around, 
the voluptuous nobles of both sexes take their turns. The 
unscrupulus dictionnaire universel,” quoting from the above 


16 Creuzer, Symbolik und Mythologie der alten Volker, 

11 Larousse, Dictionnaire Universel, Art. Les Eleusiniens. 

18 “On representait dans une sorte de drame hieratique le rapt de 18 fille Pro- 
serpine. On passait par le veritable rencontre du sacrament.” Art. Mystéres 
Eleusiniens. For an account of this extraordinary symbolism among the abor- 
iginal Americans see Bancroft’s Native Races, 117. p 507. Is it not a 
possible thing that this symbolism may have come to the Aleuts and Pepiles 
from custom ag ancient aud original as the Eleusinian mysteries ? Ban- 
croft says: “The Pep les abstained from their w ves **** previous to 
sowing, in order to indulge * * * * to the fullest extent on the eve of that 
day, e\idently with a v.ew to initiate or urge ‘he fecundating powers of na- 
ture. It is even said that certain persons were appointed to perform the 
sexual act at the moment of planting the first seed. During the b tter 
cold nights of the Hyperborean winter, the Aleuts, both men and women 
joined hands πὶ the open air and whirled periectly naked round certal. 
i ols, lighted only by the palemoon. The spirit was supposed to hallow 
the dance with his presence. There certainly could have been no licentious 
element in this ceremony, !or setting aside the discomfort of dancing naked 
with the thermometer at zero, we read that the dancers were blindfolded, 
and that decorum was strictly enforced. In Nicaragua, maize sprinkled 
with blood drawn from the genitals was regarded as sacred food.” <Addi- 
tionally to this fact, Bancroft says, (III, p. 506, quoting Palacio, Corts, p. 84) 


WILD SCRAMBLE OF INITIATION. 93 


author has no hesitation in hinting that the great secret 
which in this case was a veritable sanctwm sanctorum, was 
nothing less than a wild scrambling and voluptuous ero- 
tomania, such as might happen after a feast of wine. 
Within these penetralia are thus said to have happened an 
exuberance of voluptuousness, a struggle to feign escape, an 
agony and a glory of fullest effulgence emblematically rep- 
resenting each, in turn, the process of nature from the time 
seed is sown in autumn, through the gloom and struggle of 
winter to the genial spring when the new cereals burst from 
their first verdure, to their harvest for the nourishment of 
man. At any rate it is ascertained as certain that there 
were the course errante, the thalamos or pastos, the veil of 
the epoptai,” and all solemnly conducted under the eye of 
the Aierophant and Erechtheis, the priest and priestess of 
the mysteries. Maury” declares that an entrance into the 
fourth degree of the Eleusinian mysteries not only secured 
to the initiate a positive guaranty against the dreaded swp- 
plictum of Tartarus, or the lower hell, but it insured his 
felicity in this life also.” 

This sketch of the great Elensinian games may appear to 
the reader an aberration from our theme, the history of the 
laborers of ancient times. Not so; for it prepares the way 
to the student of history from a sociologic point of view, to 
become acquainted with the grievances the poor were forced 
to submit to. To be born a degraded wretch, a mere in- 
strument, usable by a master owning one asa thing and 
handling that thing, its labor, its destiny as an earthy tool, 
is to a being possessed of sensibility and reason, a grievance. 
It is slavery. When this slave grows into the reasoning 
being he inwardly rebels against the men and the institu- 
tion by which he is held in bondage. He is wise enough 
to foresee that his only chances of wriggling out of bond- 
age and of securing riddance fromits grievances is by some 


of the aboriginal inhabitants of Honduras and Mexico: ‘The freqvent occur- 
rence of the cross, which has served in 80 many and such widely separated 
parts of the eartn a: the symbol of the life-giving, creative, and fertilizing 
principle in nature, is, perhaps one of the most striki:¢ evidences of the for- 
mer recognition of the reciprocal prneiples of nature by the Americans: es- 
pecially when we remeniber that the Mexican name for the emblem tonaca- 
quahuitl, signifies ‘tree of one life or flesh.’” 

19 Plato, Phedrus, 250, c.; Béckh, Jnscr. 1, 

20 Maury, Histoire des Religions dela Grece Anti 

1 Plato tells us of the sufferings of those who fall to obtain purgation at the 

mysteries. Republic, lib, II. cap. 7. L. edition. 


θ4 THE MYSTERIES. 


inatitution of his own; some court of appeal. Political in 

stitutions have never given the workingman a court of ap. 
peals. The workingman has never yet had a hearing ;* 
and his reason and experience both point to the terrible fact 
that no hearing is possible except before his own court of 
appeals. The trade union is, per se, a true court of appeals. 
We have seen that the isolated gens or family of nobles, 
when threatened by the dangers of a growing population, 
by pirates, by slave insurrections and feuds, organized them- 
selves into phratries, curias, kingdoms, empires and thus 
found means of submitting their grievances to courts of jus- 
tice for settlement. We have also means of knowing that 
the laboring element had, on the other hand, commenced the 
organization of their forces. Of the former there is suffi- 
cient proof; of the latter, as students in the phenomena of 
ancient social life, we glean here and there fresh proof from 
inscriptions on tablets of stone which have survived the 
heedless ages, enabling us to search anew the hitherto 
vaguely deciphered meanings of expressions of the ancient 
chroniclers, finding here and there trophies of inestimable 
worth ; all going to show that the ancient laborers, although 
hated and hunted everywhere and very early, also formed 
unions and other courts of appeal against grievances. We. 
find evidence too, that these organizations commenced very 
early—perhaps coeval with the political organization of the 
nobles, or even before. 

But the labor movement of this nineteenth century sur- 
rounded by an infinitely more Juminous moral atmosphere, 
is little likely to understand what could possibly have been 
the grievance of the ancient working people against the 
Eleusinian games. What objections men will say, cou'd 
working people, ignorant as they were in those times, have 
had to any means of salvation soul and body, from suffer- 
ing. This brings the matter pertinently before us! The 
Eleusinian mysteries were simply a religious rite, founded 
amid the ignorance of an ancient period of our forefathers’ 
existence. For that era it was enlightened. What then, 


22See Bristed, Resources of the United States, p. 103, ed. 1818 and his ref- 
erence to the dismal failure of Lycurgus in sapping the family of its loves and 
in encouraging cruelty. 

23 Bristed, Jdem, p. 392, declares that all nations that have given themselves 
up to erratic irregularities, “every species of profligacy”’ have done so as a con- 
sequence of irreligion. 


CONFLICT OF CLASSES AT THE CRUSADE. 95 


could the lowly who performed the world’s drudgery, have 
encouraged, in opposition to it ? 

Those who thus interrogate, do so in the absence of an 
understanding of the question. The laboring classes, though 
socially degraded, had sensitive feelings. They, like their 
masters, were believers in the common religion and its 
forms. They cannot be blamed for that. But while they 
saw their masters favored with what they thought to be 
glories of religion, they found themselves utterly excluded. 
No one at Athens who was a slave, or his descendant could 
secure admittance. In far later times even christians who 
were the descendants of slaves and consequently mostly of 
the laboring element, were denied admittance. The gates, 
from the remotest era were arbitrarily closed against the 
workers who labored to produce the means of subsistence 
for the rich. The gorgeous telesteria, and pilasters of the 
great temple of Megaron, were, by the outcasts, only to be 
gazed upon and marveled at froma distance. The Calliades 
who inherited the priesthood were all of noble blood. The 
common rabble might get into the caravan and through the 
dust and din march unobserved from Athens to Eleusis. 
They might, as in the procession of our modern camp- 
meeting, become inspired with the occasion and imbued 
with the frenzy of faith, or even dare to picture themselves 
worthy to participate. But the order of such a man’s rank 
was soon manifestsd by the missiles, hisses, jeers and attacks 
against the throng, himself included, by his own people who 
gathered on the wayside and threw derision and vented 
spite in turbulence and often force against al] the crusaders 
alike. On his arrival his case became hopeless, for a rigid 
examination by officers of the law soon detected his meaner 
rank and caused his expulsion. None but the darlings of 
the family constituted gentes were deemed fit for admission 
to the holy altar. 

We mean by this that the working man was too low in 
the estimation of the devotees of the Pagan temple to be 
the possessor of an immortalsoul.* Now let the questioner 


24 Plato, Laws, vi; Homer, Odessey. XVII. ο. 322, 328; Horace, Sermo, I 
The ancient idea was that those who failed to get through the flat earth from 
this, the mortal side, to the other which was heaven, E/ysium, perished. Plate 
the great idealist wrote (Gorgias, 168-73; Phado, 77, 139; Rep. c 13), sevzral 
intensely interesting details on the wanderings and gropings of the soal on whose 
waxen tablet is indelibly stamped virtues and sins for Rhadamanthus and the 


eS THE MYSTERIES. 


consider that these outcasts were human beings of the same 
natural stock, against whom natural laws of heredity had 
made no discrimination; that they were as bright, as clear, 
as conscious, as well developed and intelligent as their mas- 
ters, were often their masters’ children; that they some- 
times rose supremely to eminence despite the pitiless con- 
tempt and mountain-like obstacles they had to contend with 
—let the objector observe these things in a practical way 
and he will be furnished a true key to one cause of the dis- 
satisfaction and counter organization of laborers of ancient 
times, for securing a court that might hear their appeals. 
The world at that period was divided into two classes, the 
pious and the impious,” which means the nobles, born of the 
ods and entitled to go back to the gods, and the earth- 
rns, doomed to delve for their masters and at death go 
back to the earth. But although this was recognized as an 
old belief coming from the institution of slavery in which 
the most liberal of men could only acknowledge them to 
be more than half furnished with an immortal principle,” 
το the intelligence of the outcasts rebelled against it. 
ould not men under such circumstances naturally consider 
this a great grievance? In our own times, when all men 
are admitted to be born equal—times compared with those 
old days being as the dazzle of noonday to the obscurity of 
morning twilight—in our own free civilization the working 
people combine upon economic issues, their equality of 
right to heaven unquestioned; but those people imagined 
themselves suffering a humiliating grievance when the 
haughty disclaimer was flung into their face that they 
were too mean to expect either a present or a future. If 
then, they gnashed with anguish, or even vengeance or se- 
cretly took measures to get even with this oppression, it 
was but an effort to express a grievance. 

We make these statements to show why in ancient times 
the labor movement took different phases from these we see 
on every hand about us. We do this because we are about 
to bring forward proof that there existed an opposition to 
other post mortem judges to examine. Those, such as slaves supposed to have 
no souls, were denied even a burial. They were burned. 

25 Consult chapter 3 of Granier’s Hist, des Classes Ouvritres, pp. 48-71. The 
eritic should carefully study his magnificent array of notes. 

26 Plato, Laws, ix. half asoul; Tim, xviii. ; xxi. Homer, Odessey, lib XVIT; 


Aristotle declared that the children of the noble masters, who were born slaves 
sould be only animated beings. 


CLUES OF COMPARATIVE TESTIMONY, 97 


the whole philosophy based on the slave code and to the 
religion that denied the equality of man. The first thing 
is to produce proof that the working people resented 
their exclusion from the Eleusinian mysteries. 

To do this it will be necessary to indulge in a little cir- 
cumlocution, as the evidence is very vague and indirect. It 
isin fact, new ground. However much there may lie con- 
cealed in support of this important fact which we propose 
to establish, it must be confessed that such evidence lies in 
moldering inappreciation and neglect. Did the laboring 
or outcast element of that ancient era resent and combine 
against the system that ignored them soul and body? 

We have proof that they did; but in adducing this proof 
hold claim to the right to draw inferences from the exist- 
ence and career of as many different forms of labor and 
socialistic organizations as we can hunt out from the gloom 
of tyranny and oblivion. With this range of the whole 
field assumed to be conceded, we shall produce before the 
critic what we can find of all sorts of organizations bearing 
upon the point, and where the link of evidence becomes 
broken in the chain of chronology, shall feel perfectly ex- 
onerated for drawing upon the plausibly imaginative in 
order to restore that link. The fact that, as an anthropol- 
ogist we are undertaking to write a history of ethics from 
a standpoint of sociology, entitles us to a right to scientifi- 
cally use all the strategy of comparative testimony. By 
these remarks is meant the trade union, the co-operative so- 
ciety, the burial society, the society for social amusement 
among the lowly, the agrarian foment, the social wars, 
even to some extent the sophist and Pythagorean social- 
ism, the ascetic Essenianism and finally the grand culmi- 
nation of all, Christianity. All these strictly belong to 
the true social history of the ancient lowly; for all their 
membership was originally of freedmen and slave origin. 

In order to answer the question properly it is necessary 
to glance a moment at the social history of the Grecian 
peninsula. As early as 1055 B. C. there had been a hor- 
rible murder or massacre of the Helots or slaves and their 
descendants at Sparta. It was in the mythical ages; but 
great events even among the poor and ignorant have a 
certain faculty of transmitting their history through tradi- 
tion. It has come down to us through poetry and song, 


98 THE MYSTERIES. 


through hints of ancient history, through honest Plutarch, 
and we are assured as to the assassinations which were 
from time to time perpetrated upon the defenseless work- 
ing people of that time. Wealso know that these poor crea- 
tures who were to the body politic of those people what the 
bones are to the body, had unions for self protection. 
Still further it is known that they enjoyed the right to 
organize. It has been ascertained that the slaves them- 
selves actually possessed protective societies” and consid- 
ering the free and intelligent classes whence they were 
derived it is quite natural that they should have possessed 
them. Especially is this possible among the helots or 
slaves of Lacedeemon. They were, as we have seen, slaves 
by inheritance, often their wealthy masters’ own children. 
They were priconers of war, forcibly reduced to that 
wretched condition by being beaten in the war with 
Helos ; and later in the great Messenian war, when Sparta 
became the victor in that conflict, those brave, proud, in- 
genius Greeks along with all of the two above mentioned 
classes, were humiliated, subjugated, degraded to the 


27 It is known that they did at a later period; Cf, Ltiders, Die Dionysischen 
Kinztler, S. 22 &47. This author mentions a very interest ng inscription 
(Béckh, Corpus Inseriptionum Grecarum. 1. p. 417), that has come to lizht, 
at or near Pergamus, which shows that slaves belonged to the eranot or union 
of mechanivs. On page 46, Liiderssays ‘‘Bezeichnend fir den Charakter 
des Vereinswesens der spiiteren Zeit ist es, dafs auch Sclaven nicht allein 
an einem Eranos sich betheiligen, sondern auch unter sich ein religidses Col- 
leglum mit Unterstiitzungscasse bilden druften. Fiir den von Sclaven benutz- 
ten Eranos bieten zahlreiche Beispiele die unlaingst in Delphi ge’undenen 
Freilassungsurkunden. Das Collegium Rhodischer Sclaven zu Ehren des 
Zeus Atabyrios (Διὸς ᾿Αταβυριασταὶ τῶν τᾶς πόλιος δούλων"). Soalso inp. 47, 
Liiders further corroborates the facts that slaves belonged to the unions: ᾿"1)888 
aber Vereine von einiger Bedeutung auch Sclaven zur Bedienung hatten, ist 
natiirlich; Kratov hatte als Priester des von ihm gestifteten Collegiums der 
Attalisten testamentarisc’: dem Thiasos unter anderem Tempel- und Haus- 
geriith auch Sclaven vermacht. Auf den Reliefs aus Nicéia haben w r in den 
um das Mahl bes hiaftigten und in den Musicirenden Personen Sclaven er- 
kannt.” On page 22, Liiders has already mentioned this Kraton, in proof of 
the membership as slaves: ‘Kraton, giinstling der Attalen und hochange- 
sehnes Mitglied und Priester der grossen Synodus Dionysischer Techniten in 
Teos, hatte nach seiner glizenden Aufnahme an dem Hofe von Pergsmos dort 
aus dem Verbande der Kinstler einen Verein von Thiasoten zu Ehren der 
Pers amenischen Kénige gestiftet, dessen Mitglieder sich Ατταλισταί nennen.” 
Farther on in’ he same page, he shows that Kraton made the union a present 
of his own slaves when he died; probably, as Foucart shows that they some- 
times did, (Mém. sur Vaffranchissement des esclaves par forme de vente ἃ une divinité 
p. 28), in order to set them free. ‘In seinem Testamente endlich. von dem 
uns, 80 wie von jenem Briefe, ein Fragment erhalten ist, vermacht er dem 
Verbande eine ansehnli he Geldsumme, damit sie aus den Zinsen ihre Op- 
fer und festlichen Zusammenkinfte bestritten den Statuten gemiafs (καϑῶς 
ἐν τῇ νομοϑεσίᾳ πρὸς ἑκάστων διατέταχεν). Das Mobiliar des Verein haascs, das 
Geschirr zu den Opfern und Mahizeiten und der feierlichen Pompe, dax in 
dem erhaltenen Theile des Testament aufgezihlt wird, hinterliess er dem 
Verein nebst einer Anzahl Sclaven zu dauerndem Besitz. 


͵. ῬΕΟΟΥ͂ THAT SLAVES WERE ORGANIZED. 99 


same servile condition. But although the hody was 
bowed down to servitude, the mind remained to play its 
fancies, to plot and plan, to concoct in secret; and lan- 
guage was also theirs—a facile tongue—rich in versatility 
of idiom; full of thrilling nuance and touching charm. 
The powerful physique was there, the love of adventure, 
the Greek cravings for a better lot, with fortitude, dash 
and intrepidity which form the gallant characteristics of 
that grand people—all these the workingmen of high an- 
tiquity possessed. More than this, they had inteliigence 
enough to know that the cruelties they suffered were un- 
just. If then, we hear through the scintillations of the 
fragments that there were uprisings, social turmoils and 
wars, we know them to have been the natural outcome of 
such a state of things, and nothing to be wondered at. 

Now we have promised to adduce proof that there were 
unions of Greeks who resisted the public insult of the 
great Hleusinian mysteries which denied to the slaves and 
their descendants, the freedmen, all hope of happiness 
here and hereafter.* We simply desire, in order to clear 
up the vagarics, to consider, in our inquiry, the whole of 
Greece at a time. 

Scanning the social condition of the slaves from evidence, 
we find plenty of assurance that they beionged to the 
state. The state leased them out. The state, from the 
primitive family, was organized for purposes of defense.” 
The family first possessed the slave. Slaves became more 
numerous than families. They didall the labor and were 
allowed no privileges. Sotheyrebelled. Someran away, 
hid in fastnesses, became dangerous brigands. They be- 
came organized. ‘Then the rich families organized them- 
selves into fratries and other forms, As the slaves had 
belonged to the families, so now they belonged to the fra- 
tries. This means that as the slaves were before private 
property, so now they, or some of them, became public 


28 Plutarch, Theseus, speaks of the demazogue Menestheus who, about 1186 
before Christ rose up against the tyranny of the aristocrats at Athens, with the 
claim that the people also had a right to be initiated into the Eleusinian myster- 
ies. Even at that remote period there must have been between the poor and 
lowly and the rieh and lordly, great struggles regarding this grievance. 

29Morgan. Ancient Society, chap. ii : Drumann, Arbeiter und Communisten 
én Griecheniand und Rom, ὃ, 24: “In Epidamnis gab es keine Hanwerker als di¢ 
Offentlichen Sklaven.”: ‘Das Handwerk ist daher verrufen und verachtet.” 5. 
26: Aristotle, Politic, il, 4, § 13, 


100 THE MYSTERIES. 


property, This was a political sequence upon the organ- 
ization of the families into fratries and the consolidation 
of the fratries into the state. Of course the rich family 
still kept as many servants as it needed; but large num- 
bers remained with the publicdomain. These state slaves 
formed into organizations.” From the earliest mythical 
accounts down to 58 years before Christ we find evidences 
abundantly proving that the law gave work-people the 
especial right to organize not only in Rome but also in 
Greece. The celebrated Law of the Twelve Tables which 
specified the manner of organization of workingmen, is 
declared by the commentators to be a translation from the 
Greek laws of Solon.* 

The Twelve Tables clearly set down the arrangement, 
ordaining that the trade unions should remain in obedi- 
ence to the law of the state. The unions fcllow. d the law, 
and Gaius wrote the law thus fixed, so plainly thot Justi- 
nian incorporated it into the digest. A fragment of the 
law of Solon® shows plainly that trades unions were com- 
mon and tolerated by thatlawgiver. A strong cumulative 
evidence that the slaves belonging to the state were enor- 
mously organized into protective association, is found in 
the fact that they succeeded in their insurrections against 
the masters. An important example of these slave in- 
surrections is given of the miners.” In Attica they once 
rebelled, and marched upon the town near the silver 
mines, occupying the castle of Sunion. These people 
were called “ thetes” or “demoes.” 

In Athens the fact of their manumission did not make 
them anything above mere earth-borns. ‘They could de- 
velop genius, become teachers, philosophers, poets and 
bas .cssmen. Sometimesthey rose to positions of wealth, 
even themselves becoming master-builders, and some of 
them were the greatest sculptors and painters the world 
ever produced; but the taint of servility was born in their 
blood. _Phidias the most celebrated sculptor, ancient 
or modern, was a descendant of the slaves. He was 


30 Liidersa, Dionyschischen Kunstler. S. 46; Wescher-Foucart Inscriptions de 
Delphes, pp $9, 107, 139, 244, giving abundant evidence 

31 Gains, Digest, lib XLVIL. tit. xxii lez. 4; Plutarch, Numa 

s2Granier, Histowre des Clssses Ouvritres &c. pp. 283-7. 

33 Consult the Fnceyclopedias, Articles on Slavery; also for instances of 
Asiatic slaves joining the rebellion of Aristonicus, see Infra, chapter ix.~ 


GENIUS OF THE FOREFATHERS. 101 


really a freedman. He built the propylae of the Parthe- 
nou, and with his skillful hand made the beautiful and co- 
lossal statues of Athena and the wonderful chryselephan- 
tine statue of the Olympian Zeus. Parrhasius, one of the 
finest painters, who transmitted to the Italian schools the 
art of delineations, was, in all probability a freedman. 
Demosthenes in his terrible vehemence pronounced 
AMschines a son of a freedman. That alone probably had 
a strong tendency toward deciding the great case against 
AXschines, whose mighty genius, though the outcome of 
lowly parentage, well-nigh brought to the scaffold the 
greatest orator of ancient or modern days. In these 
bright years of our nineteenth century, such scurrile slurs 
as Demosthenes hurled against his enemy, which were 
used to incite contempt, would be thought an insult upon 
the act of labor. Innumerable were the marvels of genius 
among the Greeks, and as innumerable the deprecatory 
innuendoes, the cowardly jealousies, the surreptitious re- 
venges that were seated and sealed in the accident of 
birth. Much of the greater and lesser broils may be at- 
tributed to it. 

Our object in this divergence is to give, from a reading of 
the past, in the spirit of sociological research, the fact that 
the lowly of the Greek population were organized to a large 
extent, against this scathing. grievance, the taint of labor. 

Thit the slaves belonged in great numbers to the state 
is seen by any one who consults the law of Lycurgus.* 
It must be most distinctly understood that the great law 
of Lycurgus was intended only for the development and 
enjoyment of the two favored classes of Lacedeemonian 
society—the Spartans and Perieci. He belonged to the 
Eurystheneid line of Spartan kings. An aristocrat by 
birth and according to Herodotus, living about a thous- 
and years before our era, he would not permit the third 
class or working people even to taste of the advantages 
of his system—otherwise almost a perfect socialism ii we 
except its heathenish immodesty and blood-thirst. The 
‘land he divided into 9,000 lots for the Spartans who were 

24Plutarcn, Lycurgus; ‘It is not worth while to take much pains as to riches 
since they are of no account; andthe Helots (slaves) who tilled the ground, 
were answerable for the produce mentioned *’ And a few lines farther on: ‘‘Se 


much }en-aih them they esiimated every thought of mechanic arts as well aa 
wish for r.clies ”” 


102 THE MYSTERIES 


fewest in numbers, 30,000 lots for the Perieci or Lacont 
ans who were more numerous in proportion. The poor 
Helots or work-people and descendants from slaves got 
nothing although their proportionate numbers were three 
to one. This hegemony of Greece incorporated into it- 
self the most degrading slavery to be found in the world’s 
history. Lycurgus although to his favorite people per- 
haps in many respects a model, was towards those he ar- 
rogantly assumed to be beneath him—the laboring class— 
the model of a monster. His system of the ambuscade™ 
disgusted even Plato, who was a believer in slavery. 
Plato’s great heart turned away in loathing from such a 
stupendous abomination. The ambuscade, a diabolism 
that should blacken any age, could exist only in a country 
where calm, cold-blooded contempt gets the better of the 
warmer emotions. In locking over the lofty but ghastly 
eloquence of Cicero, whose implacable contempt for the 
working people in later times cost him his life, we have 
the nearest parallel to inveterate hate. 

No historigrapher can hereafter afford to neglect the 
inhuman butcheries perpetrated by the ambuscade ; since 
they differed from the massacres of Stone Henge, of Saint 
Bartholomew, of the Incas, of the Mamelukes, of Wyoming, 
in being consummated at moments of profoundest peace; 
at moments when the innocent victims were wrapt in the 
fiendish assassins’ service, sweating in the fields, at the 
mill, with the flocks, on the provision market, producing, 
garnering and distributing the food, the clothing, the 
shelter which their heartless butchers were consuming 
without gratitude, to invigorate their veins whereby to 
accomplish such treacheries! 

Just before reciting these horrors let us revert to the 
victim. He was primarily the slave by the ancient family 
law of entail and primogeniture. The shackles of abject 
servitude were first inherited through the humiliating law 
of entails which fixed the heir of the patrimony, the first 
born son, as a lord to be served, worshiped, immortalized, 
and blessed; his children to be chattels, subjected, forced 
to labor, distrusted, branded and cursed.” 


85 For more on the Cryptia, see Plutarch, 


36 Fustel de Coulanges, Cité Antique, iivre 2, La komile; Grenier 66 Cae- 
agnac, Histloire des Classes Ouvritres, chap. 3, 


FLOGGED ONCE A DAY 103 


Next, after this primary calamity came the slaves of war; 
whole communities taken, carried off by the captors and 
degraded to slavery and its concomitant curse,” as in the 
case of the Messenian war with Sparta. Lastly the slave 
trade;—three great ancient systems. Under these he 
suffered torments which no pen of mortal will ever por- 
tray. He was known by his dress, sometimes going in 
rags equivalent to nudity, in gangs under a brutal boss. 
Sometimes, in this condition, man along with woman, 
destitute of means of being decent, dragging the long 
day among the fields and flocks; dogskin hats and sheep- 
skin breeches, which survive longest the wear of the 
wearer, and often totally nude. They were each flogged 
once a day as an admonition, though having committed 
no offence and forbidden to learn the manly arts. They 
were obliged to stoop and crouch in piteous obsequious- 
- ness to these drivers lest jealous tyranny interpret their 
upright posture to be an assumption of the estate of man- 
hood.” Such was the condition of the workingman of 
Sparta which, above all other countries whereof we dis- 
cover ἃ historic trace, was the most pitiless toward the 
slave. And the most shameful phase of this confession is 
the cruel fact that all this was precept of the Lycurgan 
law! 

We must return to the cryptia or ambuscade of the law 
of Lycurgus. These Helots or working people, state-slaves 
of Lacedzmon, lived and performed much of their labor 
in the rural districts. The law of Lycurgus provided for 
the election, annually, of five magistrates or overseers, 
called ephori, whose function was to strengthen and 
heighten the principles of democracy that the happiness 
of the people might be equalized. Plutarch’s doubts as to 
whether Lycurgus instituted the ephort seem to be dis- 
pelled by his ac!:nowledgmext that both Plato and Aris- 
totle thought so.” One of the functions of this institu- 

81 Hlian, Historia Varia, 1, 1.; Athensus, Detpnosophiste, vi; Kenophon 
Memorabilia, 8, 6, 82 : Biicher, Aufstdnde der unfreien Arbeiter §.36; All 
of these authors also Livy give evidence on the enslavment of men taken in war, 

38 “The Ephori indeed, declared war against them! Against whom? Wily 
poor, naked slaves who tilled their lands, dressed their food and did all those 
offices for them which they were too proud to do for themselves.” Cf. Piutarch, 
Lycurgus, note in Langhorne’s tr. Σ 

89 Plato, Republic, Dissertation on Lacedemon; Aristotle, Politic, v. ascribes 


their origin to a later period of the law’s existence than that of the ! awgiver’s 
“fatima. Nevertheless they are the outcome of the great law of Lycurgus. 


104 THE MYSTERIES. 


tion for the promotion of popular democracy was to see 
that the ambuscade was well carried out. All that was 
meant by the term people was the people who owned the 
land, either by parcel or as government property together 
with the slaves and other chattels of that property. This 
means that the really worthless and indolent non-pro- 
ducers were the people. The useful majority of the in- 
habitants, the working population, were entirely ignored, 
contemptously denied every vestige of participation in 
thismuch boasted government, although there exists abun- 
dance of evidence that they were naturally intelligent and 
as worthy as their masters, of enjoying the product of 
their labor in this state of democracy. 

Instead of this, the ephori ordained that a certain num- 
ber of young men from among the aristocrats should, at 
their command, arm themselves with daggers, and pro- 
vided with a sort of knapsack with provisions, secretly 
sneak off into the mountains and jungles.” The distances 
these legalized assassins were required to go varied very 
much, These youths had governors who had the power 
to order them to doas the ephori should determine. Tha 
governors, whenever the ephori voted a new slaughter of 
the working people, called together the smartest and most 
able bodied of these young men, armed them with dag- 
gers, sharpened and gleaming for the occasion.“ At the 
same time the inhuman overseers whom we may with due 
propriety call bosses, in accord with a technical significa- 
tion fully adopted by the prevailing labor movement of 
to-day, were ordered to see to it that the toilers should 
be without arms or means of any kind with which to de- 
fend themselves when suddenly set upon by the amateur 
Spartan soldier, dagger in hand. With all these odds 
against them the poor, unsuspecting, half naked working 
people were driven by the bosses, as usual into the field, 
the mill, the kitchen and the various places of service 
wherever required to eke the drudgery of a sun-and-sun 
summer day of toil. Meantime the assassins were laying 
in wait in the vicinity for their prey. It wasa manly 
sport! The law of Lycurgus made more compulsory 
than any other code on earth, the provisions of manly 


40Plutarch, Lyeurgus, where these horrors are related. 
41 Thucydides, De Bello Peloponnesiaco, liber IV. 80. 


THE ASSASSINS’ 8 PORT. 105 


gymnastics. This was one of them. It wassport!® By 
the exercise of this manly sport the youth’s blood flowed 
stronger, his muscles grew, his body waxed athletic; he 
digested with a better relish the food his plood-begrimed 
victim had in the morning prepared for him before his 
murderous weapon slashed and pierced her gentle heart. 
We quote from Plutarch. No one ever speaks illy of Plu- 
tarch. His means of knowing facts were better than ours, 
and his kind nature even in the barbarous age in which 
he lived, revolted against the consistency of such a democ- 
racy. He says:“ 

“The governors of the youth ordered the shrewdest of 
them from time to time to disperse themselves in the 
country, provided only with daggers and some necessary 
provisions. Inthe day time they hid themselves and rested 
in the most private places they could find; but at night 
they sallied out into the roads and killed all the Helots 
they could meet with. Nay, sometimes by day, they fell 
upon them in the fields and murdered the ablest and 
strongest of them.” “ 

These are specimens of authentic history of the lowly 
as they have passed through a transition period of un- 
numbered centuries, from abject slavery to a Christian 
democracy which recognizes all menas equal and provides 
for them precepts for equal enjoyment. But before quit- 
ting these chambers of cruelty and carnage it remains our 
sad duty to recount what modern histcrians well know, 
but seldom divulge—the great assassination. It happened 
during the Peloponnesian war. Thisaccount comes from 
the trusted and reliable historian Thucydides, who lived 
at the time and made it his business for many years to 
keenly observe what transpired, during that long and 
tedious struggle of seven and twenty years. ‘The story is 
briefly told by him. Dressed and reflected upon in our 
own way it appears in substance as follows: 

During the great Peloponnesian war, one of the most 
renowned in antiquity, the forces of the army sometimes 
became decimated and it was necessary to recruit them 


#K.O. Miller in Die Dorier, denies this; but the evidence is too strong 
against him. Again, M faller’s opinion regarding their “aboriginal descent” bas 
been completely pelea aga 

48 Plutarch’s Lycur: 

“4Idem; Cf, tr. of the the Langhornes Vol. T. pp. 63-4, 


106 THE MYSTERIES. 


from whatever source possible. When, therefore, there 
were no more soldiers to be had from among the Spartans 
and Periceci or recognized citizens, the military authori- 
ties were obliged to call out the laboring men who, at the 
time of the Peloponnesian war, were three to four times 
more numerous than the non-laboring class. This in an- 
cient times was always a humiliation. War was the noble 
occupation, labor the ignoble one. To ask a person in 
disgrace to assist the nobles out of trouble was equivalent 
to humiliating confession. If then, the laborer, in a great 
emergency was marshaled to the rescue, the only way to 
blot out the stain such a humiliation entailed was to en- 
franchize this warrior from social thraldom and thus 
stanch the blot by elevating him from the fetters of bond- 
age. If further, the bondsman after performing the ser- 
vice manfully, redeeming his masters by bravery and valor, 
earning his liberty by saving their lives and preserving 
their realm from wreck, could be secretly murdered after 
such decree of manumission was administered, it would 
save the proud masters many a disagreeable jeer, painful 
wince and blush of shame when reminded that their ex- 
istence and happiness was due to the daring and fidelity 
of a hated menial who still shocked their pride with his 
presence. 

It came to pass that this humiliating expedient was in- 
dispensible to save the nation from irretrievable ruin and 
thousands of the enslaved laborers were marshaled and 
drilled into the army. They were not allowed to bear 
heavy arms; that would have been a still greater disgrace. 
So they bore light arms and bore them gallantly. After 
serving through many a tedious campaign probably of 
years’ duration, after winning victories in many askirm- 
ish and in many a field and earning the full measure of their 
promised reward, after seeing the Lacedzmonian armies 
victorious at every hand and the great war prosperously 
advancing toward triumph for the southern Greeks, there 
were brought before the military tribunal for dismissal 
over two thousand workingmen who had proved truest 
in arms and been adjudged worthiest of liberty. Their 
faithful hands had valiantly borne the standard of an un- 
grateful country. Theirstrong hearts had never flinched 
either before their sulleu discipline or the cleaving blades 


MURDER OF 2,000 FIELD-HANDS, 107 


of the combatants. Their fiery zeal and fearless blows 
had won the victory and earned the liberty which, before 
this august council, proudly they heard pronounced. Over 
2,000 slaves who toiled for masters were thus regularly 
enfranchised and marched into a temple or other enclo- 
sure or field—no mortal knows or ever will know what— 
to take the oath of freedom, 

But the anxious wives and children waited and wept 
long before these brave men came to gladden their hovel 
homes. For here we come to the recital of one of the 
darkest pages of history. Still more painful is this page 
because blotted. Too foully blotted for perusal ; since, 
aside from a ghastly blood-stain that smirches its story in 
mysterious gloom, it is written in the almost undecipher- 
able hieroglyphs of reticent shame. Thucydides blushes 
for this lurid page ;“ but unlike the unmanly historians of 
the past who have cringed in the presence of truth which 
could not port the flattery of lords and masters of high 
degree, he bravely told us all he knew. And what he 
knew is enough to make the blood run cold.“ Besides, 
it comes to us subscribed to by Plato,“ Aristotle* and 
Plutarch,® on whose minds, if we catch aright their words, 
this massacre we are going to relate made an impression 
ΒΟ strong as to waver the tone of these great philosophers’ 
belief in slavery “ and seriously color their dialectics. 


45 Thucydides during the Peloponnesian war for the hegemony of Greece. 
commanded a division of the Athenian marine force; but being out-generaled 
at Amphipolis by Bra-idas went for twenty years into exile and during that 
time used his wealth and talent writing the celebrated history which has 
come down to us. 

_. Thucydides, De Bello Peloponnesiaco, liber IV. cap. 80. ‘Kai ἅμα τῶν 
Εἱϊλωτών βουλομένοις ἦν ἐπὶ προφάσει ἐκπέμψαι, μή τι πρὸς τὰ παρόντα τῆς Πύλου 
ἐχομένης νεωτερίσωσιν" ἐπεί καὶ τόδε ἔπραξαν, φοβούμενοι αὑτῶν τὴν νεότητα καὶ 
τὸ πλῆθος (ἀεὶ yap τα πολλὰ Λακεδαιμονίοις πρὸς τοὺς Εἵλωτας τῆς φυλακῆς πέρι 
μάλιστα καθεστήκει) προεῖπον αὐτῶν ὅσοι ἀξιοῦσιν ἐν τοῖς πολεμίοις γεγενῆσϑα 
σφίσιν ἄριστοι, κρίνεσϑαι, ὡς ελευθερώσοντες, πεῖραν ποιουμενοι καὶ ἠγούμενοι 
τούτους σφίσιν ὑπὸ φρονήματος, οἵπερ καὶ ἠξίωσαν πρῶτος ἕκαστος ἐλυϑεροῦσϑαι 
μάλιστα ἂν καὶ επιϑέσϑαι. Καὶ προκρίναντες ἐς δισχιλίονς οἱ μὲν ἑστεφανώσαντό 
τε καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ περιῆλθον ὡς ἠλευθερομένοι. Οἱ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἠφάνισάν 
τὰ αὐτοὺς καὶ οὐδεὶς ἤσθετο ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἕκαστος διεφϑάρη.᾽» 

47 Plato, De Republica, Dissertaiton on Model State. 

48 Aristotle, Politic, V. 

49 Plutarch, Lycurgus, cap. 28. This massacre occurred under Brasidas, 
in B. C. 424. lian, Historia Varta, I. 1, says that in Greece the supersti- 
tious belief everywhere prevailed that these cruelties to the poor slaves caused 
a judgment from heaven upon the Spartans, in form of an earthquake, B. C. 
467, by which 20,000 people lost their lives. This must have been before the 
massacre described and proves the frequency of those horrible deeds of the 
Ephori and their tutored and organized assassins. For later comments on this 
earthquake at Sparta and the superstitious terrors believed to come from their 
cruelty to slaves, see McCullagh, Industrial History of Free Nations, I. p. 6 


198 THE MYSTERIES. 


This much is known that during the time these 2,000 
or more soldiers were going through the ordeal of being 
garlanded, crowned, distinguished and conducted to the 
temple of the gods to receive their first beatitude, their 
blessing and reward for bravery, the ephori were busily 
and secretly making out a declaration of war, arming the 
valorous young men and giving them instructions to crawl 
cat-like upon them with the assassin’s daggers! No more 
is known; for here the page is torn beyond recovery. But 
enough is known. The happy braves all disappear for- 
ever. Naught but a dark and spectral mystery broods 
over this page of history. The workingmen had received 
the emoluments of their hire at the hand of an assassin 
democracy ! 

The careful student of history from a standpoint of so- 
cial science may pick up evidence that to some extent even 
the Helots were organized. Facts continually crop out in 
the records showing that these degraded doers of Spartan 
labor under the law of Lycurgus, unable to resist the ex- 
actions, raised insurrections against their tormentors, and 
that they sometimes got the better of them. In almost 
every otler part of Greece they are known to have been 
organized into many forms of associative self-support by 
which they were able to command more respect. We re- 
turn to Athens. 

The fact must not be lost sight of that at Athens ag 
everywhere among the Aryans, there were two distinct 
classes by birth—the nobles, claiming to be descended 
from the gods, and the earth-borns who went back to 
earth. The first would not work if they could possibly 
avoid it; at least this may be said of the men. The lat- 
ter did most of the work; not only the menial drudgery 
but the skilled labor of building the magnificent temples 
and other public edifices whose imposing ruins are still a 
wonder of the now living age. To the credit of wiman 
in high life be it said that sometimes the maferfamilias 
spun and wove, according to some testimony of Plato. 
‘There are two important facts to be considered: In 
Greece, Rome and elsewhere in Europe and western Asia, 
northern Africa and the islands, the working people 
ereatly outnumbered the non-workers. In Greece they 
were turee and four times more numerous. Again, they 


LAND AND WORK-HANDS PUBLIC GOODS, 108 


were often chattles of that state. The land belonged to 
the state and the laborers who tilled the land went with 
it. This as we shall see, became in Italy, under the gen- 
erous laws of Numa, a great benefit for them which they 
enjoyed for about 500 years. In Greece the land also 
belonged to the state; but the cruel law of Lycurgus 
which was instituted 1,000 years before Christ and held 
good, as Plutarch tells us for 500 years, treated the poor 
creatures with such flagitious absolutism that they could 
never enjoy so well as did the Roman laborers, the boon 
of their own organization. 

The law of Lycurgus was pernicious in its inculcation 
of the two moral elements of Plato; those of irascibility 
and concupiscence without sympathy. When a master 
owns a slave from whom he expects to receive labor pro- 
duct, he finds it for his own advantage to treat him well; 
otherwise he would not receive the full product of the 
man’s labor; but when the land belonged to the state and 
the slaves also, this personal responsibility was smothered 
with it. Thus hatred and contempt, attributes of Plato’s 
irascible impulse, constituting one of the bases of moral 
philosophy, were for ages allowed to develope in the 
breast of the Spartan. Again, concupiscence or desire, 
being common or national under the Lycurgan law, was 
averted from its natural competitive course by a commun- 
ism of gratification without responsibilities and a commun- 
ism of participation; and these with idleness and all the 
depravity which such deteriorating influences entail, low- 
ered Spartan morality below the plain of sympathy. This 
unfeeling and inhuman condition of the public mind be- 
came 8. natural result ultimately destroying the otherwise 
unhindered plan of Lycurgus. 

Had the law of Lycurgus provided for absolute equality 
of ali men, slave and noble alike, had its communism ap- 
plied to all on exactly equal footing, the common owner- 
ship could have been carried out by the state with greater 
general happiness and all the cruelty which depraved 
Spartan life would have been saved to the credit of a splen- 
did people, But that would have been a death blow to 
the Pagan religion, itself based upon egoism and possible 
only under a system of lords and slaves. Thus, with the 
exception of the taint of labor and its concomitant wrongs 


110 THE MYSTERIES. 


to the human race, the ancients began radically. They 
began by having the family egoism of the primordial 
hearthstone—the first ownership—subdued into common 
ownership of land and even of children; and had they 
banished that hideous curse, the taint of labor and added 
to their other and truly virtuous methods of self culture, 
the enobling, healthful and thrift-bearing practice of im- 
partial economical labor as a necessary requisite to sanity 
and wealth they would have taught the world a lesson 
of advancement instead of one in degeneracy and shame. 
The same must be said of Athens and the other Grecian 
states except that none of them are known to have been 
so cruel and heartless as the Spartans under the Lycur- 
gan law. 

We have thus sufficiently shown the grievance borne 
by the ancient working people inciting and goading them 
to organization. It now remains to be proved that the 
Greeks of this class, were actually in a substantial state 
of combination, especially the Athenians, during the ex- 
istence of the Eleusinian games near Athens;a point which 
throughout the chapter has been the subject in kernel, of 
our inquiry. This substantiated, we have astartling clue 
to the causes from a sociological standpoint, of two histor- 
ical phenomena: the social wars and the advent of our era. 

Every recent investigation reveals fresh slabs or drags 
from the depths of time, earth and oblivion something in 
proof. Dr. Schliemann, quotes a passage of Homer which 
shows an explanation comprehensible to us in no other 
way than that there existed an understanding at that an- 
cient day, between the lower people. <A peddler came to 
the palace with a gold collar set with amber beads, and 
Homer sang a beautiful verse describing the knowing look 
that the young prince saw exchanged between the man and 
the servant woman in the hall while the queen was admir- 
ing the amber necklace.” These were the nods and winks 


60Schliemann, Tiryns ; The Pre-historte Palace, p. 868, containing the 
pesmane from Homer. This also suggests that the working people, including 
ouse servants, were secretly In league at Mycena and that the league reached 
as far as Phenicia. 
ἤλυθ᾽ ἀνὴρ πολύϊδρις ἐμοῦ πρὸς δώματα πατρός, 
χρύσεον ὅρμον ἔχων, μετὰ δ᾽ ἠλέκτροισιν ἔερτο" 
τὸν μὲν ἄρ᾽ ἐν μελάρῳ δμωαὶ καὶ πότνοα. μήτηρ 
pee T ἀμφαφόωντο, καὶ ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ὀρῶντο, 
wor ὑπιςχόμεναι" ὃ δέ τῇ κατένευσε σιωπῇ" 
re. ὁ καννεύσας κοίλην ἐπὶ νῆα βεβήκει" 


GREAT ANTIQUITY OF LABOR UNIONS. 111 


of the secret society which were observed but could not 
be read by the lad. This was in the second millennium 
before Christ. 

Granier, who must have beena great hunter of facts, ob- 
serves that slavery was originally of the family; not of vio- 
lent origin,” precisely what Dr. Fustel de Coulanges has 
since proved beyond refutation of the most probing com- 
mentators seeking contrary evidence.” Of course history 
gives ponderous testimony that violence was a source of 
enslavement; but that was not the origin. When our era 
opened it brought with it an inestimable boon; a pearl 
of great price; the utter extinction of social class “—noth- 
ing less than the long sought revolution, Dr. Cliffe Leslie 
in an introduction to M. De Laveleye’s “ Primitive Prop- 
erty,” observing the progress of this greatest of all the 
revolutions which he rightly sees is yet far from being 
realized though nearly all civilized races have repudiated 
the curse of slavery, takes the entirely correct view with 
regard to ownership after the momentous but gradual 
revolution is past.“ 

It is known that in early Greece the hetairait and the 
hetairot were female and male associates of the laboring 
class, and that they had their legalized association for 
mutual benefit. From very early times they used their 
associations, not only for mutual protection against op- 
pression but also for mutual improvement and pleasure.* 

The celebrated jugglers were mostly members of an or- 
ganization under whose auspices they used their jugglery 
asa trade wherewith to gain a living. These are of al- 
most incredibly ancient origin and in Greece many of them 
were descendants of Egyptian slaves. Itis not difficult to 
prove that at an epoch since which an son of time has 

81 Histotre des Classis Ouvritres, p. 88: “In conclusion, everything leads in 
the plainest manner to the belief that slavery had no other beginning than that 
Ο. she family entailment of which it constituted an economic part.” 

63 La C4tté Antique, liv. II. chap. vii. pp. 76-89. 

58 Paul, Epistle to the Gallations, chap. iii. verse 28; ‘There is neither Jew 
tet Greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female; for 
ye are all one in Jesus Christ.” 

δι Primilive Property, Introductton, p. xxi. ‘‘The owners of property are on 
t.,e eve of becoming 8 powerless minority; for the many, to whom the whole 
power of the state is of necessity gravitating, see all the means of subsistence 
a=d enjoyment afforded by nature in the possession of the few.” Oliffe Leslie. 

s5Guhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 268-269, showing 
Gueek customs and manners at a symposion. Other evidence testifies to there be- 


ing a secret organization at these feasts,which conducted the ceremonies. Bee 
also Litders, Dts Dionystschen Kimstler, passim. 


112 THE MYSTERIES. 


rolled over the human race, those jugglers were plying 
their profession the same as at a much later era in which 
we find them at Athens.” The professional business of 
these jugglers and tumblers was to amuse the people; and 
there are abundant inscriptions and pictures to be found 
on vases and other pieces of pottery which show that they 
worked hard to earn their money. These were specimens 
of the slave system which marks the despotic rule, and ex- 
isted first. All remote antiquity bears evidence, in pre- 
historic inscriptions and inkings of different nature, of 
many slaves, and that labor was degraded." The slaves 
being first, there came about an era of manumissions. 
Freedmen entered upon the scene bearing the taint of 
slave labor and were obliged to resort to all sorts of in- 
dustry and wit to make a living ; and among other methods 
adopted to secure that end, they entered into mutual 
alliances with each other for common assistance through 
trade organizations. There were great numbers also of 
the communia mimorum™ or unions of comic actors who 
in asimilar manner got a living by amusing the people. 
Strabo speaks of them” and Béckh gives the Greek of 
an interesting institution of this kind.” Mommsen gives 
the law recorded in the digest from Gaius, which after- 
wards suppressed most of these societies.” 

A curious union was that of the Urinatores, men whose 
business at Rome was to dive in the Tiber and probably 


56‘‘An attempt has been made to mathematically measure this vast eriod 
of time by calculating from the depth of mud of the alluvial Nile, at wh ch ob 
jects have been found, by L. Horner, on The Alluvial Land of Egypt, and result- 
published in the Phil. Transactions, 1858, p. 75, which gives 12,000 years, at the 
assumed rate of deposit of three and five tenths inches per 100 years at Mem 
phis, from the fragments of vases found 70 feet under ground.” Sir Gardne 
Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. I. pp. 8-9., note, paraphrased. 

57 Cf. Bancroft, Native Races, vol. lV. Antiquities, pp. 305-6, showin thati 
the remote past of Central America, inscriptions exhibiting the most despotic 
conditions were produced, probably thousands of years before the discovery of 
the present nomadic races who were found in asemi-communal state. At Pe 
lenque are inscriptions on the ancient walls showing conditions coeval with ths 
earliest European monarchism. A king garbed in fine military attire, and the 
everlasting slaves on bended knees and in humble suppliance. They a e freely 
drawn. with art superior to Egyptian, being in bas reliefs, in stucco on the wall~ 
of the palace. 

68 Mommsen, De Collegiis εἰ Sodaliciis Romanorum. Ὁ, 83; “Commu ‘a mim- 
orum Romanorum etin nomina et in institutis τὰ κοινὰ τῶν περὶ τὸν orice 
τενιτῶν referunt, que apud Graacos pains et plurima fuerunt.”’ 

69 Strabo, Geographica, XIV. 643, 28. 

60 Corpus Inseriptionum Grecarum, nos. 349 and 2931. 

61Mommsen; De Coll, et Sodal. Romanorum, Ὁ. 84, Great numbers of tb-e 
vocieties existed about the Hellespont and among the Ionian Islands. 


SOLON’S LABOR LAWS. 113 


also into the public baths in search of things lost by the 
grandees while boating or bathing.” At Naples, Nice and 
other places on the sea these divers had unions and no 
doubt possessed skilled men who succeeded in restoring the 
valuables after the wrecks of triremes, and other craft.” 
Especially were these unions a benefit to community at Sy- 
racuse, the Pirzeus and Byzantium, where these and other 
unions abounded in great numbers. Mommsen on the 
law of Solon also declares that there were both sacred and 
civil communes,® and he further states that all such soci- 
eties were not only permitted, but they possessed at that 
early period (B. C. 600), the right of perpetual organiza- 
tion. The probability is that these organizations had ex- 
isted from a much earlier epoch than that of Solon; but 
having never done any harm at Athens and the Athenians 
being a much more sympathic people than the Spartans, 
they were never molested. So long as the trade unions 
of the world, ancient and modern, have restricted them- 
selves to mere pleasure, religion, and frugality, they do 
not appear to have been harshly dealt with; but so soon 
as they ventured to consider and act upon the subject of 
politics, which of all others, was most necessary to their 
welfare, they became objects of hate and of repression. 
Especially was this the case in ancient times; because pol- 
itics like war, was a noble calling. Petty frugality, and 
crude convivial, as well as burial ordeals were too trifling 
and mean in the eyes of the nobles to atiract attention. 

There was at Athens a class of public servants.“ They 
were not real slaves although public property, and treated 
as menials; never being allowed to participate in the 
slightest degree in the principle of government and yet 
they actually performed all the routine labor of the gov- 
ernment. At the time we hear of them through public 
records and through inadvertent mention by historians, 
they seem to resemble freedmen. They received a small 
salary to keep them alive, and their business was to keep 

62 Orellius, Inscriptionum Latinarum Selectarum Ampltssima Collectio, No. 4115: 
“Ti. Claudio Esquil. Severo Decuriali lictore.,................. sportule viritim 
dividantur presertim cum nayigatioscapharum diligentia ejus adquisita et con 
firmata sit. Ex decreto ordinis corporis piscatorum et urinatorum totius alvei 
Tiberis quibus ex SC. coire licet.” The inscription was found in Rome. 

63 “‘Notabilis est hoc loco lex Solonis, ex qua sacra ciyiliaque communia nop 
alio jure fuerunt quam quo societates ad negotiationem preditionemve consti 


tutse.”” Mommsen, De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum, 1». 39. 
61Consult Dr. Hermann, Political Antiquities of Greece, paragraph 117. 


λ14 THE MYSTERIES. 


the books and do the various duties of a public office un- 
der government. 

They had their protective unions. Being clerks, and 
constantly in presence of polite people, they made a gen- 
teel appearance and were apt in the civilities of court. 
But like all their class they also had a grievance. They 
were treated as menials because they were not “ blooded;” 
and consequently could not pit their natural genius and 
ability against that of their masters who conducted the 
public offices and who belonged to noble stock. “It was 
required that Archons and priests should prove the purity 
of their descent as citizens for three generations.” The 
business of the Pagan temple was a part of the state af- 
fairs; and consequently priests in those times were pub- 
lic officers. Priests were politicians. One of the quali- 
fications of the Archons or rulers was to have a good rec- 
ord that they attended to religious ceremonies. Ostracism, 
banishment and death were among the punishments de- 
signated by the law for neglecting these duties of citizen- 
ship; and the least whisper against any of the gods or the 
regulations of the Pagan religion was blasphemy. This 
explains the causes of that great difference in station 
which existed without regard to the business qualifications 
of the men. Smart workingmen without rights, or any 
claim to rights, were often required on a mean salary to 
do all the work of both departments of governments with- 
out being entitled to the least benefit in either, while a 
tyrant and sensualist held all control and honor like some 
modern sinecurists of our offices. There is evidence that 
this exclusivism was regarded by the poor workmen as a 
great grievance; but their exclusion from free participa- 
tion in religious rights and especially from membership in 
and access to the Eleusinian mysteries was the greatest one. 
Against these grievances they were organized in secret. 

Dionysius of Halicarnassus mentions a society of the 
Thiasotes or Greek labor unions, the members of which 
had for their patron deity the goddess Minerva through 
the noble family of the Nautii, who brought the image of 
Minerva away from the Trojans to Italy.“ Here it ap- 


65 Idem, 8. 148. The δοκιμασία, or scrutiny into the antecedants of candi- 
Mates, is here explained. 
66 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romane, VI. 69. 


REMOTELY ANCIENT STRIKE AND MASSACRE. 115 


pears that the union was not permitted to worship their 
goddess directly but hadto approach her through a noble 
family. By worshiping the borrowed proxy they got ac- 
cess indirectly to the object of their reverence. This 
statement is valuable as it sheds light upon what in those 
early times is thus proved to have been felt as a grievance; 
and shows that it was imperative on the part of the un- 
recognized working people to organize and take counsel 
with each other on what they considered a most important 
matter, the right of worship, from which they were ex- 
cluded on account of their reputed meanness of birth. 
The existence or non-existence of the soul depended upon 
it. Dirksen in his Twelve Tables points to Gaius in proof 
that the hetairai and the sodales were one and the same 
organization ;“ the former being in Greece and the latter 
in Italy. He further states that a comparison with the 
law of Solon proves that they were tolerated and their ac- 
tions encouraged, if not regulated by him. The Twelve 
Tables are now known to be contemporaneous with, if not 
a translation from the law of Solon; and the law of Solon 
was a paraphrase of the still more ancient law of Amasis 
an Egyptian king. 

Nor was this organization common to Rome and Greece, 
Granier says: “Trades Unions existed since the time of 
Solomon, and among the Greeks from the time of The- 
seus.” In the time of Joshua, B. C. 1537-1427, they are 
spoken of. We have evidence regarding an organization 
that attempted a resistance to the overbearing nobles, in 
time of Agis I. These were Helots. The insurrection 
did not succeed, for it appears that the king caused their 
murder in large numbers. AgisI, was one of the mythi- 
cal Spartan kings and is believed to have reigned more 
than a thousand years before Christ. This great massa- 
cre of the helots took place 1055 years before Christ. 
Traditionally the event came down to the era of writing 
as something mysterious and terrible. When at last, it 
entered the chronicles of historians it was dim in detail 
and being a subject which gave pain instead of pleasure 
—one of those servile episodes which early history appears 

οἵ They had in Greece the σύσσιτοι (communists), who ate at the common 
table, the ὁμόταφοι (burial societies), the ϑιασῶται (disciples of the doctrine of 


mutual love). 
68 Granier de Cassagnac, Histoire des Classes Ouvriéres, chap. xil, 


116 THE MYSTERIES. 


to have preferred to leave unwritten—we unfortunately 
have only a few faint records which have struggicd through 
the mists of high antiquity and gleam darkly through sul- 
len tradition and venturesome historic jottings upon us. 
But the murder of the helots by order of Agis I. is spoken 
of by many authors as having occurred B. C. 1,055 or 
thereabout. After that event they became adseripti 
glebae, public property attached to the soil. 

The student of history from a standpoint of sociology, 
would, however, be glad to obtain more light upon that 
event; because we want to know what was the origin of 
the Aristotelian philosophy and the surroundings that 
motived it. 

Of all the philosophies or systems of arrangement as a 
basis of enduring polity, the chrematistics of Aristotle, 
properly understood, is sure to be that which any and all 
great labor movements cannot but adopt. The sociolo- 
gist, who intelligently scans the evolution of our race on the 
enormous scale in which things are presented to him by the 
vicissitudes of the lowly and downtrodden poor who have 
fed and enriched the non-laboring few from earliest ages, 
cannot but wonder how a rich and fortunate man, an aris- 
tocrat, a believer in slavery, a dialectician, and one who 
spurned the menial, who counciled and advised the might- 
iest of monarchs, could have settled down in the conclu- 
sion that there is only one way of getting at truth and 
that is by beginning at small things and through them, in 
tireless investigation and experiment, learn to know and 
improve. Yet all who study the logic of this man, as laid 
down by him, are irresistibly led to traverse the very path 
which he opened with the keen edge of his slashing knife 
of reason. He “discriminated between the several facul- 
ties;—the nourishing, feeling, concupiscent, moving and 
reasoning powers of animal organism and attempted to 
explain the origin of these powers within the body, and 
build his morals and politics on the peculiarities of human 
organization.” Everything according to Aristotle, if we 
would positively know, must be founded on close obser- 
vation of facts. His ewdaimonia was attained only through 
the bliss that rewards mind or reason when it achieves 


69 American Encyclopedia, Art. Aristotle 


LABOR A SOURCE OF A THINKER’S SUCCESS. 117 


truth by indefatigable experiment and experience. He 
would have men acquire all knowledge by study of hum- 
ble facts, and lay down therefrom a true basis of political 
economy. Nothing, not even the servile race, the slaves, 
the freedmen, the workingmen, was so mean put Aristotle 
could enrich his mind by studying it. 

Here lies concealed from all eyes except those of the 
student of man from the standpoint of sociology, a phe- 
nomenon. Why did Aristotle adopt opposite conclusions 
_ from Plato, his old master? Plato believed largely in the 
theory that only the unseen gods dwelling in the etherial 
abodes, could impart to man absolute knowledge. Aris- 
totle dared believe and teach that knowledge could only 
be had by observation and experiment with little things; 
for they were the beginnings. The poor workingman, 
then infinitessimally little as Aristotle believed him, was 
the beginning, being the author of labor product and con- 
sequently worthy of observation and study, This was the 
first encouragement the unappreciated maker and pro- 
ducer of all means of life ever received from a philoso- 
pher.” In all ages the workingman has been an unob- 
served factor. He is of the earth; this he has himself 
acknowledged, whatever claims the idler may have filed 
in his own behalf to the contrary. Being of earth, he 
digs and cultivates it and from his labor springs the fruit 
which when ripe and harvested is eaten and enjoyed by 
the idler. He built edifices which have survived the de- 
compositions of time and his master enjoyed them. But 
more important and more obscure are the fine details he 
performed which, though often considered too mean to 
mention, were in reality as now, the very bulwark of human 
existence and though too obscure to attract attention were 
in reality the foundation of all nourishment, achievement, 
history and knowledge. The great philosopher saw this. 
He studied nature; and the workingman, recognized as 
an element of nature, was watched by him. The numer- 
ous mutual societies and unions of resistance existing about 
the philosopher came in for a share of investigation and 


τὸ It has been stated that Aristotle plagiarized Kapila and certain other East 
Indian teachers and authors of great learning, having obtained their books while 
on his celebrated scientific journey of researches with the emperor Alexander 
the Great. The question is however, obscure. He certainly followed some of 
the ideas of Anaxagora:, Eapila and others. 


118 THE MYSTERIES. 


were seen to be the deeply underlying fundament οἱ all 
whence the whole superstructure of society rose. With- 
out the little, and humble, too unappreciated producer the 
world would be a wilderness of forests and wild beasts 
Hence, as all came from humble toil, so the toil of inves- 
tigation and experiment, however mean and unworthy the 
rich might esteem it, was the very most necessary of all 
things to resort to in order to arrive at truth, improve- 
ment and correct government. This is the basis of the 
philosophy of Aristotle. The world is following it to-day, 
led by labor; and the myriad links of invention,and dis- 
covery in experimental progress, are in exact harmony 
with the recommendations of the Stagerite of the Nym- 
phzum. 

There are some curious episodes in the life of Plato, 
which the ordinary reader, without system and without 
knowledge of the little details of life of the age he lived 
in, overlooks. What was the trouble with him at Syra- 
cuse? Nearly four hundred years before Christ, Plato, 
after varied travels, after he had written his “ Theztetus,” 
and his “ Statesman,” and was well-known to have decided 
against the workingmen, to have pronounced them too 
vile to merit a better fate than bondage, and to have de- 
clared that the proper form of government was that of 
aristocrats and slaves, we find him at Syracuse, spurned 
by Dionysius, waived from his presence, and consigned to 
the billingsgate that fed the great city with fish.” Tobe 
sent away from the tyrant’s presence when his sole mission 
was to teach his majesty the honeyed sweets” of his then 
famous philosophy, was bad; but to be relegated to the 
city’s ban-liewes, among the brobdagnagians, and hear 
their ridicule, was worse. But they must have been especi- 
ally disagreeable to him since he well knew that their 
raillery was directed against him. They were of the low- 
born, with little education and no urbanity; he was of 
the great gens family, a very Ariston, of pure stock, 
boasted of, among all Athenians. But they had wit and 
suflicient means of knowing facts, to be informed that he 
was the proud teacher of aristocrats, that he did not teach 

τ Grote, Plato and the other Companions of Socrates. 

72At Platoni quum in cunis paryulo dormienti apes in labellis conssedisent 


responsum est, sinculari illum suavitate orationis fore; ita futura eloquentis 
provisa in infante est.’’ Cicero, De Divinaticne, I. 36. 


PLATO CAUGHT BY FISHMONGERS 119 


the lowest of the people but that he believed with the cit- 
izens of Sparta and of Athens that their slavery and 
humiliation were just. We also have foundsome evidence 
that these people were organized. They belonged to the 
four trade unions, viz: the mercenaries,” the caudicarii or 
boatmen and sailors, the piscatorii, fisherman and the 
fabri, artisans. There must also have been unions of the 
tax gatherers; at any rate in later times, for Cicero men- 
tions vectigalia in connection with Verres who was goy- 
ernor in Sicily.” 

This last fact is one very interesting to know; for it 
sheds fresh light upon that memorable episode in the life 
of Plato. The unions, finding that the tyrant Dionysius had 
taken an affrontat Plato, and hating him themselves, were 
willing to couspire with the king against his life. It was 
probably an organization of the caudicarit whom Dionysius 
engaged to carry him off to Italy and their greed to make 
a living out of the affair was probably what saved his life. 
Instead of killing him as they were probably paid to do, they 
received an offer in Italy for him alive, which they ac- 
cepted and sold Plato as a slave. He was afterwards ran- 
somed by his friend Dion and returned to Athens a wiser 
man. Weare not informed as to what influence this ex- 
perience had upon the great philosopher; but there are 
gleamings which illume our conjecture that his illustri- 
ous disciple, Aristotle, who always opposed his theories, 
took care to enrich his store of wisdom from the circum- 
stance. 

In early times, while the world was yet too ignorant and 
inexperienced to understand the advantages of arbitration 
and of subsisting upon peaceful rather than warlike meas- 
ures, brigandage was common. It existed by interna- 
tional permission or common consent. The only indus- 
trial system then known was that conducted by the trade 
unions; for according to the regulations of Solonand king 
Numa, even the slaves were many times managed by over- 
seers who were under pay of the unions. ‘The rich citi- 


73Grote, Hist. p. 79. The mercenary soldiers especially hated Plato whe 
had acted the friend of Dionysius. The latter had cut down their pay, p. 86). 
in consequence of which they had struck. They were all organized. Cf. also, 
Grote’s Plato, and Livy, XXV. 33. 

74Cicero, Verres, Il. 3,7: “Quoniam quasi quedam predia populi Ro 
mani sunt vectigalia nostra atque provincia,” 


120 THE MYSTERIES. 


zen believed it a disgrace to labor. He made his wealth 
orcap work for him. Among other chattels were his 
slaves. But he was too high to personally conduct the 
labor of slaves. This was done, to a large extent, by those 
who were not ashamed to perform labor. Of course, 
then, these overseers were descendants of slaves. They 
were the freedmen, who on receiving their manumission 
struck out for themselves; and for safety and success 
formed themselves into unions for mutual assistance and 
resistance against competition, danger and abuse. Among 
the multitudes of occupations they assumed are found, 
especially with the Grecians and Syracusians, the Phe- 
nicians and the people inhabiting the Grecian Archipel- 
ago, that of brigands and the mercenaries. Both the 
brigands and mercenary systems were closely leagued 
into unions which upheld each other in the vicissitudes 
of the struggle for life. The whole system of the warlike 
patrician families both in Greece and Rome may be said 
to be one of brigandage. What is arming a multitude of 
idle men, disciplining them to the use of weapons and 
marching them into a neighboring country to destroy the 
products of industry but brigandage? Yet ancient his- 
tory is a constant repetition of this predatory and cruel 
system. It was brigandage. 

Among the sufferers from this system were oftentimes 
the working people; some of them slaves, but many also 
freedmen, belonging to unions. They were thus torn 
from their peaceful occupation. Possessing the long ex- 
perience of association they naturally utilized this their 
only means of gaining a living, by becoming brigands. 
They turned their trade unions into bandities and learned 
to estrange themselves from habits of industrious peace and 
assume the fierce modes of marauders. They exchanged 
the workshop for the jungles, the mountain fastnesses, the 
caves and thus became fighters and guerrillas. A remark- 
able case of this desperation is seen in that extraordinary 
man Spartacus, the gladiator, of whom we shall give, in a 
future chapter, a complete and exhaustive history, in in- 
vestigating the terrible results of Roman repression of 
trade unions by the conspiracy laws. It is enough here 
merely to mention that this tendency of ancient labor or- 
ganization to reverse their habits, forsake the peaceful in- 


THE TRADE UNION A STATE INSTITUTION, 121 


dustries which they loved, and wander away in organized 
clubs seeking subsistence through plunder, was by no 
means a fault as such actions are now considered; for 
otherwise they would have immediately been seized by 
the conquering legions and sold into slavery. In those 
precarious times, therefore, brigandage was no crime, al- 
though to be caught was slavery or death. But it added 
a fierceness to the social aspect of the human race. 

The Eleusinian mysteries caused a great deal of dissat- 
isfaction and feud by reason of their severe, aristocratic 
exclusiveness which often wounded the pride even of the 
haughty patrician families of Attica, and we now return 
to them as our legitimate theme. In our chapter on the 
system of trade unions farther on we give a detailed de- 
scription of the ancient labor unions and evidences of 
their immense number which we have collected, partly by 
our own travel and observation, partly by personal inter- 
views with the great authors of Archeological works and 
partly by ransacking with much patience and labor every 
written statement which original law and history, together 
with the criticism of modern and ancient authors thereon, 
have contributed to illume this dark page of the social 

ast. 
᾿ The ancient trade union, both under the law of Solon 
and of Numa Pompilius, was a state institution! The 
land taken by conquest belonged to the state, together 
with the family religion and all its magnificent temples of 
worship. The great buildings of the cities were property 
of the state; most of the slaves who cultivated the soil 
under the direction, exclusively, of the trade union, were 
also property of the state. This made a social state—an 
almost socialistic state—and in many respects more social 
than political; but entirely spoiled by the terrible social 
distinctions of rank.” The religion, based upon heredity 
and superstition combined, was an extraordinary tissue 
of errors, greatly increasing the common misery of the 
people by flaunting in their faces the insult that none but 


15 Millar, Origin of Ranks, Basil. 1793. chap. vi.; Granier, Hist. des (asses 


Ouvrizres, pp. 484-493, In his 18th chapter, Granier cites the rescript οἱ An- 
toninus Pius: ‘“Dominorum quidem potesiate):: -1 servos suos inlibisuin esse 
oportet, nec cuiquam hominum jus suum detrahi.’ Ulpian, De Offieto Procon- 


sulis. lib. VIII: De Dominorum Sevitia. This powcr of the masters ov.r .leir 
, bligge Ἷ ‘ νυ" bye νης “ney 1 + , ς bak 
prays Was CVs be 1S { ὃ e 


122 THE MYSTERIES. 


the high-born citizen, eligible to the Eleusinian mysteries, 
could be sure of heaven. There could be no peace of 
mind while such a grievance existed; for it not only 
goaded the greater part of the people as an insult but 
distracted them with fears, It is a prominent character- 
istic of the Aryan race to believe in religion and build up 
institutions of a religious nature; and it will probably re- 
main so unless some physical discovery be made throwing 
positive light against the theory of immortality. At the 
same time the Indo-Europeans were—precisely as they 
still are—an extremely democratic people by nature. A 
religion, then, based upon the most absurdly aristocratic 
dogmas could not, without great conflict maintain itself 
among the equality-loving Indo-Europeans. Jesus Christ 
during his visit among us established the remarkable idea 
that God was no respecter of persons; that all men were 
created equal; that although the elysion and tartaros or 
the heaven and hell were the same, the eligibility to gain 
the one and fly the other depended not upon stock, birth, 
fortune, but behavior. The revolution was then begun. 
When we understand from a standpoint of scientific so- 
ciology the phenomena of the past thus connected with 
the ancient struggles of the lowly, there bursts forth be- 
fore our vision a glory of light sweeping away hitherto 
insurmountable difficulties to the analysis of certain vague 
and obscure points in history. 

It is now, after having opened these facts thus far,-in 
order to set down two theorems: The first is, that the 
greater the organization of the working classes for mutual 
protection and resistance the higher the standard of en- 
lightenment in the communities they inhabit. In other 
words the intensity of enlightenment in civilization may 
be measured and compared by the numeric proportion of 
the laboring people arrayed in organized resistance against 
ignorance and oppression. The second theorem may be 
construed to read that the higher the enlightenment, the 
more complete ts the extinction of social ranks. 

We are also now ready to make an announcement 
which no person can consistently deny, to wit : that the 
era covered by the ancient trade unions is that known, 
sung and celebrated asthe “Golden Age.” It is not only 
the era of military, but pre-eminently of social, and in 


THE ANCIENT SOCIAL STATE. 128 


Greece, of intellectual prosperity. The great literary era 
of the Romans occupies the latter half of the celebrated 
golden era. It lasted from the days of Numa Pompilius 
who encouraged the free organization of Roman trade 
unions which was about 690 years before Christ, until the 
year 58 B. C. when Cxesar ordered the conspiracy laws.* 
In Greece from the time of Solon about 592 years before 
Christ it continued down to her conquest by the Romans. 

Thus the economical prosperity of both Greece and 
Rome is proved to have covered those centuries which 
were favored with the right of free organization. We 
shall now proceed to touch upon the actual deeds of these 
unions and show as we have the evidences that the su- 
perb architectural works whose august ruins still amaze 
the beholder were, to some extent at least, the handiwork 
of those trade unions, backed by that phenomenal, and to 
the present age, incomprehensible social state which never 
sold its lands, religion, jurisprudence or ornaments to 
others, nor allowed them to be overridden by monopolies. 
The labor of land culture—which produced and distributed 
among all people their food—of manufacturing arms and 
equipments for the armies, of provisioning the armies 
while on the march and at rest, of manufacturing and re- 
pairing the household furniture, of image-making, which 
appears to have been a considerable industry and of con- 
structing architectural works, was largely assigned to the 
labor unions during the golden age.” Numa discouraged 
warfare, but made specific arrangements governing the 
_ artisan class; and at the Saturnalia obliterated the lines 
of distinction between the nobles and the common born, 
He distributed the artisans into nine great mechanical 
fraternities. Flavius Josephus” gives an elaborate and 
highly interesting account of the building of the temple 
of Jerusalem by Solomon. Suffice it to say here, that the 
eviployer, Hiram, who was engaged by Solomon to come 
with his skill and skilled force all the way from Tyre a 
distance of about 100 miles, to design and construct this 


16 Suetontus, , Cesar, 42; “Cesar cuncta collegia preter antiquitus con- 
stituta distraxt. 

71Granier, pp. 284-323, all through. 

16 Plutarch, Numa, cap. xvii.; also Lycurgus, and Numa Compared. 

es Josepha, Antiquities of the Jews. book XII. cap. ii.; also Hist, of the Jews, 


124 THE MYSTERIES. 


magnificent edifice, was, so to speak, a boss or chief over 
a trade union, which through him, took one of the largest 
and most imposing contracts known in ancient or 
modern times; and it is a very interesting example of the 
intelligence and extraordinary enterprise of the Phenici- 
ans. Weare not among those eager credudi who jump 
at conclusions, and ready to suppose that this Hiram was 
the founder of the celebrated ancient fraternity of “ Free 
Masons.” On the contrary, the institution was old when 
Hiram brought to Solomon the 3,200 foremen and the 
40,000 artificers who built this gorgeous temple of which 
Josephus so glowingly speaks. But this immense work 
being a religious undertaking, conducted by a political 
decree and under state control, and furthermore being a 
Semitic, not an Aryan enterprise and consequently free 
from the mean, rank exclusivism characterizing and belit- 
tling the source-history of all their great works, was able 
to rise and carry with it some lucid scintillae as to the 
manner of its erection. The great temple of Solomon 
furnished posterity a slight glimpse at the order of Free 
Masons; being a landmark merely observable in an ob- 
scure night of time. Its ruins may, therefore, be truth- 
fully classed, by the student of sociology, as archeological 
proof of the ancient trade union movement. By this, the 
mind of the general reader may better understand the 
source of that all-pervading cloud which so unfortunately 
shuts us off from the clues—to say nothing of the history 
—regarding the construction of one of the most magnifi- 
eent works of sculptured masonary ever produced. ‘The 
religio-political institutions, based on the antithetic origin 
of birth and its entailments of rank, prevented the work- 
ingmen from rising into recognition, or transmitting be- 
yond their own generation any detailed knowledge as to 
how those structures rose. The powerful archon Pericles, 
of Athens, furnished us an illustration of this. He wanted 
to build the Parthenon. Now Pericles, the statesman, 
building a church, shows that no difference existed be- 
tween church and state, since belief was compulsory un- 
derlaw. The Parthenon was the grandest edifice of either 
the ancient or modern world.” Although Pericles was a 


s0Guhl! and Koner, [fe of the Goaeks and Romans, pp. 25-28. 


THE BRILLIANT LOW-PORNS. 12 


noble, of the family of the Pisistratide, yet we know that 
he was the intimate friend of Phidias. So we are informed 
that Solomon enjoyed the acquaintance of Hiram. This 
might be, though Phidias and Hiram were both of mean 
extraction, according to the estimation of ranks. But 
their superiors admired them for their genius alone. A 
wonderful contrast projects from a coincidence of the late 
medieval age, consisting in Raphael’s intimacy with Pope 
Leo X., for at the time of Raphael, Christianity with its 
inexorable moral erosions had gnawed away much of the 
ancient ranks, and had begun to invite an absolute equal- 
ity; whereas, in the more ancient times, under the domin- 
ion of the Pagan faith, it could not be more than admira- 
tion andacquaintance. Inthe same manner, Pericles, who 
was the master political genius of his age, could admire 
and keep an acquaintance with Aspasia, a lady of the 
lower rank, but he could not raise her by any gift of title 
to a higher one than that in which she was born. 

It is almost certain that in the construction of the Par- 
thenon, Ictinus was to Pericles what Hiram" was to Solo- 
mon. Ictinus,” we are told, was chief architect, and with 
the assistance of Callicrates and Phidias who worked on 
the chryselephantine statue of Athena, had charge, as 
chief architect, of the Parthenon. It appears® that Phi- 
dias took the entire control of all the building enterprises 
of Athens and also, probably of the temple of Eleusis; for 
Ictinus built the fane of this temple. We are now cen- 
tering upon the interesting point of our investigation. It 
took Phidias, Ictinus and Callicrates ten years to design 
and complete the new Parthenon, the most magnificer! 
and imposing structure of ancient or modern times. More 
fortunate are we in having Josephus and other authority 
for the temple of Solomon whereon not only the chief 
architect, but 3,200 foremen and 40,000 masons of the 
great “ body” or masons’ fraternity were engaged.“ 

At the Pireus there existed, at the time of the building 
of the Parthenon, great numbers of trade unions,” under 

81 Care should be taken not to confound Hiram the artificer with his friend 
Hiram the king. esGuhi and Koner, Idem, Ὁ. 25. 

88 Pausanias, Hellados Periegesis, (Description of Greece). 
84 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, book VII. chap. ii, In latin the ‘‘body” 
torpus, was a legalized workingmen’s society, the same as collegium. See Orelli, 


Inser. Yol. 177. Henzen, p. 170, of supplement index. 
*9See Chapter 1. of Liiders Dionysische Kinstler, pp. 14-18. 


126 THE MYS7LPIES. 


a provision of Solon engraved on wooden serollsand kept 
in the Acropolis end the Prytaneum, which were legalized 
organizations and whose recognized business was to wor’ 
for the state. Now with the multitudes of trade unions 
existing all around, at Athens, at the Pirwus, at Eleusis- 
is it supposable that the three directors built the parthe. 
non in ten years? Instead of the 3,200 foremen and 40- 
000 men as at Jerusalem, there were probably at Athens 
4,000 foremen and 50,000 masons, sculptors, draftsmen, 
hod earriers, laborers and others too numerous to detail. 
We find that this great public work was finished 438 years 
before Christ, just at the time when the golden age of 
labor was at its zenith of glory both in Greece and Rome. 

It was the golden age of art and economic thrift. It 
also corresponds exactly with the stretch of time during 
which the trade unions under the laws of Solon at Athens 
and of Numa at Nome were in fullest force, granting and 
encouracing organization of the working people, which 
was used by them for protection and for resistance to all 
dangers that might beset them. 

It is thus shown that whilea serious grievance existed 
among the working people of ancient Greece, in form of 
an exclusivism denying them the right to save their souls 
by becoming members on equal footing in the Eleusinian 
order, there also existed a vast organization or confrater- 
nity which, then as now, afforded them opportunities for 
meeting in secret and discussing this grievance. It is 
scarcely necessary even to conjecture whether they did or 
did not use these advantages for such discussion. Human 
nature is alike in all ages. When the conspiracy law, or 
law of Elizabeth, was annulled in 1824,” permitting the 
people to organize in England, they immediately took ad- 
vantage of every opportunity trade unionism afforded, 
wherewith to discuss their grievances. The growth and 
intelligence of the ponderous labor movement in the 
United States is largely due.to the discussion which is 
constantly taking place in their secret unions. We ven- 
ture that the same thing occurred in the times we are de- 
scribing; because it could not well have been otherwise. 
Where the grievance exists and the opportunity to meet 


seThorold Rogers, Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 438 As to the nature 
of the act of Elizabeth, see idem, pp. 398-9. Cf. Porter’s Progress ef the Nation, 


THE LAW OF ORGANIZATION. 127 


and discuss it exists, it is not in the order of nature among 
intelligent beings, to resist it. We are fortunate enough 
to have found statements upon the subjects of trade unions 
transmitted to us through great authority. Gaius, who 
wrote a digest of law on the Twelve Tables, has a passage 
which has been preserved and so important is it that 
both Granier and Mommsen refer to it as conclusive evi- 
dence that the law of the Twelve Tables providing for the 
right among working people to organize and enjoy trade 
unions, was to some extent a translation from Greek tables 
of the code of Solon.” In this passage are mentioned many 
organizations taken from the Greek text inscribed on 
the scroll of the law of Solon and also on the tablet of the 
Twelve Tables. The Thiasotai then were precisely in 
Greek what the Collegia were in Latin, The sailors’ 
unions here mentioned were the same which we speak of 
elsewhere as existing in large numbers at the Pirseus or sea- 
port of Athens which was distant from the metropolis only 
five miles. The organizations of the stone masons, the 
marble cutters, the carvers, the image makers of wood 
mineral and ivory, and others, were located within the 
city. Some of these unions, probably the image makers, 
pretended more religious piety than others; but the fact 
is,” that all of them were combined for mutual aid and re- 
sistance against grievances. Under the law, so long 
as they did not corrupt the statutes of the country (“dum 
me quid ex publica lege corrumpant,” ) they were not only 
allowed to career unmolested but were even protected by 
this provision of the great lawgivers. 

This brings us face to face with two proven facts: that 

81 Digest, lib, XLVII. tit. xxii leg. 4; “Sodales sunt gai ejusdem collegil 
sunt qaamn Greci érapiav vocant,.” Again: ‘*Sodalibus,” alt Gaius, *‘potestatem 
facit lex (duodecim Tabularum) anon quam velint sibi ferre, dum ne quid 
ex publica lege corrumpant.” Sed hac lex videtur ex lege Solonis translata 
esse; nam illucitaest: ‘‘E’ay δὲ δῆμος, ἡ ppdtpoes, 7 ἱερῶν ὀργίων, ἡ vavTay, 
σύνσιτοι, ἡ ὁμόταφοι, ἡ ϑιασῶται, ἡ ἐπι λίαν οἰχόμενοι, ἣ ἐις εμπορίαν. Οὗτι ταὐτων 
διαδῶνται προς ἀλλήλους, κύριον etvai, ἐάν μὴ Ἀπαγορενση δημόσια γράμματα." 
Both Mommsen (De Cotlegits et Sodalictis Romanorum, Ὁ. 35,) and Granier, Hist, 
des Classes Ouvritres, Ὁ. 291, quote this remarkable passage from the Digest. 
The unlons here mentioned in the Solonic law are the Brotherhood the Priests of 
the Communes, the Satlors, the Co-operators, the Burial Fraternities; and the reg- 
ular trade unions or ϑίασωται such as were organized in the catenoris of Numa 

88 Mommsen, De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum, p. 35, “Ut igitur de in- 
terpretatione verbi a XI. Tabulis adhibiti non constet, Gaii verba ad omnia col- 
acta pertinere certum est neque ulla ratio reddi videtur posse, cur collegia opi- 
ficum legum ferendarum jure caruerint sacris sodalitatibus concesso.” See also 


Liiders, Die Dinoysischen Kistler, passim. These points are overwhelming in 
proof that the Greek and Roman trade union systems were nearly identical. 


128 THE MYSTERIES. 


during the renowned era of Grecian architecture, belles-let- 
tres, philosophy, sculpture, paintings—all work of labor- 
ers—there also flourished a great labor movement; just as 
now in England, in Germany, in France, in the United 
States and Canada, during the most brilliant period of all 
human enlightenment, ancient or modern, there flour- 
ishes an enormous social organization for self-help and 
for resistance against grievance endured by working peo- 
ple. It also proves the correctness of our theorems that 
the greater the organization of the laboring people against 
grievances the higher the enlightenment, and the higher 
the enlightenment the more complete the extinction of so- 
cial rank; consequently the intensity of human civiliza- 
tion viewed on the largest scale, is, under the competitive 
system, to be ascertained by the prevalence or non-pre- 
valence of these organizations, acting as mutually self-aid- 
ing forces and as tribunals or courts of appeal from the 
heres their members are liable to suffer. How inef- 
able, then, the arrogance of a paltry few! What must 
have been the character of resistance during the times of 
which we speak? Evidently very crude. At the present 
day there is much system ; a general interlinking of union 
with union, no matier how wide apart, for a quite clearly 
expressed common cause. Not so anciently, although we 
have an inscription at Pompeii to prove that in B. C. 79 
there existed an international union. Their grievances 
were greater than now, because social equality was con- 
temptously and most openly put down. The law recog- 
nized them as having no more claim to citizenship than 
dogs. Now, in Germany, France, almost everywhere, the 
working people are voting. 

Whoever, in reading the “ Ancient Assemblies,”™ for a 
moment imagines that those celebrated gatherings in- 
cluded the slaves or freedmen, should read more carefully. 
It is the freemen who are meant, not freedmen. The differ- 
ence was simply infinite, even in enlightened Attica; for 
freedmen were descendants of the ancient slaves. They 
bever were citizens, could not vote, could not hope, except 
in cases of great genius like that of Phidias, to be decently 


*Schdmann, Hist, Assemblies of the Athentans, . This book will clear 
any error readers may entertain who doubts whether the working class was 
allowed a voice in legislation. 


NATURE OF DISZUSSION AMONG THE LOWLY. 129 


spoken to; and even as such they were cbliged to obtain 
some special decree from the Areopagus in order to detach 
themselves from this scathing odium of rank. Being so 
mean, so lowly, while the patricians, the grandees, the free- 
men were descendants of the nobility in the direct lineage 
of the go:ls, it followed that the gods also contemned them. 
Cousequently two-thirds of the population of Greece were 
without a soul. If they claimed to have souls they knew 
that the only place for them was Tartarus or hell; certainly 
not heaven; for that was the abode of the gods who spurned 
them on account of their lowly birth. Better cultivate the 
belief that they had no souls at all! This to them, terrible 
reflection, was probably the origin of the ancient philosophy 
of annihilation.” The philosophy of extinction of the sou' 
must have consumed a share of the discussions of those an- 
cient mechanics in their secret meetings. They built the 
magnificent temples which glowed with genial warmth of 
the solemn and haughty religion, only for the heaven-born, 
repelling with sullen frowns the earth-born designers and 
finishers of their collonades, vaults and sculptured images, 
No merely political institution could possibly separate so 
widely one class from another as did that arrogant religion 
which not only instituted slavery of the laboring people but 
denied them an immortal soul and the beatitudes of 
heaven.” ‘There is now no grievance of this kind in eivil- 
ized existence—although economical and social dissatis- 
faction remains. The new religion is rapidly extinguishing 
the dogma of distinctions in birth, as well as the dogma 
that ‘“‘the earth-born have no immortal existence.” ™ 
Narrowing the array of evidence into our legitimate field, 
we find in Eleusis a target at which millions are peering 
with a mingling of longing, of envy and of hate. They are 


90 Consult Lucretius, De Rerum Natura; also Arnobius, who wrote the fa- 
mous Adversus Gentes. Arnobius was not fully convinced of Christianity ; and 
at the same time his mind was evidently so enlarged by it that he could not 
reconcile it with the older Pagan belief in the nether post-mortem abodes. He 
was however, religiously inclined and was reluctantly drawn to Christianity 
which obliterated all lines by declaring the equality of all mankind. Between 
these awful doubts Arnobius seems never to havecome to a belief in animmortal 
existence. Pliny the celebrated naturalist was a believer in the doctrine of Lu- 
cretias that there is no existence hereafter. Cf. Cuvier in Bibliog, Untverselle. 

91Granier, Hist. Whole argument ; Fustel de Coulanges, Cité Antique. No intelli- 
gent person can read these invaluable works without understanding our Spies κα 

92 Whatever science may or may not devolop regarding these debatable 
theories is not the part of this disquisition to consider. We simply give the 
facts at command, as to the difference between the grievances discussed by 
the organizations of then and now. 


180 THE MYSTERIES. 


the two-thirds of the population of the country—the labor- 
ing ranks. There, upon a lovely range of rock and lawn 
stands the old Pelasgian city of Eleusis, populous and thick- 
studded with their own eranoi and thiasoi, labor unions 
whose members are the strong-muscled men of Greece. It 
is the eve of autumn, the great quinquennial Boedromion 
which from traditions brought mystic meanings picturing 
the fierce amazons in flight before the conquering giants of 
Theseus. It is the last half of shimmering September 
whose delicious zephyrs float the gossamers above the sea. 

All the world knows that on the morrow thousands upon 
thousands of people are to leave the Athenian metropolis 
behind them and commence their crusade to the Hleusinian 
feast. They are the eligibles, the citizeus, the freemen. 
Not a being from among the laboring and lowly class can 
be permitted hardly to join the great procession. Fond of 
privilege but barred its enjoyment they gather in their best 
rags, upon the scene and form in a standing multitude along 
the line of march. No care has ever been bestowed upon 
their education and they are in consequence, rough, per- 
haps boisterous and insulting. As the procession moves 
along they pelt the crusaders with sticks and stones.” They 
feel the deep disgrace of their exclusion and are animated 
with unhappy feelings and hatred and revenge. They 
turn their eyes toward the magnificent temple of Megaron, 
built“ by their own hands, of marble quarried from the 
rock near by.” It is pre-eminently the most majestic work 
of their handicraft, standing solemn and alone like a myster- 
lous winged creature, striking awe by its very presence 
and as though a ghostly apparition which had eurged from 
the dark pits of the sea.* To the left loomed up a view of 

98 When, as the fable goes, Ceres left king Celeus and went to the old temple, 
Iambe, her female slave, ridiculed her. Ever afterwards at the ayvpuos or day 
of march at the crusades, the lower or excluded classes met on the wayside with 
stones, clubs and ridicule. 

94Consult Rose, Inscriptiones Grace Vetustissime, pp. 187-190. 

95 Idem, Ὁ». 187, note; ‘E duro quodam marmoris genere (quale prope Elea- 
siniem invenitur.”) Likewise the description of the great temple, by Guhl 
and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 47-49. 

86 “Prope oleam erat puteus aquz salsa (θάλασσα Ἐρεχθηΐς) quam sub fia 
tum noti surdo murmore fluctuum instar strepere, narrabant Athenienses. 
Ipse silicet Neptunus hane voraginem aperuerat tridente, cujus adhuo vestig- 
ium in saxo vivo expressum restabat. De fonte salso noli dubitare. Nam et 
alius in arce fons aque amare qui etesiarum flatu— sib ortum canicule — 
impleri, postea considere so!ebat, Clepsydra dictus.” Ister. Ap. Schol. Aris- 
ophanis, Av. 1693, p. 63. Though this superstition may have been based at 


the acropolis, it is evident that the horrors of it came from old Eleusis: be 
sides Erechtheis was the priestess in charge of the Eleusinian initiations. 


CRUSADERS CLUBBED AND STONHD. 18) 


the noble pronaos whose fluted columns towered high, hold- 
ing their graceful architraves, and culminating in those ex- 
quisite Corinthian capitals of the pilasters, celebrated 
throughout the world for the beauty and richness of their 
carvings. Their own Ictinus, guiding their own, or their 
ancestors’ toil had built the huge, but forbidding telesterium 
and conclave where those mysterious initiations and de- 
grees were conferred; not upon them, but npon those born 
worthy of the honor. Their own Xenocles was the master 
mason who had led them through a labyrinth of to) which 
produced the lordly, throne-like anactoron were dwelt the 
immortal Ceres. Their own master sculptor, Metagenes had 
directed their skillful hands through the mazes of sculpture 
which produced those soft and charming friezes, and reared 
the upper columns on which rest the vast entablatures with 
their architraves and frettings, Led by such masters who 
have come down to fame as the genius of classic architec- 
ture, wage-earners had delved for more than a decade of 
years to fashion the home of the J/ystagogoi, those fav- 
ored priests who repulsed them with bitterest scorn and all 
others who could not bring proof that for three generations 
at least, they had never disgraced themselves by the social 
blight of labor. These were the thanks the ancient lowly 
received for building those enduring and exquisite monu- 
ments of art. 

No wonder then, that as the procession moved down from 
the acropolis to the sea, the outcasts, uncultured, unrefined, 
enslaved, treated the haughty initiates with brickbats and 
jeers. There were quarrels about this grievance; but so 
dark has the historian been upon the subject that we are 
unable to obtain further positive data than these we quote. 
But what we do know sheds light upon the canses of a 
great change which in course of time came into the world; 
a change that planted the seed of revolution. It was a re- 
ligio-political state based upon legalized pretentions, and 
assumed absolute rights of less than one-third of the entire 
population of the Indo-European world and the absolute non- 
recognition and sacial, political and hierarchical ostracism 

—of the other two-thirds of the population on whose labor 
they depended for their food, clothing, shelter and worship. 

A word more may suffice to close this chapter. Our ob. 
ject in saying so much has been to exhibit the double griev- 


182 THE MYSTERIES 


ance suffered by the religious as well as the social and eco- 
nomic tyranny of ancient society over the laboring people. 
From the time labor organizations began, until the era of 
the sophists, no one can tell the ages that elapsed. The so- 
phists and philosophers began their work in Greece five 
centuries before Christ. They were revolutionists so far as 
they dared go. The general movement of Plato and Aris- 
totle must though conflicting, certainly be regarded as one 
of the most remarkable of the world. It worked enorm- 
ously in the direction of preparing mankind for the revolu- 
tion—the change from a condition of slavery of the useful 
laboring masses to one of complete social, political and 
spiritual recognition and equality. Plato was a slave 
owner. He was so proud that he disdained to accept 
money for his services as a teacher, preferring to accept 
presents from the wealthy young students under his charge 
—the reverse of what in our own times is considered pro- 
per. Had Plato thus lived and acted just before our mod- 
ern war of the rebellion he would have been called a slave- 
driving hypocrite by abolitionists at the North, and a cant 
ing moralist by the people at the South. He was of neither 
party. Even the workingmen of his own times hated him. 
What he did was probably equilibrated both between sym- 
pathy and diplomacy, largely tempered by sympathy and 
conscience and on the whole, working all the radical good 
which the times would permit. The world is better for 
this celebrated advocate of slavery having lived; for on the 
whole, though he could not see any way possible of ex- 
punging this horrid social ulcer of slavery from his republic, 
his sympathy got the better of acquisitiveness and like all 
the teachers of that era, he melted the brutal spirit which 
in Sparta instigated such inhuman cruelties toward the la- 
boring class. All over Attica they were treated with com- 
parative tendermess and consideration and though they suf- 
fored the grievances we have described, yet they shared the 
age of philosophy and art as an age peculiarly their own 
in organization and plenty. It was their Golden age of 
equality. Wedo not mean exact equality or similarity in 
the physical and intellectual sense; for nothing could be more 
absurd. We mean by it the extinction of those aristocratic 
lines which pride, egoism and greed had so long Feld as 4 
’ basis of religion and of state. 


CHAPTER V. 


STRIKESANDUPRISINGS. 


GRIEVANCES CONTINUED. PLANS OF ESCAPE. 


Firsr Known and First Tried Plan of Salvation was that of Retal- 
iation—The Slaves test the Ordeal of Armed Force—Irasci- 
bility of the Working Classes at length arrayed against their 
Masters—Ty pical Strikes of the ancient Workingmen—Their 
Inhuman Treatment—Famous Strike at the Silver Diggings 
of Laurium-—20,000 Artisans and Laborers quit Work in a 
Body and go over to the Foes of their own Countrymen— 
The Great Peloponnesian War Decided for the Spartans, 
against the Athenians by this Fatal Strike. 


In ancient Greece, Sicily and Rome there occurred great 
and disastrous strikes. The character of the elements caus- 
ing these disturbances varied greatly from that of the mod- 
ern strikers. Quite the reverse of our modern, the ancient 
strikers were either slaves or freedmen descended from 
such, and in a condition of extreme lowliness but often so 
intelligent that not withstanding the odds against them they 
sometimes out-generaled their masters and obtained for a 
long period of time, even years, against wealth, priesthood 
and military force. The reasons for this we have already 
explained but may appropriately repeat. The slaves and 
freedmen were mostly men of their masters’ own blood. 
They were of the same race, color and natural intelligence. 
They used the same languages, were accustomed to the 
same roads and fields, knew the cliffs, grottoes, forests and 
jungles; and there being no firearms or other instruments 
of destruction which in our modern warfare throw the bal- 
ance of power into the hands of the most disciplined rather 


184 STRIKE OF THE ANCIENT MINERS. 


than the most numerous, they sometimes triumphed for a 
time by dint of numbers. 

During the Peloponnesian war a great strike of the work- 
ing people occurred in and about the silver mines of Laur- 
ium,’ B. C. 413. It may be well here to enumerate some 
of the grievances inciting them to this desperate resolve 
which they knew perfectly well beforehand, would, unless 
they succeeded, terminate in their death by tortures of the 
most inhuman artifices the maddened cruelty of greedy 
money-getters could invent. Nearly allthe slaves and other 
working people, laborers and artificers engaged in this enor- 
mous strike, were intelligent people. Some were persons 
who were slaves by the misfortune of birth;? others were 
prisoners of war reduced by violence to slavery. Still 
others were slaves as merchandise brought to the mines by 
the vicissitudes of traffic; and lastly and worst, there were 
large numbers who were convicts, condemned to work in 
the mines under the lash of brutal hireling overseers of con- 
tractors* who worked these mines on Jeases from the gov- 
ernment to which they paid one twentieth of the proceeds. 
It was a great grievance to the intelligent workingmen to 
be goaded by the knowledge that he was a social monstros- 
ity.“ Men now recoil at the sight of a slave because he is 
the rare relic of an institution which human wisdom and 
sympathy have outstripped, outlived, outgrown in the glori- 


1 Thucydides De Bello Peloponesiaco, VII. 27; “Agixovro δὲ καὶ Θρᾳκῶν τῶν 
μαχαιροφόρων τοῦ Διακοῦ γένους és Tas Αϑήνας πελτασταὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ϑέρει τούτῳ 
τριακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι, οὕς ἔδει τῷ Δημοσϑένει ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν ξυμπλεῖν. οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Αϑην- 
αἴοι, ὡς ὕστερον ἧκον, διενοοῦντο αὐτοὺς πάλιν ὅϑεν ἦλθον ἐς Θράκην ἀποπέμπειν. 
τὸ γὰρ ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν ἐκ τῆς Δεκελείας πόλεμον αὐτοὺς πολυτελὲς ἐφαίνετο" δραχ- 
μὴν γὰρ τῆς ἡμέρας ἕκαστος ἐλάμβανεν. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἡ Δεκέλεια τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὸ 
πάσης τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐν τῷ ϑέρει τούτῳ τειχισϑεῖσα, ὕστερον δὲ ὡρουραῖς ἀπὸ τῶν 
πόλεων κατὰ διαδοχὴν χρόνου ἐπιούσαις τῇ χώρᾳ ἐπῳκεῖτο, πολλὰ ἔβλαπτε τοὺς ᾿Αϑη 
ναίους καὶ ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις χρημάτων τ᾽ ὀλέϑρῳ καὶ ἀνθρώπων ῳφϑορᾷ ἐκάκωσε τὰ 
πράγματα: πρότερον μὲν γὰρ βραχεῖαι γιγνόμεαι αἱ ἐσβολαὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον 
γῆς γῆς ἀπολαύειν οὐκ ἐκώλνον" τότε δὲ ξυνεχῶν ἐπικαϑημένων, καὶ ὁτὲ μὲν Kat 
πλεόνων ἐπιόντων, ὁτὲ δ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάγκης τῆς ἴσης φρουρᾶς καταϑεούσης τε τὴν χώραν 
καὶ λῃστείας ποιουμένης, βασιλέως τε παρότος τοῦ τῶν “Δακεδαιμονίων *Ay.oos, ὃς 
οὐκ ἐκ παρέγον τὸν πόλεμον ἐποιεῖτο, μεγάλα οἱ ᾿Αϑηναῖοι ἐβλάπτοντο" τῆς τε γὰρ 
χώρας ἁπάσης ἐστέρηντο καὶ ἀνδραπόδων πλέον ἣ δύο μυριάδες ηὐτομολήκεσαν, και 
τούτον τὸ πολὺ μέρος χειροτέχναι, πρόβατά τε πάντα ἀπολώλει καὶ ὑποζύγια: ἵππι 
τε, ὁσημέραϑ ἐξελαυνόντων τῶν ἱππέων πρός τε τὴν Δεκέλειαν καταδρομὰς ποιουμένων 
καὶ κατὰ τὴν χώραν φυλασσόντων, οἱ μέν ἀπεχωλοῦντο ἐν γῇ ἀποκρότῳ τε κα- 
ξυνεχῶς ταλαιπωροῦντες, οἱ δ᾽ ἐτιτρώσκοντο. 

Xenuphon. De Vectigal. 1V. 25. 

©Granier de Cassagnac, Histotre des Classes Ouvritres, chap. iil. 

+Plutarch Nias and Crassus Compared, 1. 

4 Draumann, Arbeiter und Communisten in Griechenland und Rom, 8. 24; 
Bdckh, Public Economies of the Athenians, )), 263, ‘or instances of nen own- 
img great numbers of slaves; See a'so Bockh 5 Laurische Silberbergwerke in At. 
ἀκα. passim. 


NO SUNDAY FOR WORKINGMEN. 135 


ous race of enlightenment. Even at that early age the 
slave’s servitude was the source of his own intelligent dis- 
gust; for covered as he was with the indelible brands and 
scars of systematic mutilation, and decrepit in premature 
age through blows and strains of violence and overwork, his 
mind remained unimpaired, often edged to consciousness of 
its own incompatibility with this state of degradation. The 

oor creatures were never allowed to eat white bread.‘ 

here were no Sundays for them. Of the 365 days they 
were forced to delve 360. Sometimes the government 
owned them and subbed them with the mines themselves to 
the contractors, following the plan of Xenophon,’ who some- 
times thus worked great numbers at a time. Often, how- 
ever, the rich contractor himself owned laboring men with 
whom to operate the mines. Thus Nicias owned a thou- 
sandslaves,* Mnason also owned a thousand.’ The ancients 
appear to have had a species of passion for seeing acts of 
brutality and cruelty. 

Wakes are of great antiquity. Originally they were pub- 
lic fights on the occasion of the death of an important mem- 
ber of a gens family, in which the combatants were his 
slaves so unfortunate astohave survivedhim. All the fam- 
ily, its slaves and their children, perhaps also the commanity 
not allied by blood, were summond to see what in our re- 
fined age would not only be repellent cruelties, but intol- 
erable ones—a fight to the death, of slaves of the deceased, 
with daggers and clubs.” ‘The first combat on record of 
this kind occurred in B. C, 264, arranged by the brothers 
Brutus." But authors agree that the practice comes from 
much more remote antiquity; and mention of it is made 
here to prepare the reader to understand some of the causes 


5 Granier, de Cass. Hist. Ouvritres, p. 98,who gives references. 

¢Biicher Aufstande der unfreien Arbeiter,S.96; Xenoph. Memorab, 111, 6, 12. 
For 360 days in the year those poor working people male and female, had 
to drudge. Xenophon, 4, 16; Béokh, Si/berbergwerke, ὃ. 125. 

7Xenophon, De Vectigal. cap. iv. 
Ὦ ἘΠ ποποτ Aufstinde, etc. S. 96: Drumann Arbeiter und Communisien, 88. 

ΕΟ 

9Béckh, Public Economies of the Athenians, p. 263. The celebrated plan of 
Xenophon for replenishing the Athenian treasury (De Vectigal. cap, iv.) waa 
to have the «tate pat 60 000 of its own slaves on the state silver mines of 
Laprium. to be ‘ea-ed to contractors. He even gives figures on the prestin 
able income from this p!:n of relief to ihe state. 

10 Frieilinder, Darstellungen au. der Sitltengeschichte Roms, 11. 216, 

u Guhi and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans. We give references to 
modern autbors so that readers not conversant with the original languages 
may get them and <atisfy themeelve:. 


186 STRIKE AT THE SILVER MINES. 


lurking at the bottom of the evil of ancient strikes and up- 
risings. Gibbon relates the horrible story of the Syracusian, 
L. Domitius.* One of the poor, innocent slaves during his 
pretorship, one day while assisting in the chase, killed a 
wild boar of enormous size and very dangerous. The dar- 
ing deed got noised about until it reached the ear of Dom- 
itius who ordered the slave to be brought to him as he de- 
sired to see so brave aman. The poor creature appeared 
before this fellow, humbly expecting a trifle of praise so sel- 
dom the lot of the Syracusian slave. To his horror, how- 
ever, this monster’s first question was, what kind of weapon 
or means were employed by him in performing the deed. 
The answer wasa javelin. “Are younot aware that the jave- 
lin is a weapon for gentlemen ; and that for so mean a crea- 
ture asa slave to use the weapons of men, is death?” Turn- 
ing to his soldiers he said, “take this slave away and crucify 
him.” The trembling wretch was actually crucified upon 
the spot. The heart sickens at the contemplation of our 
descent from such a type of monsters! 

Bucher notes™ that single contractors often worked 300 
to 600 slaves in the silver mines of Laurium and that con- 
victs who were government property were sometimes sold 
to the contractors who exploited their labor in their own 
name. Sometimes intelligent men in those days were half 
slaves and half free, being enfeoffed by livery of seizin, no 
doubt, if unambitious of freedom, enjoying thereby some 
advantages over those entirely out in the competitive world. 
Such men were paid a per diem, varying from 8 to 7 obolt, 
or from 10 to 19 cents for their labor.” 

Callias the friend of Cimon, B. C. 460, became wealthy, 
managing mines. All or nearly all the mines were, with 
the ancients, the property of the state. The state contracted 
the working of the mines to enterprising business men who 
often hired slaves to do the work. These contractors were 
often men of noble blood. The sense of the social structure 
being against conducting or managing one’s own business. 


12 Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Vol. 1, p. 48. N. Y., 1850: 
Bockh, Silberbergwerke, S. 122-3, addstestimony to this hardheartedness of 
the ancients, referring to Plato who, for his perfect state, wanted only Greeks 
exempt from slavery. 

13 Aufstande etc., ὃ. 96. 

34 Bockh, Abhandlung der Historisch-Philologischen Classe der Preussischen 
Akademie der Wiessenchaften, 1814-15. 

15 Id, Public Econ. of Athenians, p, 164. 


STATISTICS OF ANCIENT WAGES. 137 


Only the slaves and other workmen, those who actually per: 
formed the work, were doomed to suffer the odium of labor. 
Any business man who could get a bond, could take from 
the state a portion or the whole of a mine; and sometimes 
even the slaves themselves were to be had of the state. In 
this case, the complete outfit was contracted for by the in- 
dividual, who had no further care than to manipulate pro- 
ducts and gains. Callias and Cimon had either contracts 
for or ownership in the mines of silver at Laurium, located 
to the southeastward of Athens about 30 miles.* Their 
names appear also, but vaguely in connection with the 
Pangzeus mines in Thrace. It is known that Thucidydes 
the celebrated historian owned mining property in Mace- 
donia. He was a rich slave owner and optimate. One 
Sosias a Thracian contractor hired from Nicias a thousand 
slaves, at an obolus per day each.” Hyponicus rented or 
hired as many as 600 slaves to these contractors and re- 
ceived, as Xenophon tells us, a mina daily for their labor. 
Philemonides for 300 slaves got half a mina.” 

Public servants were not always free. Wages in the time 
of Pericles stood about as follows: for a common laborer 
who carried dirt, 3 oboli,” or 104 cents per day. A gar- 
dener got 14 cents; a sawyer of wood, one drachm, or 19 
cents; a carpenter received sometimes as high as 174 cents 
while millers in the grain mills received 15 to 18 cents. 
Scribes or copyists no more. The architect of the temple 
of Minerva got no more than the stone sawyer and others 
only as much asthe common laborer. His name was Polias. 
Boeckh says he received one drachm or exactly 174 cents. 
The hypogrammateus or secretary to the superintendent of 
public buildings got only 5 obolé or about 15 cents. 

The fares for traveling conveyances were also very low. 
In fact, the clerks and public officials of every kind were 
government subjects who received low salaries and worked 
long hours, Their life was a constant drudgery. The su- 
perintendents themselves were officers of family or blood. 
They were citizens; but the dignity of their position re- 
strained them from receiving any recompense. 


16 Platarch, Cimon. Cornelius Nepos. Cimon; ‘*non tam generosus quam 
pecuniosus, qui magnas pecunias ex metallis fecerat.” 

17 Xenophon, De Vectgal. §. 4,14; Plutarch, Nicias, 4. 

18 Xenophon, 14. 1, c, § 15. 19 Bockh, Pub. Econ. Athen. p, 164, 

20 An obolus was 3% cts, a drachma 19. 


188 STRIKE AT THE SILVER MINES. 


Thus in Greece, Rome and everywhere throughout an- 
tiquity, such were the oppressive conditions that the intelli- 
gent among the working classes, goaded by their sufferings, 
were on the alert, sometimes for revenge, sometimes for 
objects of amelioration, but oftener from sheer, reckless 
despair, and ready to strike out in bloody rebellion against 
their master, 

With this statement on general causes of strikes we pro- 
ceed with the story of the greatest of all, belonging purely 
to this category of human resistance, to be found either in 
ancient or modern times.” It may be plausibly conjectured 
that this great strike in turning the tables against the Athe- 
nians and thus deciding the celebrated Peloponnesian war 
against them and the little democracy that had grown up 
in the Athenian civilization and refinement, went far toward 
suppressing the true progress of the human race.™ 

The silver mines of Laurium, 30 miles south from the 
city of Athens, were among the resources of Athenian wealth. 
They belonged to the goverament. The methods of ob- 
taining the precious metal was by arduous labor, without 
much of the modern machinery. Diodorus describing the 
Egyptian mines between Captos and Cosseir, pictures the 
sufferings of the poor convicts and barbarians working 
there; * and Biicher says that was also the case with those 
working the Laurian mines.* According to this, men and 
women in great numbers who had committed some crime ™ 
against the state or otherwise, were dragged into the subter- 
ranean cavern, stripped entirely of their clothing, their 
bodies painted, their legs loaded with chains and in this 
frightful condition, set at work drilling the rock, breaking 
it in pieces and carrying it to the mouth of the shaft. Out- 
side the mine were smitheries, machine shops for making 
stamping mills, water tanks and courses for washing the 
metal, wagon shops for making and repairing vehicles of 
conveyance and other conveniences necessary for so great 
an industry, employing great numbers of slaves and freed- 
men for carrying on the works. 


21 The greater uprisings are known, not as strikes but as servile wars; ale 
though we sometimes coufound them with strikes, 

22 Drumann, Arbeiter und Communisten in Griechenland und Rom, 8, θά. 

23Diodorus Bibliotheca Historica, V. 38. 

%Biicher, Aufstande der unfieien Arb. S, 96. 

% Compare Plutarch. Vicias and Crassus Comp. Init. Plutarch here avers 
that the workmen unier Nicias were often malefactors and convicts. 


BOTH SEXES WORKED NAKED IN THE MINES. 189 


These mines of Laurium were in operation when the Pe- 
loponnesian war broke out, B. C. 432, between the Spartans 
and Athenians, which lasted 27 years, Thucidydes speaks 
as though the offer held out to the workmen employed as 
slaves by the Athenians, of 18 cents per day uniformly, was 
a very tempting one.” They were poor dependents, some 
slaves, some freedmen, some convicts, subjected to abuse, 
thrown pell-melltogether, driven to hard work, poorly fed, 
those within the mines, naked and suffering, and utterly 
destitute of that feeling known to us as patriotism, although 
many of them were Athenians.” During this obstinate 
struggle the Lacedzemonian forces, B. C. 413, approached 
as nearto Athens as Decelea, a garrisoned frontier town 
in Beetia held by them, where they established themselves 
over against the Athenian lines. The distance between 
Decelea on the borders of Boetia and Athens is only about 
20 miles. The Athenian ergasteria or workshops were 
manned in part by slaves.” So, whether in the shops and 
arsenals at Athens, or in the silver mines of Laurium, both 
of which, during war time, were indispensable for supply- 
ing money and arms, the sinews of production were not 
quickened by that peculiarly inspiriting urgent known to us 
as patriotism. Labor hated alike home, fatherland and em- 
ployer. When war broke out the laborer, instead of turn- 
ing his power and genius to swift production of engines for 
hurling missiles of destruction among the invaders of his 
country, sought in the vortex of fierce disturbance, some 
fissure of retreat from the monstrous cruelties of bondage. 

Thus in this pivotal contest between the Spartans and 
Athenians, compared with the Spartans’ treatment of the 
Helots or Lacedzemonian slaves, the Athenians with all the 
horrors that have been pictured, were mild, we find the 
grievance intensified beyond endurance. Compared with 
Spartan suavity, philosophy and moral advancement, the 
Athenians were as civilization to barbarism; for Sparta had 
never questioned the claims of Pagan aristocracy and Ly- 
curgus had built upon it in all its austere presumptiveness a 
ring or community of about one-third the population and 
damned the remaining two-thirds to a stage of slavery 


6 Thucydides. De Bello Peloponnesiaco, VII. 27, already quoted. p. 107. 
27Bicher, Aufstdnde ἃ. unfreien Arb. ὃ. 21, 
28 Drumann; Arb. τι. Communisten in Griechentand u. Rom, S, 64; ‘‘Auch 
In den Fabriken, epyaorepia, sah map sur Sclaven,” 


140 STRIKE AT THE SILVER MINES. 


very little better than that of naked convicts described by 
Diodorus in the gold mines of Egypt.” Yet notwithstand- 
ing the brutal example the poor slaves had just witnessed, 
of Spartan treachery, in assassinating 2,000 brave helots 
a few years before,” some knowledge of which they must 
certainly have possessed ™ we find the poor Athenian work- 
men readily accepting an offer by the Spartans and joining 
them in great numbers against their own fatherland. 

Undoubtedly this was a very dangerous exploit of the 
strikers and could not have succeeded without some organ- 
ization. But we are left in the dark regarding most of the 
details. No doubt the near approach of the Lacedzemonian 
forces and the demoralization of the Athenians as well as 
their ingratitude, together with the arrogance of Cimon 
and the revenges of Alcibiades, might have had much to 
do with it. 

This great strike must have been plotted by the men 
themselves. We are, through the two or three brief refer- 
ences to it, given us by the historians,” left to infer that it 
must have been well concerted, violent and swift. The in- 
ference is unequivocal that in 413, B. C. 20,000 miners, me- 
chanics, teamsters and laborers suddenly struck work; and 
ata moment of Athens’ vreatest peril, fought themselves 
loose from their masters and their chains. These 20,000 
workmen made 3, desperate bolt for the Spartan garrison 
newly established at Decelea onthe borders of Beetia. The 
strike must have been the more desperate on account of 
the offers held out to them by theenemy. One of the offers 
was that they should be provided with work which they 
should perform on their own reckoning; but that they 
should pay only a part of it to their masters or employers. 
At this lay, by industry and patience they could not only 
live better but could lay by a certain sum with which to 


29 Diodorus, Bib. Hist. III. 11, V. 38. 

80 1 hucydides, IV, 80, massacre of the Helots, B. 0. 424, ut supr, Ὁ, 106. κα 

81 Witne-s the intimate undercurrent Οἱ te ephony caring the great up- 
ri-ings of Eunus, Arisionicus, Athenion and Sea and the same was 
:ep.ated during the anti-slavery rebellion in the United States, with same 
wy teriou-ly accurate information. 

32 Thucydides, De Bello Pel. VI, 91. VIII. 4, VII. 27; Kenophon, De 
Veeligal. 4.25; Drumann, Arb. u. Comm. 5. 64; Bucher, Aufstdfde. un- 
frecen Avbveiter, 8, 21: ‘‘Im Jahre vor Chr. 418 schlugen sich 20,000 A’ hen- 
iseche Fabrikerbeiter zu den Lakeda)moniern, ein sch worer Schlag fiir den 
Leu. isshex Bergbau.” Béckh, Lauwrische Silberbergwerke, S. 90-1, 8150 men- 
tiuns it. 


THE STRIKE A RECOGNIZED SUCCESS. 141 


bay themselves free. Unaccustomed to plenty and sud- 
denly thus provided with enough to eat and drink, they 
naturally gave themselves up to indulgence to some extent 
for Dr. Drumann tells us that many of the slaves lived bet- 
ter than the freedmen themselves, though we have no ac- 
count of their dissipating. The statement of Dr, Biicher, 
that this strike of the workmen of Athens was a heavy blow 
to the mining operations of the Laurian silver diggings, con- 
firms the importance of this immense uprising in Attica. 
The sudden loss of 20,000 workmen, inured to the hard- 
ships of mining life, and drilled to the mechanical nice- 
ties of the assays for the money supply, of the wagon 
works, and of the armories at Athens where most of the 
sabers, slings, daggers, javelins, campaign wagons and 
other tmpedimenta of war were constructed, is known 
to have been a serious set-back to the progress of the Pe- 
loponnesian conflict. But while it disheartened the Athen- 
lans it proportionately encouraged and delighted the Lace- 
dgemonians ; and as the latter were not of the party of pro- 
gress but engaged in invidious activity against the Athen- 
ians, at that time the most democratic and advanced peo- 
ple in the world, it acted directly against the evolution of 
mankind. No one pretends to deny that the Spartans, 
boasting of the hegemony of their youth and their conse- 
quent warlike prowess, were mad with jealousy against the 
wondrous work of Athenian philosophy, letters, fine art and 
polish ;—the very adornments, theoretical and mechanical, 


25 Dromann, Arbeiter und Communisten in Griechenland und Rom, 8.64. ‘Der 
grosste Theil der 20,000, welche im peloponnesischen Kriege in Attica zu der 
gpartanischen Besatzung in Decelia entlieten, kam aus Fabriken. Mitunter 
wurde thnen gestattet, fir eigene Rechnung zu arbeiten, und ein Gewisses theil an 
ihre Herren abzugeben ; so konnten fleissige und sparsame eine Summe eriibrigen 
und sich loskaufen; manche machten mehr Aufwand als die Freien.”’ Biicher 
says, 8.21: ‘Wo viele Sklaven derselben Nationalitat in einer Stadt zisammen 
lebten, sagt Platon, (legg. VI. p. 777), geschiihe grosses Unheil, was doch nur auf 
wirliche Aufstinde mit all ihren Graiueln zu deuten δύ." So also at Rome 
the feeling was against the poorest class and aggravated by a fear of their muti- 
nies. Cato the elder was a hard-hearted slave-driver as Livy, (XXXIX. 40), 
coolly hints, without seeming to imagine that brutal treatment of a menial 
was inhumanity. Macrobius, (Saturnaliorum Libri, I, xi. 2, 25-30,) says that in 
Rome so great was the cruelty of citizens to the laboring class that God himself 
protested; ‘Audi igitrr quanta indignatio de serui supplicio caelum pene- 
trauerit. anno enim post Romam conditam quadringentesimo septuagesimo 
quarto Autranius quidam Maximus seruum suum ueberatum patibuloque con- 
strictum ante spetaculi commissionem per circum egit: ob quam causam indig- 
natus Iuppiter Annio cuidam per quietem imperauit ut senatui nuntiaret non 
sibi placuisse plenum crudelitatis admissum.”’ Thus cruelty with other griev- 
ances caused them to revolt. Of course, those who were already free were still 
more fortunate. It is curious that the law was such that the slaves remained 
slaves even after winning the strike. 


142 STRIKH AT THE SILVER MINES. 


which have in course of subsequent ages succeeded in rid- 
ding the world of slavery. Yet we find in this great strike 
20,000 workingmen revolting and turning their muscle 
against their own comparatively proyressive institutions, 
thus doing all in their power to aid the Spartans in subdu- 
ing this growing Athenian intelligence. Of course we can- 
not blame them for resistance; for it raised them, although 
it doomed their cause. The brilliant Athenians were, after 
a struggle of 27 years, defeated and the Spartans succeeded 
in re-establishing the old, jealous, conservative paganism— 
that deadliest enemy of freedom, the nursery of slavery, the 
home of priestcraft and of aristocracy, ever inculcating 
belief in divine right of few against many. 

Not far from Decilea on the Athenian seacoast, about five 
miles to the southeastward of the Laurian silver mines, was 
the little mining city of Sunion. There was an old castle 
at this place, which, like that in the forest of Sicily,“ was 
under the egis of a powerful divinity who recognized the 
workingman and protected him, whatever his deeds or his 
guilt, so long as he could hold himself within its walls. 

It was about the close of the first Labor war of Eunus of 
Sicily that another enormous and horribly bloody strike oc- 
curred in the mines of Laurium.* The men undertook and 
carried out the same plan as that of Decelia, and struck work 
to the number of more than a thousand.* It must have 
been a memorable and shockingly sanguinary event. Sun- 
ion was the stronghold of the silver mines.” By the ap- 
pearance of things as presented to us in the meagre details 
given, no improvement for the comfort of the miners had 
ever been introduced since the great strike of Decelea. The 
poor creatures were still suffering under the lash, delving 
360 out ofthe 365 days in the year, naked, men and womenin-. 
discriminately tugging under the clubs of heartless foremen 
and directors, the same as ages before,* That these poor 


84 See Second Sicilian Labor War, chap. xi. where itis related that the strikers 
were actually shielded by the god of the castle, andnoone dared to disturb them 
until they had organized that mighty rebellion. 

86 A full account of this strike-war occurs in chap. x. pp. 201-241 q. v. 

86 Augustin de civ. ἃ. III, 26, tells us also of a great uprising of the miners 
in Macedonia. 

87 Bockh, Lawrische Silberbergwerk, 8, 90. 

88 Athenzus, Deipnosophisie, VI. p. 271: quoting E. Poseidonius, the contin- 
nator of the Histories of Polybiug says: “ Kat ai πολλαὶ δὲ αὗται ᾿Αττικαὶ μυριάδες 
τῶν οἰκετῶν δεδεμέναι εἰργάζοντο τὰ μέταλλα. Ποσειδώνιος γοῦν ο᾽ φιλόσοφος καὶ 
ἀποστάντας φυσὶν αὐτοὺς καταφονεῦσαι μὲν τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν μετάλλων φύλακας, καταλα- 


BLOODY MUTINY AT SUNION. 143 


people, many of whom were freedmen had their labor or- 
ganizations is proved beyond a shadow of doubt. Béckh 
comments upon the passage of Demosthenes against Pan- 
teetus,” showing a quarrel of the contractors in the mines 
with the trade unions. These quarrels were frequent occur- 
rences in those days. It might have been some similar trouble 
that caused the uprisings we are describing, although it oc- 
curred in later times, 

More than a thousand of the miners one day simultane- 
ously struck work and proceeded in a body to the protect- 
ing castle of Sunion where they claimed and secured pro- 
tection from the divine guardian that watched over this holy 
institution.” 

Should any one complain of us for dragging religion into 
our history of the ancient lowly, their folly will here be 
seen. It is another of the numerous instances showing that 
labor, politics and religion were all institutions of govern- 


βέσϑαι δὲ τὴν ἐπι Σουνίῳ ἀκρόπολιν καὶ ἐπί πολὺν χρόνον πορϑῆσαι τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν. 
Οὗτος, δὴν ὁ καιρὸς, ὅτε καί ἐν Σικελὶᾳὴ δεντέρα τῶν δούλων ἀπῦστασις ἐγένετο. Bee 
also Boéckh, 5. 123. 

89 See Demosth, Agt. Pant. 966-7. The eranoi mentioned were the veritable 
trade unions, corresponding with the Roman collegia, the French jurandes and the 
English trade unions. The thiasoi, as we persistently explain, were that branch 
of the eranot which had in charge the entertainments and solemnities. We have 
already shown that slaves often belonged totheunions. Foucart, (Associations Re- 
ligieusues Chez Les Grecs, p. 121 and 219, inscription No. 38), mentions an important 
inscription showing that one Xanthos a Lycian slave belonging to a Roman 
named Caius Orbius, founded a temple at the mines and consecrated it to the 
moon god. This moon god in return for the favor protected the slaves. The 
slab bears evidence from which we quote the first six lines as follows; 

Ἐάνθος Λύκιος Tatov Opdiov καθείδρυσα τὸ iep ὀντοῦ Μηνὸς 
Τυράννου, αἱρετίσαντος τοῦ θεοῦ, ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῆ τύχῃ, καὶμηθένα 
ἀκάθαρτον προσάγειν, καθαριζέστω δὲ ἀπὸ ial oe kaixotpéwp 
kai γυναικὸς, λουσαμένους δὲ κατακέῳαλα αὐθημερὸν εἰσπορεύ- 
εσθαι, καὶ ἐκ τῶν γυναικείων διὰ ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν λουσαμένηνκατα- 
κέῳφαλα εἰσπορεῦεσθαι αὐθημερὸν, καὶ ἀπὸ νεκροῦ διὰ ἡμερῶνδεκα, 

The remarks of Foucart in the ταχύ, Ὁ. 121 ᾶτϑ: ‘‘Celui qui, vers le deuxiéme 
sidcle aprés notre ére, introduisit dans l’Attiquele culte de Mén, était un esclave 
lycien, employé par an propriétaire romain aux trayaux des mines. C’était le 
dieu lui-méme qui, dans une apparition ou dans un songe, l’avait invité a éle- 
ver le temple. Aussi le fondateur a-t-il pris soin de répéter, dans les deux in- 
soe One, qu’il exécutait le désir de Mén; c’était mettre ainsi sous sa protection 
le réglement qu'il édictait: Moi, Xanthos, Lycien, appartenant ἃ Caius Orbius, 
j’ai consacré le temple de Mén Tyrannos, pour me conformer ἃ la volonté du 
dieu.” We would like to ask how a poorslave working in the mines could found, 
erect and consecrate a great temple so solid that its ruins and inscriptions re- 
main as testimony to this day? Foucart in his desire to prove that all those in- 
scriptions were purely religious and nothing more, forgets that a slave so lowly 
could do no such thing. He was simply managing officer of a great trade union 
ΒΟ pemooratie that social distinctions were unkuown to it. This eranos erected 
the temple. 

40 Schambach, Der Italische Selavenauftand, S. 5: ‘*Um 620 a. u.—134 v. Chr, 
emportcn sich die in den Laurisclen Silberberken arbeitenden Sklaven, tédteten 
ee Wachter, nabmen das Kastell von Sunion ein und verwtateten Attika lange 

it. 


144 STRIKE AT THE SILVER MINES. 


ment. Let the reader imagine a thousand workingmen 
safely protected from the most deadly enemies, by a god! 
But not only for aday or two were they thus screened from 
the wrath of armed soldiers who had orders to spear every 
one of the strikers the instant he was seen outside the 
sacred pale, but for months this continued and there were 
battles fought and frequent and successful sallies made by 
the workingmen all under the protecting arm of the god. 

The strikers killed their overseers, rushed into the town, 
took possession, got the temple to sleep in, organized them- 
selves for combat, took the arms from the armories, and 
for a long time laid waste the country on every side, re- 
maining masters of the stronghold within. The mayor of 
the city, one Heraklitos,“ after their rage was probably spent, 
succeeded in defeating them when in all probability the 
usual brutalities of wholesale crucifixion were enacted and 
nearly every one put to death. This is the more certain 
because at this time, B. C. 133, the Romans were not only 
masters of all Greece, but their contractors were operating 
the silver mines at Laurium, for which kind of employment 
they had a peculiar fondness. 

Another strike and bloody stampede of a similar kind 
took place at the gold mines of Pangetus in Macedonia, 
which was of sufficient magnitude to get into the history 
of Augustin, and Schambach mentions it as another import- 
ant occurrence.“ 


41 Orosius, V. 9: ‘“‘In metallis quoque Atheniensinm idem taumultus gervilis 
ab Heraclito prastore discussus est.” 

42 Schambach, Der Italische Sklavenaufstand, 8. δ: ‘‘ Auch die griechsche Welt 
wurde in éhnlicher weise, wenn auch in geringerer Ausdehnung, heimgesucht, 
Nach Augustin de civ. I, 26 verwiisteten kurz vor dem Ausbruche des ersten 
Se Sklavenkrieges empérte Sklavenbanden Macedonian and die anstose- 
enden Gebiete. 


OHAPTER VL 


GRIEVANCES. 


LABOR TROUBLES AMONG THE ROMANS. 
MORE BLOODY PLANS OF SALVATION TRIED. 


Tue IRasorie Puan in Italy—Epidemic Uprisings—Attempt to 
Fire the City of Rome and have Things common—Conspir- 
acy of Slaves at the Metropolis—Two Traitors—Betrayal— 
Deaths on the Roman Gibbet—A nother Great Uprising at Se- 
tia—Expected Capture of the World—Land of Wine and 
Delight—A gain the Traitor, the Betrayal and Gibbet—The 
Irascible Plan a Failure—Strike of the Agricultural Laborers 
in Etruria—Slave Labor—Character of the Etruscans—Expe- 
dition of Glabro—Fighting—Slaves Worsted—Punishment 
on the dreadful Cross, the ancient Block for the Low-born— 
Enormous Strike in the Land of Labor Organizations—One 
Glimpse at the Cause and Origin of Italian Brigandage—La- 
borers, Mechanics and Agriculturers Driven to Despair— 
The great Uprising in Apulia—Fierce Fighting to the Dag- 
εἰ Hilt—The Overthrow, the Dungeon and the Crosj— 

roof Dug from Fragments of Lost History. 


Sremmes and labor mutinies are known to have occurred at 
Rome. There was one of a desperate nature in the year 
417, B. C., while Lanatus, P. Lucretius and Spurius Rutilus 
were tribunes under the consuls Vibulanus and Capitolinus.' 
This was during the Peloponnesian war and the fact that it 
occurred about the same time with the great strike of the 
20,000? miners and artisans at Athens, shows that the asser- 
tion made by the investigation of the United States Bureau 


Livy, Annales, lib. IV. 45. 


2 Authors differ a little as to dates, The difference is agreed to within 
three years; 1. 6. B,C. 418 for the Athenian and 417 for the Roman strike. 


14 EARLY MUTINEERS OF ITALY. 


of Labor, that panics and depressions are simultaneous and 
somewhat epidemic in character, is true. This remarka- 
ble phenomenon will repeatedly exhibit itself as we proceed. 
Livy states that in the same year the city of Cume in Cam- 
pania, long inhabited by the Greeks, but located only a 
short distance to the southward of Rome, had been taken.‘ 
Undoubtedly some of the conspirators whose story we are 
about to recount, were Greeks. Syracuse, a Greek-speaking 
city, being brought into contact at the same time by the 
novel adventures of Nicias and Cimon, must have afforded 
the slaves an opportunity of hearing the news of the great 
strike pending at Decelea. On the whole, judging from 
the established fact that strikes and uprisings among work- 
ingmen are nearly always contagious, it may safely be set 
down as probable that these historical events were simul- 
taneous. At any rate, the warning words of Macrobius, 
that “the more slaves the more enemies” * would have been 
applicable to both Greeks and Romans; for though deliv- 
ered subsequently, they were always true. 

Enthused by some subtile agency, whether of emissaries 
from secret societies, or straggling travelers or pirates bring- 
ing exaggerated accounts from Greece, or whether goaded 
to the act by their own misery neither of which will ever be 
explained, we know that in the night, in the year 417, ac- 
cording to our own reckoning, or 419 according to Biicher,* 
the slaves in a conjuration they had previously concocted, 
arose and attempted to fire the city of Rome. Their hatred 
was not only against their bonds per se, but also extremely 
intense against the aristocracy who, éver since the time of 
their beloved king Servius Tullius, B. C. 578-534, had op- 
pressed them through both fear and jealousy. Tullius was 
the 6th Roman king; and of all others since the great 
Numa the most friendly to the poor and lowly. His sym- 
pathy was the stronger for his having once been a slave 
himself. He restored the arrangement of Numa that had 
regulated their trades and economic relations. He upheld 
the old trade organization. ΑΒ to the slaves, it is probable 


Agel pil hace Report oo United Siates Bureau of Labor, 1886, 
. 15 and 290 refering to panics and depre sions. 
2a Liv. lib, IV. cap 44. in, Cumse was also the birthplace of Blosstus the 
rich labor agitator, q. v. chapter on Aristonicus. 

6 Macrubius, Saturnaliorum Libri, 1. 11. 

6 Biicher, Aufsidnde der unfreien Arbeiter, S. 94. 


THE GOOD OLD TIME. 147 


that he also greatly assisted them. ΑἹ] who could count 
upon enough freedom, he organized. He added to the 
first class of Numa’s system two centuries.?. This was rec- 
ognizing in them some power of defence and an element of 
dignity. When this good man died, the nobility, mad with 
jealousy, overturned some of the laws and regulations he 
had established. Even during his life, such was their hatred 
that they plotted an indiscriminate slaughter in which 
many ; oor working people fell victims. Before he died, 
he caused to be engraved or otherwise chronicled, a consti- 
tution which greatly favored the slave population and the 
freedmen ; but it was swept out of existence by those who 
succeeded him. 

To clearly exhibit the state of human credulity in ancient 
times as well as to trace the origin of the proletarian the- 
ory of Saviors and the prevalent beliefs in immaculate con- 
ceptions, it may here be stated that Servius Tullius was 
imagined a descendant of a slave on his mother’s side and 
of a god on hisfather’s. This may really and consistently 
with the Pagan faith have been perfectly true; because ac- 
cording to that religion any paterfamilias, or head of a 
noble gens family was a god and there was a law giving 
him privilege to have children by his female slaves.’ All 
strikes and uprisings had been easily subdued under Ser- 
vius Tullius. The massacre of the slaves alluded to was 
not in the least, so far as we have information, instigated 
by him, but by the jealous nobility who could not bear to 
see a favor shown the poor whom they despised. After 
King Tarquin acceded to the throne and the good work of 
Tullius was destroyed, they seem to have revived their old 
uneasiness; and no doubt many uprisings actually took 
place which havenever been mentioned in history. Thus, 
143 years elapsed before the occurrence of the scene we 
have introduced. The intelligence regarding this horror 
is exceedingly meagre. Livy simply relates that the hap- 

iness of the Roman people was this year disturbed, not 
y ἃ defeat of the army this time, but by “a great dan- 


1Orelli, Inscriptionum Latinarum Collectio, nos. 1808, 2448, 4105; Livy, 
I. 43; Drumann, S, 154; Plutarceii\, Numa, 17, 

sGranier, Hist, des Classes Ouvri?yves, Ὁ. 70, But the best proof of this 
15 Dionysius of Halicarnissus, Ὁ 1. Consult also Bombardini, De Cur- 
cere et antiquo ejus Usu, quotiny the law: ‘Romulus permiseit maratis jus 
vite ac necessiludinis in uxores suas indulgere,”’ 


148 EARLY MUTINEERS OF ITALY. 


ger.” He characterizes it indeed, as prodigious. Thus 
though all the particulars are not given the probabilities 
are, that it was a memorable affair. 

A certain number of slaves of Rome formed a conspir- 
acy to secretly set fire to the city in the night. The plan 
was to fire the houses in many places at once. Then, 
when the buildings were ablaze, they expected a stampede 
of the people as sometimes occurs at a burning theatre or 
church, on which occasion there settles a horror and a 
craze, the people losing their wits and thus falling an easy 
prey to afew well organized ruffians who, with a stern 
leader are able so shrewdly to command and manage as 
to demolish, plunder and make off with much that the 
flames leave unconsumed. This was the intention of the 
Roman slave conspiracy. They made their plans to throw 
the city into a vast confusion and at a point when flames 
and fright combined to perfect the moral chaos, to seize 
the arms from the armories and whatever else was avail- 
able, put the citizens to the sword, set their fellow slaves 
free, and having completed the work of devastation, take 
possession of the property, occupy the citadels and the 
capitol and settle down in the enjoyment of the women 
whom they did not propose to hurt in their general mas- 
sacre of the men. In the act of carrying out this prodig- 
ious carnage they where betrayed by two of the conspira- 
tors as is commonly the case in such attempts. As a re- 
* sult the ringleaders were seized by the officers of justice 
and crucified.” 

It is very singular that Livy, usually elaborate when 
dwelling upon an important event, should so peremptorily 
dismiss this subject which he introduces as one of the his- 
torical events of Rome in which the Roman people, as it 
were, through the protecting power of their god Jupiter, 
narrowly escaped. How many or how many thousands 
were crucified, excepting the two who exposed the con- 
spiracy to Jupiter,” is not stated. We recall this to mind 
with the more interest, since later uprisings like those of 
Eunus, Aristonicus and Spartacus were followed by the 


9 Liv. lib. IV. 45: ‘Annus felicitate populi Romani periculo potius in- 
genti quam clade insignis’? Cf. Dionys. Halicar, excerpt xi. 

10 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Acchceol. Rhomatke, xii, δ. 

u Idem, 1V. 45: ‘‘Avertit neiand. consilia Jupiter, indecisque duc- 
ram comprhenensi sontes jaras dederunt.” 


RUNAWAYS IN THE SWAMPS. 149 


execution of thousands upon the cross. The two traitors 
were richly rewarded with money and freedom.” 

Biicher reckons the year in which occurred another 
uprising in the heart of Latium, Italy, to have been B. Ὁ. 
194. It was a very dangerous strike of slaves. The old 
Pomptine swamps in ancient times near the mountain city 
of Setia were infested with the runaway slaves, who to 
exist, were obliged to sally out from their glades where 
they hid by day, and played aréle of brigands. ΑἹ] about 
the swamps on the higher levels, the soil was celebrated 
for productiveness. Setan wines were renowned for their 
relish. The city itself was between these marshes and the 
mountain cliffs, affording the brigands an immense range 
of forests, rocks, acclivities and jungles, which could be 
used as fastnesses when the pursuers or the weather 
would not permit the fugitives to live in the marshes be- 
low. Of course the little fortified Setia full of good things, 
but maintained by the labor of slaves, was an object of 
envy and a moral stumbling block to this order of submis- 
sion within, and their cupidity or vengeance without. 
There were also numbers of other small cities and towns 
in this region. The encroachments of the rich gens fam- 
ilies upon the ager publicus or public lands, which under 
the laws of Numa and Servius Tullius had been cultivated 
by the small farmers, sometimes by unions of farmers and 
as it were, in a socialistic way, had driven out the happy 
olden days and flogged into their places the horrid slave 
system of cultivation. Here, at the foot of this spur of 
the Appenines, as in the valley of the Guicus about Per- 
gamum and the exquisite plateau of Enna,” the greedy 
slave owner had fastened upon the limbs of his human 
chattels the clanking chains of enforced bondage and de- 
clared a lockout of the former guilds who worked the 
government lands on shares. That they had no other 
right to these lands than that of lawless might we shall in 
our chapter on Spartacus, sufficiently portray.“ 

These landlords, it is conceded by every one who has 
given attention to the subject,” acted in every way the 

12Jdem: ‘Indicibus dena milla gravis gris, que tum divitiss habeban- 
tur, ex mrario mumerata et libertas preemium fuit.” 

18 See detaile! accounts 0: the great uprisings of the workingmen at 


these places, chapters, vii.—x. 
14 Chapter xii. 16 Drum, Arb. u. Comm. 8. 152-3, 


150 EARLY MUTINEERS OF ITALY. 


part of high-handed land pirates, in seizing the farms. 
from the former lessees of the government of Rome. 
Without doubt these, maddened by their outrageous de- 
privations, instigated many a revolt of the slaves who 
had, as chattels, and under the bitterest urgents of lash 
and threat, been forced to take their places. It was 
a time when a third of the honest, hard working popula- 
tion were being literally choked away from their means 
of earning a living for their families.* There is no lack 
of information regarding the grievances of either the 
slaves impressed into the labor they hated, or the former 
tillers, locked out from the labor they loved. It is there- 
fore without wonder that we hear of the outbreak or 
strike of B. C. 198. The numerous bands of slave ban- 
dits prowling among the swamps and mountain fast- 
nesses formed an alliance” with the slaves within the 
city, who were as dissatisfied with their shackles as 
were the degraded agricultural wretches delving out- 
side. The collusion spread from Setia to Przneste 
35 miles to the north and to Circeji a few miles be- 
yond. About the time the conjurators were ready to 
make their deadly dash, was the moment when the peo- 
ple of Setia were to have a gala-day. What sort of 
festivity is not exactly clear. But judging from the 
popularity of the gladiatorial games not only at Rome 
but at that time, also in most of the provincial cities, 
it perhaps may be plausibly conjectured that the plays 
alluded to by Livy were the horrible butcheries of the 
arena. This public event afforded the conspirators an 
opportunity. Their plan was to take advantage of the 
enthusiasm of the games when least the populace were 
on the alert, crash upon the people, plunder the town, 
seize weapons and munitions necessary; then striking 
for the town of Norba, commit the same violence there, 
murder the masters and most of the other patricians 
and proceed to other cities in the vicinity repeating 
the carnage at each place until they gained the mas- 
tery of the world! Under the allowance of instruc- 


18 Plut. ‘Tiberius Gracchus,” makes a plaints comment on their sufferings. 
17 Biichner, “‘Aufstinde ἃ. unf. Arb.’ 5. 28 


AGAIN THE TRAITOR. 161 


tion the slaves of that period enjoyed, this impossible 
scheme should not seem absurd; since they doubtless had 
little knowledge or conception of a world stretehing be- 
yond their vision and experience. 

Again the traitor. Setia was under the pretorship of 
CO. Cornelius Lentulus. Just atthe outbreak of the strike, 
but whether during the tumult of a bloody fray we are 
uninformed, two of the conspirators lost courage and be- 
trayed the plot. Livy says: “The object was, when Setia 
was once in their hands, by the combined result of mur- 
der and sudden tumult to first seize and similarly serve 
the cities of Norba and Circeji. Information of this ter- 
rible plot was carried to Rome and laid before the Pre- 
tor, L. Cornelius Merula, by two slaves who arrived from 
the scene before daybreak and in systematic order ex- 
posed the anticipated operations of the insurrectionists.” “ 

Instantaneous action was now necessary at Rome. The 
Senate was in a few minutes convoked. The two Roman 
consuls for that year, (B. C. 198), Sextus Aélius Peetus and 
T. Quinctius Flamininus, were absent with their com- 
mands in Gaul and elsewhere; so Merula one of the four 
sediles or tribunes of the people, was called to the task of 


18 Liv, XXX. 26. “Quem ad modum Gallia preeter spem quieta eo anno 
fuit, ita circa urbem servilis prope tumultus est excitatus. Obsides Carthagi- 
niensium Setis custodiebantur. Cum iis, ut principum liberis, magna vis ser- 
vorum erat. Augebant eorum numerum, ut ab recenti Africo bello, et ab ipsis 
Setinis captiva aliquot nationis eius empta ex preda mancipia. Cum conjura- 
tionem fecissent, missis ex eo numero primum quiin Setino agro, deinde circa 
Norbam et Circeios servitia sollicitarent, satis iam omnibus preparatis ludis qui 
Setiz prope diem futuri erant, spectaculo intentum populum adgredi statuerant, 
Setia per ce@dem et repentinum tumultum capta, Norbaim et Circeios occupare. 
Hujus rei tam foods indicium Roman ad L. Cornelium Merulam pretorem ur- 
bis delatum est. Servi duo ante lucem ad eum venerunt, atque ordine omnia 
que acta futuraque erant exposuerunt. Quibus domi custodiri iussis, pretor 
senatu vocato edoctoque, quz indices adferrent, proficisci ad eam conjurationem 
quzrendam atque opprimendam iussus, cum quinque legatis profectus obvios 
in agris sacramento rogatos arma capere et sequicogebat. Hoc tumultuario de- 
lectu duobus milibus ferme hominum armatis Setiam, omnibus quo pergeret 
ignaris, venit. Ibi raptim principibus conjurationis comprebensis fugaservorum 
ex oppido facta est Dimissis deinde per agros qui vestigarent *********, 
Egregia duorum opera servorum indicum et unius liberi fuit. Ei centum milia 
gravis xris dari patres iusserunt, servis vicena quina milia zris et libertatem; 
pretium eorum ex zrariosolutiim est dominis. Haud ita multo post ex eiusdem 
conjurationis reliquiis nuntiatum est servitia Preneste occupatura. Eo L. Cor- 
nelius pretor profectus da quingentis fere hominibus, qui in ea noxa erant, sup- 

um sumpsit. In timore civitas fuit obsides captivosque Ponorum ea mo- 

iri. Itaque et Rome vigiliz per vicos servata, iussique circumire eas minores 

mwagistratus; et triumviri carceris lautumiarum intentiorem custodiam habere 
fussi; et circa nomen Latinum a pretore litterm misse, ut et obsides in privato 
servarentur, neque in publicum prodeundi ‘acultas daretur, et captivi ne minus 
eau pondo compedibus vincti in nulla alia quam in carceris publici custodia 
eseont.”’ 


168 EARLY MUTINEERS OF ITALY, 


suppressing the conspiracy. At this impromptu meeting 
of the Roman Senate it was ordered that Merula should 
take the field in person. There being at that instant very 
few regular troops at command, no time was lost in wait- 
ing orders to mass them, and it appears that he set out 
immediately with few, gathering militia as he proceeded 
on his way to Setia; for it appears that before reaching 
the scene of the danger the number of his forces reached 
2,000 men. No particulars are given regarding the at- 
tack on the conspirators. We have no information as to 
whether there occurred a conflict. We are informed that 
the ring leaders of the conspiracy were arrested; also that 
the slaves were thrown into great confusion. Livy states 
that the town of Setia was the place where many hostages 
from the Carthagenian army were kept. The battle of 
Zama between Scipio and Hannibal, B. C. 202, had re- 
sulted disastrously to those old enemies of Rome and these 
hostages were kept by the conqueror as a pledge against 
further hostilities. Being penned in together, they also 
naturally joined the conspiracy and the ring-leaders re- 
ferred to by Biicher, may have been some of the veritable 
warriors of the great Hannibal now pining in custody as 
hostages around the barracks of Setia. 

But here again, as in the story of Spartacus, the excel- 
lent history of Livy is broken off and lost. How much of 
the real story is missing may never be known. But for 
the epitome or heading of this book we should be left in 
the dark entirely as to the results; but there is a passage 
in this which states that 2,000 of the conspirators were 
arrested and slaughtered.” Judging from the usual 
method of servile executions, it might be inferred that the 
captured like those of Spartacus, Eunus and Aristonicus, 
were crucified upon the gibbet. It is more probable how- 
ever, since some of them were Carthagenian veterans, 
that part of them were crucified and the remainder butch- 
ered; because it was against the Roman code of honor to 
hang veteran soldiers or others than those of the servile 
race, upon the ignominious cross. Jesus a religio-politi- 
cal offender was crucified by the Romans in a Roman pro- 

 Aufstande d_unfreten Arb. 8, 29. 


uf 
® Liv, lib. XXXII. Epitomy: ‘'Conjuratio servorum, facta de solyendia 
Carthageniesium obsidibus oppressa est; duo milia necati aunt. 


CRUCIFIXION. 163 


vince, not because of his offence, which might have re- 
ceived a nobler or less ignominious punishment, but be- 
cause he was a workingman, not a soldier; and conse- 
quently ranked with the servile class in contradistinction 
to the noble class of the gens family, of the Pagan religion. 

The uprising was suppressed after a struggle, the dura- 
ation and the particulars of which are left for our curiosity 
to surmise. But the causes of the grievances among the 
slaves were too profound to be easily stamped out, Mer- 
ula and his legions, their reeking sabers and victory-boast- 
ing tongues, their tales of gibbet and dagger-to-the-hilt, 
the agony of woe and death, had scarcely had time to set- 
tle into the first lull; the perpetrators of the treachery 
which discovered the plot had but received their reward” 
by order of the Roman Senate, when news came that from 
the direction of Przneste the spirit of insurrection was 
again rife—this time in and about that city—and that a 
plot had been disclosed among the slaves who again in 
great numbers were caught making a singular spring in 
hopes of making themselves masters of it. Again their 
design was baffled. The Roman forces were once more 
sent out with orders to exterminate the slaves. The same 
pretor, L. Cornelius Merula, was soon on the warpath and 
as before, the inexperienced proletaries, among whom 
were many Punic hostages with their slender preparations 
and want of arms, could stand no ground with their pow- 
erful enemy. A battle must have been fought of consid- 
erable importance, and the result was certainly a disaster 
to the slaves and Carthagenian hostages and prisoners to 
whose secret machinations the blame is principally attri- 
buted by Dr. Biicher, also Livy himself by implication.” 
The number of poor wretches who suffered on the scaffold 
reached 500, making 2,500 public executions, besides the 
number not given in either case who were killed in the 
conflicts before being overcome. A great turbulence was 
caused thoughout the community. 

Strong vigilance was now instituted at Rome to protect 
the smaller places from a recurrence of those dangers 
which had stamped their terror upon the inhabitants. 
The triumvirs ordered a closer guard to be kept over the 
2) “‘Egregia duorum” ὧς. Liv. XXXII. cap. 26. 


55 Livy, Idem; Biich. Ajifstinde de, 29: Allgemein mass man geheim- 
en Umtrieben der punischei Geis-eln und Gefangenen die Schuld bel.’’ 


154 EARLY MUTINEERS OF ITALY. 


great underground prison called carcer lautumiae,* where 
those taken prisoners were placed. It was ordered that 
the Carthagenian hostages be degraded to the condition 
of slaves to work for private individuals and disallowed 
further privilege of being seen any more in public or havy- 
ing any more enjoymentin the open world. The shackl:s 
in which the prisoners were chained, were ordered to weigh 
not less than 10 pounds. The prison in which they were 
thenceforth to be forever kept was the public carcer, a de- 
scription of which may now be interesting. 

“There was a place” says the Italian jurist Bombardini,™ 
“in the ancient Roman prison, called the Tullian cell, 
whither you descend by a ladder to the distance of 12 
feet, into a damp hole, excavated in the earth. It was 
walled in on all sides and vaulted overhead having the 
sections adjoined. It had a putrid odor and a frightful 
outlook.” But this is but the beginning, (B. C. 650-500,) 
of what it had developed into, by the time of which we speak. 
(B. C. 198). Long before this the prisoners here were at 
work, “Their masters saw them but rarely; their food 
was lowered to them through breathing holes, also their 
straw and scanty clothing.”* Varro likewise tells of the 
latomia or quarry and the ergastulum called the prison 
Tulliana.” At any rate the public prison still to be seen, 
was a deep and spacious excavation under the Capitoline 
Hill, which had been made by prison labor. The object 
of the ancients in setting prisoners at work was twofold. 
First, vengeance rather than correction, as in our days of 
comparative enlightenment. Secondly, economy; for the 
ancients had the contract system with all its brutalities 
and horrors. The stone quarried out of these diggings 
furnished good building material and the holes thus left 
made prisons for the workmen who quarried it. Thus, in 
course of ages Rome became what Pliny called the Urbs 
pensilis,” or city hanging in the air. Most of these stu- 

# Bombardini, pes Carsere et antiquo ejus Usu, cap. 111. 

% Idem, Cap. lil, p. 746 of Thesaurus Greevii et Gronovii, Supplement. 

45 Maurice Hist Potitique el Anecdotique des Prisons de la Seine, p;. 1-4. 

2 Varro, De Re Rustica, Cap. iii. 8 speaks of them and of the popular: 
prey that these holes were nurseries of serpents. Cf. Prudentius, Hymn V. 

Nat, Hist. Speaking in another place (lib XXVIII 4,), Pliny thinke 
ay: were dug by Tulius Hostilivs: ‘tL, Piso primo annalium auctor est, 
Tullum Hostilium τὸν οἴ ex Numa libris eodem, ........ multi vero, ma:na- 


rum rerum fata et ostenta verbis perinutari. Cum in Tarpeio fodientes de- 
lubro fundament.:, Capit humanum inyenissent, missis ob id ad se legatis 


DESCRIPTION OF THE DUNGEONS. ιδδ 


pendous catacombs are still to be seen in a more or less 
perfect state of preservation. Like the vast catacombs of 
Paris, they were originally stone quarries; then some of 
them differentiated into sewers, cloacae, some into public 
prisons, some into subterranean workshops, ergastula. 
The person condemned, if of low rank without family or 
money, was sent ad opus publicum, to the public works. 
“Tt was a place into which people were snatched; exca- 
vated from sharp rocks, immensely deep; a huge cutting 
or grotto quarried in the depths with passages interrupted 
by great, sharp-cornered rocks between which the victims’ 
bodies squeezed. Projecting crags bristled as they sprang 
forth from the walls in darkness of midnight and frowned 
horribly over the abyss—a place of all others, from which 
the person doomed, when once thrown in, never after- 
wards saw the light of day.”* Of course the convicts 
were furnished with lamps to light their steps and hands 
at work. 

The reader is now left to judge for himself as to the 
justice or injustice of the causes lurking at the bottom of 
all ancient strikes. 

We are again grateful to Dr. Karl Bicher, who reminds 
us of the account sparingly given by Livy, of another great 
uprising, B. C. 196, among the agricultural laborers of 
Etruria.” This noble country stretched from the Tiber 
on the south to the Ticino on the north. The rapturous 
landscapes of the Arno, the 1wany beautiful Appenine lakes 
and mountains were Etruscan. No land ever subjugated 
by Rome possessed more agricultural or mineral wealth. 
Its original inhabitants possessed the refined civilization 
whence Rome took most of her prosperity. Bold, inven- 
tive, mechanical, progressive, the Etruscans ill-brooked the 
fetters of slavery fastened upon them like gyves by the 
greedy land grabbers who took possession of the soil, 
somewhat in the manner of the land owners of Great 
Britain and Ireland at the present time. The descend- 
ants of the ancient Etruscan stock held much of the land, 


Etrur @ celeberrimus vates Olenns Calenus prec'arum id fortunatumque 
cerneur, interroz: tione in stam gentem trausferre tentavit,” ete. Fora de- 
seri; t oi; see Prude: t us. Hymn V. 

*Entrope? Epit. Rom, Hist, Era of Tarquin. 

29 Aufsldnde d. unf. Arb 5. 29. 
Granier, de Cass. Hist. Classes Ouv, clays. xii, xiv.; Orell. nos. 3346; 3347, 
8675, 1239, of Inser, Lat. Coi, See also within account of the Vectigalaia 


166 HARLY MUTINEERS OF ITALY. 


as free agrivulturers and to them the government had long 
farmed it on shares, thus securing to the laborers a good 
living from the proceeds and to the government a good 
revenue which was paid, not in money but in kind, the 
rent tax being collected through the celebrated system of 
the vectigalia.” The slave system of the rich lords, who, 
without a tittle of right by law, and indeed in direct defi- 
ance of the precedents established by Numa and Servius 
Tullius, as well as the Licinian law, which, through the in- 
trigues of the great proprietors had, from its passage, re- 
mained a dead letter, was now becoming a terrible scourge. 

Indeed, in after days, Tiberius Gracchus on his way to 
Spain, passed through Etruria and found to his horror 
that once populous land in the hands of a few lordly mas- 
ters who had completely locked the original agriculturers 
out and supplanted them with slaves. Thescene of slavery 
and woe so stirred the blood of this noble Roman that he 
devoted his remaining life to the great agitation which is 
famous to this day as the agrarian movement with the 
bloody commotions that attended them, resulting in his 
own assassination. Such was the terrible condition of 
human slavery at that time, B. C. 196. In fact the slave 
system had to a large extent, driven out the once free and 
prosperous labor not only of Etruria but also of lower 
Italy, Sicily, Asia Minor, large parts of Greece, Spain and 
the smaller islands; and Rome was becoming the fatten- 
ing pen of the arrogant grandees who lived in degenerate 
profligacy upon the lash-enforced drudgery of millions of 
slaves. Perhaps in telling these portentous truths to the 
world in the light of a social historiographer, we are among 
the first to discover the germ of a deeply hidden virtue in 
the revolt whose history occupies but eight poverty-solem- 
nized lines in the great history of Livy. But to the stu- 
dent of sociology even this poor sketch brings back to us 
the profound wisdom of Anaxagoras and Aristotle who 
taught that all knowledge, all virtue and all progress emi- 
nate from humblest origin and that we can have nothing 
permanent or perfect except through investigation and 
experiment involving the severest trials. And although 
the poor slaves fell in thousands by the lash, the dungeon, 


_ s0Aufst, d. unf. Arb, “Trotzdem gelang es ihm nicht ohne heftigen Kampti 
die einzelen Haufen zu zerspringen,”’ 


GREAT STRIKE IN HTRURIA, 157 


the cross and although hundreds of years elapsed before 
the bonds of their slavery were broken yet who shall say 
their dying agonies here did not contribute to the cumu- 
lous of forces which at last swept their fetters away ? 

L. Furius and Claudius Marcellus were consuls at Rome 
when this agrarian uprising occurred. Their offices of 
state requiring their attention, the praetor, M. Acilius 
Glabro had in charge the “ peace of the community.” _Lit- 
tle is known of the details of this uprising. The slaves 
were inhumanly oppressed and ready to accept desperate 
conditions if they held out the least promise of success in 
freeing them of their sufferings. On the other hand, the 
old cultivators had for centuries lived in ease upon the 
public lands and their organizations interlinked with those 
of the collegia and sodalicia which were just then being 
treated with severe censure and even threat by the Roman 
citizens who managed legislation. Efforts were begun 
about this time to suppress most of the labor organiza- 
tions. The wealthy who were engaged in driving out free 
agricultural labor and supplanting it by that of slaves on 
the plantations, were particularly bitter against free labor, 
both in city and country. 

When the news of the uprising reached Rome, Glabro 
immediately set out with one of the two legions of soldiers 
at command. By the appearance of things, the organiza- 
tion was not complete among the insurgents. The slaves, 
as Livy calls them in his sweeping terms, but more prob- 
ably also the disaffected part of community generally and 
now locked out—those who formerly tilled the land on 
shares and also the slaves themselves—all of whose cause 
was common, met Glabro hilt to hilt and in a bloody bat- 
tle were overcome. Biicher surmises that though the 
Romans were victorious, it was not without a heavy battle.” 
Great was the number of fallen workingmen and the num- 
ber of those of their ranks taken prisoners was still greater. 
The leaders of the revolt were scourged and hung upon 
the cross. The remaining slaves were given up to their 
merciless masters to receive at their hands a double por- 
. tion of hardships in the future. The freedmen engaged 
in this insurrection would, under the Roman custom of 

Livy, XXXII. cap. 36: “Ex his (the simkers) multi occisi multi capti: 


ΠΑΝ ΣΝ | Watos extictias δὶ fixit, qui principes ¢gonjurationis fuerant, sliog dom 
tuis restituit,” 


158 EARLY MUTINEERS OF ITALY, 


treating enemies taken in battle, be sold as slaves or held 
as criminals and sent to the quarries and mines to linger 
for life at hard labor; for Bucher here correctly states 
that only under extraordinary circumstances did the 
Romans ever treat with lenity their captured enemies and 
the slave insurgents of all others, are known to have re- 
ceived the most relentless measure of malignity at their 
hands.” 

One of the countries in which Spartacus was best re- 
ceived and from among whose people he obtained the 
largest number and the best volunteers who accepted with 
gratitude his offers of freedom, was Apulia. It was that 
rich, well watered, pastoral tract lying to the north and 
bordering on the Tarentine gulf. About 120 years before 
the great and memorable war of Spartacus broke out, 
these fine lands lying between the eastern slope of the 
Appenines and the Adriatic, were prey of the slave sys- 
tem. ‘ Where earlier, the industrious farmers had thrived 
in happiness and plenty, herdsmen now in lonliness drove 
and herded countless flocks of cattle and sheep belong- 
ing to Roman Senators and knights.”* Apulia being on 
the opposite side of the mountains from Rome and most 
of the opulent cities of Italy, was a region topographi- 
eally suitable for robbers, both of land and sea. To the 
west were the mountains, whose rocks and forests afforded 
shelter for men of desperate nerve. The introduction of 
servile hands through the slave trade which had driven 
free labor from the agricultural and pastoral regions of 
Italy had naturally been followed by a variety of desper- 
adoes whose bands at the time of our story, infested the 
whole stretch. He also surmises with much intelligence 
that these organized gangs were not without a distinct 
purpose in working for their fellow men, and our own in- 
spection satisfies us that a philosophy or culture had from 
high antiquity existed for the redemption of the poor 
everywhere. 

Tn another chapter we shall show the relationship be 
tween the societies of Dionysoi and those of the Buc 
chantes. Indeed there appears little difference between 
them. In both words, onelatin, the other 3reek, we have 


ΤΙ ΒΒΟΒ: Aufst. d. unf. Arb, 8. 31. 
8) Liiders, ys. Kinst. passim, 


- 


BACUHANTES COMING TO THE LIGHT. 159 


the same meaning. They were in Greece, in the islands, 
in Asia Minor and Palestine, mostly organizations of arti- 
ficers or skilled mechanics; “ but because they held fes- 
tivities and conducted them on methods peculiar to them- 
selves as well as because they were working people, they 
were looked upon with suspicion. No author of antiquity 
or orator could speak with respect of the bacchanals. We 
know by the inscriptions that they had many societies at 
Rome and in the provincial cities. Cicero and Livy spurn 
them. No doubt the obloquy they suffered drove them 
into these fastnessesand made them, by sheer compulsion, 
assume suspicious attitudes. However this may be, we 
find Livy associating them with another great strike or 
uprising of the workingmen which occurred B. C. 185-184, 
in Apulia and along the coast between there and Bruttium. 

It was during the days of the stern Cato’s power, in the 
consulship of Appius Claudius Pulcher and M. Sempronius 
Tuditanus.* The so-called province of Apulia was in the 
care of the pretor, L. Postumius. This man’s watch- 
eround was Apulia and the shores of the gulf of Tarentum. 
£ few years afterwards the famous Spartacus led his army 
o rebel workingmen, consisting of volunteer gladiators, 
snepherds, bacchantes and slaves, to Metapontem, where 
he spent the memorable winter of B. C. 73-72.% Too just 
to allow disorder, too wise to permit even a draught of 
w ue to be drank in carousal, too good to give his loved 
soldiers the bridle, this modest gladiator here proved him- 
self the terror of the haughty Romans and a prototype of 
modern military virtue, genius and discipline, And this 
town was in the very valleys of the scenes of our present 
story.” Livy, as is usual with ancient historians, when 
speaking of the uprisings of the oppressed working classes 
makes short work of his story. We linger upon his 
stingy descant because of the peculiarly interesting asso- 
ciations connected with the mightier revolt of the great | 
gladiator chieftain, one hundred and ten years afterwards 
upon the same spot. 

There had been many cases of dissatisfaction, some of 
which had reached the ears of the vigilant Romans. 


“Livy, XXXIX. cap. 29. 
8 Consu't chapter xii of this work. 86 Bich. Aufst. de.S 31, 
δ᾽ Livy, XXXIX. 29, and 41. 


100 EARLY MUYINEERS OF ITALY. 


Great organizations among the enslaved shepherds and 
drovers were heard of. A case was reported in which de- 
tachments of half starved cowboys and ploughmen threw 
away their bondage, knocked down and garroted their 
overseer, seized his knife, his sword and club and made 
their way to the mountain caves and jungles whence with 
desperate revenge and want, they returned reinforced to 
plunder and sack their master’s goods. It gotso that the 
government highways were unsafe; and in ten years from 
the time of our last story of the strike in Etruria, 192-182, 
another enormous “slave conspiracy” had been found to 
exist. 

As soon as reliable news of this reached Rome, L. Post- 
umius*™ the pretor, or as the same informant names him 
“ propretor” in another place,” instantly marched with 
a large force of troops to the scene.“ The praetor had 
previously had charge of all Apulia and Bruttium. He 
had the watch of all the Adriatic coast from Rhegium to 
Mt. Garganus, east of the Appenine range and most likely 
also a considerable force of troops stationed at different 
points where Roman praesidia or garrisons existed.” This 
is self evident; since the senators and knights owning the 
lands and the slaves who worked them were also military 
officers as well as lawgivers and it was easy for them to 
legislate for placing the standing army where it should 
best protect their gluttonous acquirement of wealth. 

The details of the manceuvres, skirmishes and battles 
gone through with before the climax was reached, are left 
unwritten. But there can be no doubt that a battle was 
fought; because, of the total number of the insurgents 
taken, no less than 7,000 were condemned to the mines 
and of the great number who were captured many were 
executed which means, of course, crucified.“ Those who 
were caught were certainly sent either to the mines, ad 
metallum, tothe Roman prison, carcer Tullianus, or to the 
quarries, lapicidinae. But the most probable thing is, 

38Tivy, XXXIX. 41, ad fin: ‘“L. Postumius propretor, cui Tarentum 
provincia evenerat, magnas pastorum coujugationes vindicavit et reliquas Bao 
chanalium quasstionis cum omni est cura,” 

39 Biicher. Aufstdnde der unfreien Arbetter, 8. 81, note 2, 

40 WeisseNborn, Com on Livy, xxxv. 20 

4lLivy, XYYIY. 29, ‘ De multis sumptum est supplicium.” 


42 7dem, cep. 41: ‘Partim comprehengos, Romam ad senatum migsiv, in 
earcerem omnes a P, Cornelio conjecti sunt.” 


IDLH SLANDER OF THE BACCHANALS. 10] 


that there being so many, they were distributed according 
to thir adjudged guilt, in the three prisons.“ The horrors 
of either of these three places have been described. But 
this awful retribution inflicted upon the poor struggling 
workingmen and their suffering families by the military 
arm of Rome, protecting slavery the most brutal and de- 
moralizing institution that ever cursed the nations of the 
earth or whetted the appetites of the greedy by locking 
out honest laborers from their natural employ, failed to 
stifle the hopes of those hardy mountaineer farmers whom 
tyranny had turned into brigands, Bucher renders a 
word of comment on Livy’s short-cut information, to the 
effect that those who escaped, re-organized their banditti 
in a distant point and began anew their work of pillage, 
which he characterizes as having become the plague of the 
times—a plague which was in effect, the foundation of that 
terrible brigandage, never suppressed in Italy until in re- 

_cent years. This, then is the origin of those terrible 
“bacchanalian orgies”—the innocent workinemen, long 
organized in the unions or guilds “ for self-protection and 
co-operation entirely under the laws and sanction of Numa 
and Tullius in the old, happy days of Rome’s golden econ- 
omies, now driven and dispersed to the wailing winds of 
her night of slavery! 

Noble writers of the very ancient past have spoken 
kindly of the Bacchantes both of the Greek and Latin- 
speaking races of mankind, and lately Béckh, the arche- 
ologist who has done more than any other man to reveal 
the true status of ancient life and has uncovered many 
errors which policy and prejudice have cultivated, openly 
acknowledges that he finds no element of harm or of wrong 
intention in the bacchanalian organizatian among Greek- 
writing Societies of Asia Minor, and his invaluable evi- 
dence we shall bring forward in a subsequent chapter, be- 
cause he fixes his opinion from the unerring evidence of 
the stones bearing inscriptions from their own hands. 

Hesiod the poet and celebrated master who lived prob- 
ably more than a thousand years before Christ and came 
of the lowly stock, was the first known labor agitator. His 
greatest poem, “ Works and Days,” full of pleadings for the 


For an elaberate description of the trade unions under Numa, also 
on Servius Tullius and Clodius, see chapters xiii.—xix. of this work, 


162 FARLY MUTINEERS OF ITALY. 


poor, is the first book on the labor question. He may be 
styled the father of the emotions of pure sympathy, be- 
cause the earliest witness. 

But already at his time there were thousands of labor 
societies that were discussing with him this great prob- 
lem and with him practically building a cult of co-opera- 
tion full of the tender sympathies of human brotherhood 
and of mutual support. 


CHAPTER VII. 


DRIMAKOS. 


A QUEER OLD MAN OF THE MOUNTAINS. 


Strike of Drimakos, the Chian slave—Co-operation of the 
Irascible with the Sympathetic—A Desperate Greek Bonds- 
man at Large—Labor Grievances of the ancient Scio—Tem- 
perament and Character of Drimakos—Vast Number of un- 
fortunate Slaves—Revolt and Escape to the Mountains— 
Old Ruler of the Mountain Crags—Rigid Master and loving 
Friend—Great Successes—Price offered for his Head— 
How he lost it—The Reaction—Rich and Poor all mourn 
his Loss as a Calamity—The Brigands infest the Island 
afresh since the Demise of Drimakos—The Hero6n at his 
Tomb—An Altar of Pagan Worship at which this Labor 
Hero becomes the God, reversing the Order of the Ancient 
Rights—Ruins of his Temple still extant—Atheneus— 
Nymphodorus— Archeology— Views of modern Philologists. 


WE are indebted to the geographer and historian Nym- 
phodorus Siculus for an account of a very remarkable 
strike and maroon-like revolt of slaves in the island of 
Scio. This island—the ancient Chios—which lies in the 
Greek archipelago at a distance of 7 miles from the coast 
of Asia Minor, contains an area of little more than 500 
square miles. It has, from high antiquity, been celebrated 
for the ever varying beauty of its scenery, its perpetual 
verdure, its forests that are inaccessible to civilized life, 
its countless streams and streamlets whose pure waters 
rush from calcarious steeps and fall into the tiny rivers 
or the sea. 

Chios is aged as the primeval home of the Pelasgians 
and the Leleges of Cyclopean fame and antiquity, and 

163 


2 


104 DRIMAK OS. 


consequently is Greek in its remotest sense. It was of | 
all lands most accursed with slavery.’ While the Pelopon- 
nesus and Attica recruited their slave ranks with their 
own sons and daughters and their prisoners of war, Chios 
betook herself to the disgraceful slave trafiic to secure her 
recruits—a custom undoubtedly borrowed from her 
neighbors, the Phenicians, What the tale of startling 
uprisings and shocking cruelties of these struggling peo- 
ple would be if told, we know ποῦ; " for we are obliged to 
let all knowledge lapse in the exons of an unwritten past 
_and patiently wait until the era of our story, accidentally 
recorded by Nymphodorus, a geographer, as having tran- 
spired a short time before his day. 

Judging from this we are able to fix its date,* not at 
about 250 years after the birth of Christ as surmised by 
Dr. Biicher, but at a very much earlier period. We fol- 
low the story of Nymphodorus, who received this informa- 


1 All over Greece and especially in Chios in Ionia there was constant fear of 
slave rebellions. Plato (Zepublic ix. 5 fin. and in very many other passages), 
mentions this fact as a constant terrorin those days. 

3 The indications are that there constantly occurred in those times mutinies 
among the working people. Many of them were prodigious. Dim information 
of one in Southern Greece is found, which occurred between 300 and 400 years 
before Christ. The cruelty of masters was so great that when an earthquake de- 
stroyed 20,000 people it was believed to be their punishment for cruelty. The 
all-prevailing fear of being murdered by slaves is frequently hinted at by Plato. 
To read the eleventh chapter of the first book of Macrobius is really worth the 
attention of the thoughtful. It is replete with evidence that anciently there was 
a strong anti-slavery movement. Macrobius, (Saturnatiorum, 1. xi. 7-9, Eyssen- 
hardt), says: ‘‘ Vis tu cogitare eos quosius tuum uocas isdem seminibus ortos 
éodem frui celo, eque uiuer8é, aeque mori? Serui sunt: immo homines. Serui 
sunt: immo conserui, si cogitaueris tantundem in utrosque licere fortune. Tam 
tu illum uidere liberum potes quam 1116 te seruum, Nescis qua etate Hecuba 
seruire Cceperit, qua Crassus, qua Darei mater, qua Diogenes, qua Plato ipse ὃ 
Postremo quid ita nomen seruitutis horremus? seruus est quidem, sed neces- 
sitate, sed fortasse libero animo seruus est. Hoc illi nocebit si ostenderis quis 
non sit. Alius libidini seruit, alius auaritiz, aliusambitioni, omnesspei, omnes 
timori.” Again (Jdem 13-14) come the prophetic words: ‘‘Non potest amor cum 
timore misceri. Unde putas adrogantissimum illud manasse prouerbium quo 
iactatur totidem hostes nobis esse quot seruos? Non habemus illos hostes sed 
facimus, cum in illos superbissimi contumeliosissimi crudelissimi sumus et ad 
rabiem nos cogunt peruenire deliciw, ut quicquid non ex uoluntate respondit 
iram furoremque euocet.”’ But it was fear rather than compassion that forced 
our hard-hearted forefathers to talk in this strain. ; 

8 Schambach, Jialische Sclavenaufstand, Τ., 8.5; refers to this slave insurrec- 
tion in the following clearly expressed language: ‘‘ Auch das riche Chios war zu 
derselben Zeit B. Ο. 134, der Schauplatz einer wilden Sclavenemporung, die erst 
nach mehreren Jahren unterdriickt wurde. Atheng@us VI. He seems io have 
no doubt as to the era of the story of Drimakos being identical with that of the 
great servilé wars. But what time did it begin? This is the important ques- 
tion, Athenus says or intimates that Drimakos was in the vigor of manhood 
when he began thé revolt; but he was anol@ man when he died and up to the last 
the malcontents held their ground, Now if we agree with Schambach that his 
““ 7a derselben Zeit’ meant the end of the period, or thereabout, we must add at 
least 30 years to allow him to become and old man which makes the rebellion te 
haye begun about the year RB. Ο. $64, 


HOW WE COME TO KNOW THE FACTS. _ 165 


tion directly from the Chians themselves, from whom he 
must have received his data while visiting the island and 
its inhabitants in search of information for his book which 
was a description of the coast of Asia minor and the mul- 
titude of islands, large and small, that stud the Archi- 
pelago. 

The islanders recounted to Nymphodorus that a slave 
named Drimakos had lived and died in those parts, whose 
history wasremarkable. Consequently this Sicilian Greek, 
whose errand was knowledge, became curious to know 
about the strange man Drimakos and all the particulars, 
in order to embellish the chapter of his “ Nomima Asias” 
or customs and habits of the Asians—in other words, his 
descriptive geography. And now that our attention is 
fastened upon so weird an object as a runaway slave 
with drawn dagger, bolting from his pursuing owner and 
climbing a crag to a mountain den with a dozen abolition- 
ists as desperate as he, we pause to ask, who is this Nym- 
phodorus? 

Alas such curiosity is rewarded with the ageravation of 
a mystery! We know nothing of Nymphodorus, We 
only know that he lived and wrote in his geography a de- 
scription, not only of the island of Scio as it was before 
the time of Christ, but also of the customs and usuages 
that were practiced by its inhabitants; and interspersed 
in his work there was many an incident, description 
and story, one of which was this tale of Drimakos, the 
runaway slave. We know that this priceless literary gem, 
like the noble but lost chapters of Diodorus, and Sallust, 
of Livy, of Fenestella, Dion Cassius, Theophanes, Nicolaus 
Damascenus, Ceecilius Calactenus and a wealth of others 
with their flood of facts, come to us only in the second- 
hand and oblique mention of others who read them before 
they were destroyed; or sometimes in multilated frag- 
ments of the originals which escaped the vandals who 
perhaps thought that by robbing posterity of facts that 
disclosed the beastliness of their institutions they might 
confer a favor upon the sin as well as the sinners whose 
power they fawned upon and flattered. At any rate the 
work of Nymphodorus is lost; and the question remains: 
who is Nymphodorus and what about Drimakos the Chian 
runaway slave? : 


100 DRIMAK O&. 


The fact is, Athenzeus,‘ an Egyptian of antiquity, saw 
and read this book of Nymphodorus the geographer, and 
in his “ Deipnosophistae or Banquet of the Learned,” a 
pot pourri or hodge-podge of science, history and anec- 
dote, reproduced for us the essential facts concerning this 
affair of Drimakos, which was no litle incident to make 
light of, but a vast insurrection of slaves, like that of Eunus 
and Spartacus, involving a lifetime, with bloody wars and a 
great and terrible and successful struggle of “ outlaws” 
against society. It is Athenzeus, the middlem an then, not 
Nymphodorus, whom we must follow and carefully scan, 
picking every word down to the bone, to get the meat of 
his language; always suspicious enough of translations to 
avoid them entirely, especially when exhuming such liter- 
ary mummies as those wrapped and preserved in chemicals 
musty with the taint of labor. 

Nymphodorus in his lost work on the customs and usa- 
ges of the Asians,’ says it was not long before his time 
that the facts concerning Drimakos occurred. But al- 
though no doubts exist regarding the truth of the general 
facts, nobody is clear as to the exact time of Nymphcdorus. 
Whether the insurrection of the Chian slaves was a spas- 
modic affair, belonging to one lifetime, or whether the 
episode of Drimakos was simply one incident distinguished 
for its magnitude and duration among many that for ages 
were constantly occurring, is a problem.’ We shall pre- 
sent the facts as given in the Deipnosophistae of Athenzus 
carefully adhering to the points in the text and seasoning 
the story only to befit the character of our pages for the 
general reader. But there seems to be no evidence to 
confute our theory that Nymphodorus wrote his story at 
least a century before Christ, and that the true age of 
Drimakos was that of the other great slave rebellions which 
began to rage about a century and a half before Christ. 

4 Most chronologists make Athenwus to have lived about A. D. 250. Dr. 
Biicher, therefore, must certainly be entirely incorrect in putting the date of the 
work of Nymphodorus at “ Mitte des dritten Jahrhundertes nach Christo; Auf- 
stdde der unfreien Arbeiter, 8. 22, since Athenzus himself lived before that time. 
We are fully confirmed in the opinion that Drimakos’ uprising was contem- 
poraneous with that of Eunus of Sicily and Aristonicus of Pergamus, and was an 
outcrop of that great agitation. 

5 Νόμιμα Ασίας. The island of Chios was only separated from the continent 
of Asia by a strait 7 miles wide, and easily visible from the main shore. Fora 
good description of this island, see Eckenbrecher: Die Insel Chios, Berlin, 1845. 


6 Pauly s Real Encyclopedia, Vol. V,S. 195, contains an article from Wester 
manD, discussing the probable time of Nymphodorus, a. v. 


HIS DESPERATE FLIGHT. 167 


From the story as related by Athenzeus it does not ap- 
pear that Drimakos escaped from his master amid scenes 
of blood-shedding, but that those horrors were reserved 
for the immediate future. He was then a young man of 
great sternness and determination, shrinking from noth- 
ing he had set his mind upon, and too nervous and sensi- 
tive to bear the galling humiliations of slavery. He was 
also a man of sympathies, and felt for his fellow slaves as 
well as himself. In such a frame of mind he could not 
but have felt deeply for the thousands of poor creatures 
who had been bought or kidnapped from their native 
homes and brought to this island to be sold like animals 
and here forced to delve under the merciless lash. Most 
of the labor of land culture and mechanics, all the house- 
hold drudgery, as well as the attendance upon arrogant 
lords and ladies, and the office work of the government, 
was performed in those days by slaves; and Chios was no 
exception. 

Like Achzos, Cleon, Athenion and Spartacus, the des- 
perate young man broke his bonds by some violent effort. 
It may have been the immediate result of a quarrel with 
his master or his overseer, or perhaps a conspiracy of a 
handful of fellow bondsmen as in the case of Athenion 
or Spartacus; perhaps a stampede after a battle with clubs 
and butcher-knives. One thing we know upon such points 
in general: masters were on the alert at all times, having 
little confidence in their human chattels, and kept them 
under guard, often chained at night and in many places, 
branded. 

When Drimakos arrived in the mountains with his band 
of runaways, he found in the clefts of rock andamong the 
sun-warmed ledges, suitable fastnesses wherein not only 
to hide in safety but to sleep, and obtain repose. Hunt- 
ers and other mountaineers had been there before them 
and built an occasional cabin. With the rocks and frag- 
ments they erected more, and with axes and perhaps saws 
and other tools, covered them and constructed for them- 
selves rough seats and tables. But food was only to be 
had in the granaries and houses below, in the richly cul- 
tivated valleys, and in the distant city they had left. 

Here the masters were up in arms, ready for an expedi- 
tion in pursuit of their escaped bondsmen. The word 


168 ᾿ DRIMAKOS. 


went vigorously forth that they must be retaken, either 
dead or alive. On the other hand while preparations were 
making for a grand pursuit, other slaves took flight and 
centered to the mountain fissures of Drimakos, now their 
acknowledged leader. 

How they got their first supply of provisions we are 
unaware, but they certainly did not starve. The same 
question might in the absence of these particulars also be 
asked as to how they were supplied with arms with which 
to do battle with their pursuers. What we know is that 
they were the recipients of good luck; partly through 
their own courage and partly through a combination of 
circumstances which favored them from the start. 

The whole truth is, they, like Eunus and the smiling 
goddess Demeter, or Spartacus and his fortune-telling 
wife, who foretold prodigies of happiness, had also their 
Messiah, soothsayer, prophet and warrior in the person 
of Drimakos, whom they implicitly obeyed and worshiped 
with a superstitious awe; and so long as the enthusiasm 
of this belief in him as a Savior remained untarnished, 
their heaven-inspired dash and valor were insurmounta- 
ble and their prowess was unscathed. Moreover there 
prevailed a superstition among the slave-owning Chians 
themselves, against slavery and especially this class of 
slave-holding practiced on the island of Chios. In proof 
of this we quote from Athenzeus the following: 

“Nymphodorus, it is thus seen, has furnished us with 
the account; but I find that in many copies of his history 
Drimakos is not spoken of by name. Yet I cannot imag- 
ine that any of you are ignorant of what Herodotus, that 
prince of historians, said regarding the Chian, Panionios, 
and what righteous punishment he underwent for having 
castrated three boys and sold them.’ Then again Nicol- 


7 Herodotus, Aistorion, viii. Urania, 105-106. The horrible story of revenge 
18 thus told by Herodotus and tersely illustrates the zlmosi inconceivable brus 
tality and cruelty of slavery or of the greed which inspired it, “ Ex τουτέων δὴ 
Πηδασέων ὁ Ἑρμότιμος iv τῳ μεγίστη τίσις ἤδη ἀδικηθέντι ἐγένετο πάντων τῶν ἡμεῖς 
iducv. ἁλόντα γὰρ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ πολεμίων καὶ πωλεόμενον ὠνέεται Πανιώνιος, ἀνὴρ 
Χῖος, ὅς τὴν ζόην κατεστήσατο ἀπ᾽ ἔργων ἀνοσιωτάτων, ὅκως γάρ κτήσαιτο παῖδας 
εἴδεος ἐπαμμένους, ἐκτάμνων, ἀγινέων ἐπώλεε ἐς Σάρδις τε καὶ “Εφεσον χρημάτων 
μεγάλων. παρὰ γὰρ τοῖσι βαρβάροισι τιμιώτεροί εἰσι οἱ εὐνοῦχοι πίστιος εἰνεκα τῆς 
πάσης τῶν ἐνορχίων. ἄλλους τε δὴ ὁ Πανιώνιος ἐξέταμε πολλοὺς, ἅτε ποιεύμενος ἐκ 
τουτέων τὴν Conv, καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦτον. καὶ οὐ γὰρ τὰ πάντα ἐδυστύχεε ὁ Ἕρμότιμος, 
ἀπικνέεται ἐκ τῶν Σαρδίων παρὰ βασιλῆα μετ᾽ ἄλλων δώρων! χρόνον δὰ προϊόντος 
πάντων τῶν εὐνούχων ἐτιμήφη μάλιστα παρὰ Ξέρξῃ. 106. Ὡς δὲ τὸ στράτευμα τὸ 
Περσικὸν δημα ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αφήνας ἐὼν ἐν Σάρδισι, ἐνθαῦτα καταβὰς κατὰ δή 


ANOIENT ANTI-SLAVERY DISCUSSION. 109 


aus the peripatetic as well as Poscidonius the stoic both 
wrote in their histories that the Chians were afterwards 
enslaved by Methridates, tyrant of Cappadocia, and bound 
hand and foot, were given over totheir ownslaves. Surely 
the gods were angry with the Chians.” * 

Nor was this superstition against all kinds of chattel 
slavery confined to the island of Chios. The people of 
Attica and different parts of Greece were tormented with 
conscience on account of their unjust system of slavery 
and the ever-recurring revolts of their slaves; and the 
Lockrians, who never to lerated slavery, taunted them for 
their wickedness.? But the revolts of the slaves them- 
selves, and the growing number of the psomokolaphoi or 
runaways and the consequent loss to their masters, to- 
gether with the desperate, often bloody deeds of these 
runaways whetted their sins and inflamed their fears lest 
the gods should frown upon them as the upholders of this 
national abomination. Add to all this the further and 
significant fact that the freedmen all around them were in 
sympathy with the slaves and were often organized into 
powerful unions which sometimes even permitted the 
slaves to membership.” Especially was this the case 


τι πρῆγμα ὃ ἙἭ μότιμος ἐς γῆν τὴν Μυσίην, τὴν Χῖοι μὲν νέμονται, Atapveis δὲ 
καλέεται, εὑρίσκει τὸν Πανιώνιον ἐνθαῦτα. ἐπιγνοὺς δὲ ἔλεγε πρὸς αὐτὸν πολλοὺς καὶ 
b cadet λόγους" πρῶτα μέν οἱ καταλέγων ὅσα αὐτὸς δι᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἔχοι ἀγαθά" δεύτερα 

é οἱ ὑπισχνεύμενος ἀντὶ τουτέων ὅσα μιν ἀγαθὰ ποιήσει, ἣν κομισάμενος τοὺς οἰκέτας 
οἰκέῃ ἐκείνῃ" ὥστε ὑποδεξάμενον ἄσμενον τοὺς λόγους τὸν Πανιώνιον κομίσαι τὰ 
τέκνα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα' ὡς δὲ ἄρα πανοικίῃ μιν περιέλαβε, ἔλεγε ὃ Ἑρμότιμος τάδε" 
“"O πάντων ἀνδρῶν ἤδη Ἰμάλιστα an’ ἔργων ἀνοσιωτάτων τὸν βίον κτησάμενε, τί σὲ 
ἐγὼ κακὸν ἣ αὐτὸς ἣ τῶν ἐμῶν τις ἐργάσατο, ἣ σὲ, ἣ τῶν σῶν τινα, ὅτι με ἀντ᾽ ἀνδρὸς 
ἑποίησας τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι; ἐδόκεές τε θεοὺς λήσειν οἷα ἐμπχανῶ τότε' οἵ σε ποιήσαντα 
ἀνόσια, νόμῳ δικαίῳ χρεωμενοι, ὑπήγαγον ἐς χέρας τὰς ἐρὰς, ὥστε σε μὴ μέμψασθαι 
τὴν an’ ἐμέο τοι ἐσομένην δίκην.᾽) Ὡς δέ οἱ ταῦτα ὠνείδισε, ἀχθέντων τῶν παίδων ἐς 
ὄψιν, ἠναγκάζετο ὁ Πανιώνιος τῶν ἑωυτοῦ παίδων τεσσέρων ἐόντων τὰ αἰδοῖα ἀποτάμ- 
ψειν" ἀναγκαζόμενος δὲ ἐποίεε ταῦτα" αὐτοῦ τε, ὡς ταῦτα ἐργάσατο, οἱ παῖδες ἀναγκα- 
ζόμενοι ἀπέταμνον. Πανιώνιον μέν νυν οὕτω περιῆλθε ἥ τε τίσις καὶ ὃ Ἑρμότιμος" 

8 Athenzus Deipnosophiste, Lib. VI. cap. vii. 

9 Athenzus, idem; Bockh, Public Economy of the Athenians, mentions it. 

10 See Liiders, Die Dionysischen Kistler 8. 46-47, also 5. 22. We have how- 
ever given Liiders’ views and proof (see Ὁ. 98 and note 27) in full in another chap- 
ter, q.v. The evidence as to slaves being sometimes members is overwhelining. 
Foucart, Associations Religieuses Chez Les Grecs, pp. 5-6 says: “ἢ en était tout au- 
trement pour les thiases et les éranes. Non-seulement ils étaient ouverts aux 
femmes mais encore les étrangers, les personnes de condition ou d'origine ser- 
vile y avaient accés. Ce dernier point est d’une grande importance, fort heur- 
eusement, les témoignages des monuments épigraphiques sont assez précis pour 
l’établir avec une entiére évidence. I serait inutile de citer toutes les inscrip- 
tions qui en donnent la preuve; j’en ai seulement choisi quelques-unes, pour 
montrer que cette composition était la méme dans les différents pays. Les ex- 
emples sont assez nombreux pour qu il soit permis d’étendre la conclusion aux 
cas mémes ou la preuve directe fait défaut, et de regarder l’admission des iem- 
mes, des étrangers, des affranchis et des esclaves, comme un caractére commun 
de toutes ces associations.” Foucart further shows that freedmen and fre3d- 


170 DRIMA KOS. 


among the Greek-speaking slaves—far more so than among 
the Romans—and in these society meetings they all, 
bondsmen and freedmen alike, under protection of their 
secret eranos or union, discussed their sufferings and per- 
haps also concocted their plots of salvation. ‘Thus, from 
all sources—the inner-consciences, the frowning gods, the 
slaves’ own grievances and the constantly recurring strikes 
maintained by runaways and bloody battles—greedy cap- 
italists were reminded of this abomination which they were 
hugging, even in ancient days. 

The worcs of Nymphodorus plainly tell us that in the 
Island of Chios revolts and escape to the mountains were 
of common occurrence. His words reproduced in the 
banquet of the learned by Athenzwus make the matter 
plain. We give them below in a note from the old scholi- 
ast latin version of 1557, as they introduce the story in 
plain words." The reader is now fully prepared by this 
description of the surroundings to comprehend the story 
of Drimakos whom we left in the mountains with his fol- 
lowers, busily at work with saws and axes building rough 
cabins and meditating a desperate swoop upon the city 
they had left, that they might seize a part of the grain 
and stores which their own former labor and that of their 
fellow bondsmen had created. This expedition was well 
planned. Of this we have assurance in the words of 
woman got their freedom many times through their organization. Under the 
head ‘‘Affrar.chis ou esclaves,” p. 7, he cites inscriptions whose epigraphs clearly 
explain that slaves were members in Rhodes. We have elsewhere shown that 
the ancient states owned slaves. They were known as public servants. ‘‘ Une 
insgription de 116 de Rhodes mentionne une société religieuse composée dea 
esclaves pubiics de la ville (voyez p. 112, note 4). La mutilation du monument 
enléve ἃ ce témoignage une partie de sa valeur. Mais examen des noms pro- 
pres qui se rencontrent dans les autres inscriptions prouve que Ces associations 
admettaint les affranchis et probablement méme les esclaves.”’ On pagé 112, 
cited by Foucart occur the words: ‘‘ Un fragment d’inscription, restitué par Keil 
d’une maniére hardie, mais, ἃ tout prendre, vraisemblable, montrerait la com- 
position particuliére de la société qui se placait sousle patronage de Zeus Ataby- 
rios. Elle aurait été formée des esclaves publics de la ville de Rhodes, et c’est 
l’un d@’eux qui aurait exércéle sacerdoce. Ὑπὲρ Διοσαταϑυρι αστᾶν τῶν τᾶς πόλιος 
δούλων, Εὐσι. «ενος γραμματεὺς δαμ όσιος ἱερατεύ σας Διὸς “Atadupiov ... τῶν 
κυρίων Ῥοδίων ἀν ἐθμκε Δ ιὰ ᾽Α ταϑυρίῳ. ., .« Philologus, 2d suppl., p. 612.” It 
seems exceedingly strange that this learned author should lack the power of 
penetration so far as to continually make a hack of a pet idiosyncrasy regarding 
these innumerable organizations having been strictly religious orders. The fact 
is, as we continnally show, braced also by epigraphists like Mommsen and Béckh 
that they were bona fide labor societies compelled under vigorous laws to cover 
their real object with the shield of the Pagan faith. 

ll “Haec igitur de illis scripsit Nymphodorus in Asis Navigatione, Chiorum 
servi ab ipsis dominis auiugientesin motes sublimioraque, ipsorum devastantes 


multi simul coacti sunt. Est enim ipsa insula aspera multisque arboribus re- 
ferts.” Athepeeus, VI., chap. vii., (Natalis de Comisibus, Veneto, 1556). 


BLOODY AND DECISIVE BATTLES. 171 


Atheneus who says that Drimakos was not really the ag- 
gressor but that the Chians sent an expedition into the 
fugitives’ retreat, and that the latter being favored and 
well generaled, came off victorious. This means that the 
Chians were decoyed into ambush by Drimakos, attacked, 
cut to pieces, their arms captured and the slaves left com- 
plete masters of the field. In other words, there was 
fought a bloody battle, even a succession of battles, and of 
such terrible cruelty that even the heart of the stern Dri- 
makos was melted with sympatby and he soon sought a 
council of arbitration to put a stop to the ruthless effusion 
of blood. But this did not occur until sometime after the 
first decisive contest with the masters was fought. 

When, by this and other victories, the slaves found 
themselves in full possession of their caverns, and their 
new home supplied with provisions, their soldiers with 
arms captured from the defeated masters, and their num- 
bers much augmented by incoming detachments of runa- 
ways from all parts of the island, they began to think of 
discipline and order. Drimakos was made king, com- 
mander-in-chief and despot; and he began to exercise an 
iron rule over his subjects nearly as severe, but more just 
than that of their former masters.” Having vanquished 
the armies of the masters in repeated and bloody battles, 
causing a state of things which may have lasted for years 
—since both the duration and dates are forgotten by our 
historian—the slaves continued to get their provisions 
from the granaries, barns, farms and stores, in the follow- 
ing extraordinary manner: 

A council or conference was called by this victorious 
man of the mountains, whereat the Chian masters were 
invited to participate with him and his victorious legions 
on equal terms, under a flag of truce. When the gener- 
als and magistrates of the city and the rebels met, king 
Drimakos made a speech which contained a covenant of 
arbitration, perhaps unheard of before or since. We give 


12 The latin version Athen, VI. chap. viii. Natal. de Com, Ven. 1556, tells it in 
these words: ‘‘ Paulo ante nostra tempora famulum quendam, narrantipsi Chii, 
profugisse atque in ipsis montibus habitasse, qui cum esset bellicosus animoque 
virili fugitivorum servorum Dux ac imperator declaratus erat, non aliter atque 
reges solet exercitus cum sepius postea Chii copias in eum eduxigsent, nihilque 
facere poseent, ubi eos Primacus (sic enim servus nominatur) frustra interior 
conspexit, si¢ ad ilios locutus est.” ‘The gist of his speech we give in full, Vide 
Supra. 


113 DRIMAKOS. 


the substenece of his proposition in his own words, in order 
to show that singular examples of co-operation and arbi- 
tration have been tried in the remote past: 

“An oracle has been consulted and our revolt has, from 
the start, been upheld by the gods. We shall never lay 
down our arms. We shall never again submit to the 
drudgery of bondage. We are fixed in our own minds 
and act under counsel of the Almighty. Nevertheless if 
you follow my advice and adhere to it in the strictest faith, 
after signing this pledge and contract, the war may be 
terminated and the further effusion of blood dispensed 
-with; then we can mutually live in peace and enjoy tran- 
quility on terms which will be full of prosperity to the 
whole state of which we all are members.” 

The Chians who had been liumbled by their defeats and 
losses consented to an armistice of war, thus recogniz- 
ing for the slavesthe dignity of a public enemy, They found 
it a convenience, doubtless acainst their will, to submit to 
propositions ofreason. Dr imakos then explained his plan: 

“What we want is enovgh to subsist upon;—no more. 
In future, when hunger and need inspire us, we shall visit 
your granaries, flocks and stores and take what we require 
but always by weight and measure. The weights and 
measures are to be these which we have brought you and 
exhibit before your eyes. Here also is a sign .et™* with 
which we propose to seal up your storehouses and grana- 
ries after taking from them what we require », FS by this 
means you will be able to distinguish our work from that 
of common robbers, Regarding the slaves who in fature 
shall escape from you to our camp, I shall rigidly investi- 
gate the causes of each man’s running away, weigh his 
story carefully, and after submitting his cace to an unbi- 
ased examination, if he be found to have suffered injustice 
at your hand, proving that he has been treated wrongly 
by you, I shall protect him. If on the contrary, the run- 
away slave be found not to have had a sufficient cause, I 
shall return him to his master.” 

Drimakos, it is seen, thus recognized and upheld slavery 
as an institution, only punishing its abuses. This fact 


8. Ry the word usedin Atheneens meaning signet or seal we are yrobably to 
ence = 2nd a contrivance of some kind for locking up the store-houses ane 
Bale 8Β- —cks and keys 


AIS METHOD OF INTERPROTECTION. 173 


corresponds with the ancient opinion that slavery was 
right; a thing not at all to be wondered at, considering 
the prevalence of thisaged institution and the inculcation 
of the competitive system through its massive religious 
and political machinery, based upon an unscrupulous 
ownership alike of men and things, by the ancient law of 
entailment and primogeniture. We do not find that the 
slave system was ever publicly and boldly and philosophi- 
cally denounced as an institution. But it is certain that 
t was fought in the secret unions and communes until 
‘esus daringly came out in open discourse against it and 
founded Christianity upon the new basis of absolute 
equality of man, which was essentially, as the results have 
proved, a revolution or upturning of the entire system of 
paganism and its heathenish discrimination between the 
grandee and his human chattels; and to him must be 
ascribed the authorship of the idea of unconditional eman- 
cipation. But while Drimakos could not unscrupulously 
war with slavery as an institution his course is exactly in 
ine with the great movement of his day which in other 
chapters we are describing’* in these arguments. He be- 
trays himself in the foregoing speech to have been, like 
Eunus, a soothsayer, or prophet, or Messiah, such as the 
innumerable sodalicia and thiasoi, or labor unions every- 
where possessed.** He, like Spartacus, Blossius, Eunus, 
and the rest, was infused with this strange, everywhere- 
prevailing idea of some Messiah coming to the redemption 
of the poor slave. All the slave runaways were supersti- 
tious, and used in good faith and in harmonious consis- 
tency with their creed, this nympholepsy of the Messiah, 
long before the real Messiah came.” 

These conditions of Drimakos were readily agreed to 
by the Chian capitalists, who were not in a condition to 
refuse. In consequence, so soon as the stipulations were 
formally signed they went into effect and the slave-king 
for many years had only to send his troops boldly and 
openly on their strange marauding adventures, always tak- 


14 See chapter xxii and elsewhere, on Trade Unions which adduces proof that 
the freedmen arose out cf slavery through their own efforts and argued up the 
idea from their own narrower basis. 

15 Consult Liiders, Die Dionysischen Kiinstler, Foucarts, Associations Religieuses 
for the Greek, and M namsen de Collegii εἰ Sodaliciis Romanorum for the latin 
unions, passim. 16 See Biicher, Aufst. d. unf. Arb. S, 79, 


174 DRIMAKOS. 


ing quantities by weight and measure as agreed upon, and 
always locking up the storehouses and granaries when they 
left them. The result was a mercy to the whole island 
which had been hitherto infested with robbers. It is not 
stated, but left to be inferred from the sequel, that Dri- 
makos drove all other robbers from the island; for we 
know that his armed force, now legalized, acted as a sort 
of police to the whole personality and property of the 
people, slaves included. He adhered with severity to the 
stipulation of the agreement and when runaways appealed 
to him for protection he instituted a strict investigation 
of their case; those not having been maltreated being al- 
ways sent back to their owners. This of course had the 
effect to cause masters to treat their slaves with kindness 
and never to overwork or otherwise abuse them, lest they 
incur the terrible wrath of the god-favored umpire seated 
on his throne among the crags and eagles-nests of the 
mountains. On the other hand the would-be runaways 
were surer to reflect cautiously before making the attempt, 
being in deadly fear at the just judgment of the despot 
before whom they were to be arraigned for trial imme- 
diately after their suit before him for protection. Thus 
the revolted slave became not only an absolute ruler, king 
and general-in-chief of the slave population, but also, in 
some respects, a judge in a court of justice with a stand- 
ing army at command to enforce his decisions—an umpire 
over the whole population, bond and free. 

Years rolled by and Drimakos felt old age approaching, 
yet did not flinch from what he considered the dignity 
and honor of his plan of justice. He remained at the 
helm, punishing or rewarding like a czar, until he was old 
and feeble and weary of a lengthier existence. He had a 
friend in the person of a young man, also a psomokolo- 
phos or runaway, who probably deserved this appellative 
for being pliant and perhaps alittle parasitical and given 
to the recipiency of tit-bits in payment for flatteries in- 
geniously brought to the old man’s ear. He, like many 
of the other slaves, was a native of a distant land, having 
when very young been kidnapped or taken a prisoner of 
war, and as a victim to the vicious slave-trade, sold to the 
planters of Chios. He was one of those young fugitive 
slaves who had proved his grievance under the iawestiga- 


HIS ASTONISHING. DEATH. 175 


tion, been accepted, retained and trusted. Drimakos 
loved him and confided in his youthful honesty. 

Meantime the Chians, unsatisfied with what they re- 
garded as their burden, offered a large reward in gold to 
whomsoever should bring them the head of Drimakos. 
This they did against their true interests; since at that 
moment while under the eagle-eyed justice of this weird 
old judge in the mountain cliffs, their true interests were 
being more reasonably and economically subserved than 
ever before or afterwards, as the sequel of this story bears 
record. Perhaps the old man in his peevishness was 
grieved by their ingratitude in offering a bounty on his 
head. At any rate, we are told that he grew weary of his 
hoary hairs and enfeebling senectitude, and resolved that 
the ungrateful masters should pay the bounty and take the 
consequences whether of pleasure or of regret. In other 
words he resolved to send them his head and make it 
bring its price in gold! 

In our own days of comparative sympathies and sensi- 
bilities a resolution like this could scarcely emanate from 
any person other than a madman; and our first judgment, 
shocked at the bare conception, is that no horror so ap- 
palling could have been devised by anything saner than 
some idiocracy of an errant brain. But 2,000 years have 
softened the human mind which, though yet cruel and 
sometimes even savage, is so comparatively tender that it — 
pronely misjudges the motives and the drastic will which 
impelled some acts of our progenitors. 

Drimakos resolved to shuffle off his mortal coil. Call- 
ing to him the friend whose name our informants have 
not transmitted to us, he spoke to him in the following 
characteristic words: 

“Boy, I have brought thee up nearest to me, ever with 
the emotions of confidence and love more than that felt 
for all others of mankind. Thou art child and son and 
all that to me is dear. I have lived out my span. I have 
lived long enough; but thou art still young and hast blood 
and hope and sprightliness, and there is much before 
thee. Thou shalt become a good and brave man. 

“Son, the city of the Chians is offering to him that bring- 
eth them my head asum of money and promising him his 
freedom. Therefore thy duty is to cut off my head, take 


176 DRIMAKOS. 


it to them, receive thy reward, return home to thy father- 
land and be happy.” 

The innocent youth at the thought of such an ungrate- 
ful and sickening atrocity, refused for the first time to 
obey his benefactor, and struggled hard to change the 
old man’s determination, but in vain. Having resolved, 
he was inexorable. When the youth found him fixed in 
his horrible resolution and knew by long acquaintance 
with him that it was unalterable, he allowed himself to be 
persuaded. 

The slave-king laid his head upon the block and the 
youth cleft it with the axe of the executioner ! 

Having buried the body of his friend and patron, the 
youth took the head to the city, received its price, his free- 
dom and an amnesty and departed for his home with 
wealth and distinction. 

The Chians did not long rejoice over their boasted cap- 
ture of the head of the land-pirate. Soon after he was 
dead the runaway slaves with whom the rocks and forests 
of that rugged country was infested, being no longer un- 
der the restraint of the ever vigilant Drimakos, returned 
to their wonted habits of pillage by land and piracy by 
sea, The Chians were poignantly reminded of the error 
they had committed in their harsh measures against the 
powerful but just chieftain, who, for many years had held 
the discontented and warlike freebooters under control. 
The fugitive slaves re-began their work of robbery and 
devastation. Readopting their former habits of plunder 
based on revenge as well as want, they ceased to be an or- 
ganized body following a stipulated arrangement like that 
which so long had existed between Drimakos and the 
Chian people, and became a desperate gang of land pirates 
and outlaws. 

The treachery of the Chians in securing the removal of 
Drimakos thus recoiled upon themselves in shape of a 
calamity. They remembered the prophetic words of the 
martyred chieftain, that the gods had espoused the cause 
of the poor slaves and were angry with their masters. A 
feeling remembrance, kindling a high degree of respect 
for him now set in, and both combined to produce a ven- 
eration which caused them to erect a tomb or mausoleum 
over his grave, which the Greeks called a heroon, and he he- 


4 MAUSOLEUM TO THE CHIEF. 171 


came the object of hero worship. This was no lessastruct- 
ure than a temple dedicated to Drimakos, the now deified 
hero. 

Such was the sublimity of the subject that this heroon 
or temple arose so splendid and enduring that its ruins” 
remain to this day and have been the object of study by 
archeologists and other students from more than a dozen 
points of view.* The superstitions of the times now came 
in play in the flexible imaginations of these people. They 
persuaded themselves that they often saw in the gloom of 
night the ghost of Drimakos, now as before their friend, 
as, bony-fingered and spectral, it appeared to warn the 
Chians of some foul plot his fellow runawaysand brigands 
were concocting against their lives and property. And 
many a time were the lurking filibusters thus checkmated 
in their manceuvres, ambuscades and sallies, and many a 
time defeated in their bloody designs by the wan and 
stalking ghost of Drimakos. Curiously enough this super- 
stition was mutual between bond and free; for the brig- 
ands themselves worshipped the manes of Drimakos as 
their hero also; and always first brought to his mausoleum 
the richest trophies of their marauding expeditions before 
dispersing to their caverns with the rest. 

So weird and romantic does this tale of the wild men of 
ancient Scio sound that we have hesitated before allowing 
it to contribute its enriching lessons and charms, lest it 
prove unable to bear the criticism of our learned but 
skeptic readers. But when our eye at last caught the 
emiling assurances of its trustworthiness from savants like 
Dr. Karl Bacher, and other learned teachers of philology, 
and from their pen we obtained the bracing words that not 
the slightest doubt * exists as to the credibility of the story, 
we ventured to bring it forth upon its merits as another 
instance of labor’s hardships and struggles for existence. 


ΠῚ Consult Stark bei Hermann, S. 40, 16. 

18 Bee Ross Travels in the islands; Inscription de Scie, No. 72.. 

19 Bacher. Aufstdnde der Unfreien Arbeiter, 8: 28. ‘‘Mag man einzelne Ziive 
dieser Geschichte romanhaft finden, es bietet sich auch nicht der !*isiste Grund 
an ihrer Echtheit zu zweifeln, und selbst wenn die klngen chiischen Kanfaute 
sie zur Erklirong des Heroons und als Abschreckungsmittel fiir live Sclaven er 
pees ee liebe sie darum weniger ein treues Spiegelbild vorhandenc) 

08) ᾿ 


CHAPTER VIIL 


VIRIATHUS. 


A GREAT REBELLION IN SPAIN. 


THe Roman Slave System in Spain—Tyranny in Lusitania— 
Massacre of the People—Condition before the Outbreak— 
First Appearance of Viriathus—A Shepherd on his Native 
Hills—A Giant in Stature and Intellect—He takes Com- 
mand—Vetillius Outwitted—Captured and Slain—Conflict 
in Tartessus—Romans again Beaten—Battle of the Hill of 
Venus—Viriathus Slaughters another army and Humiliates 
Rome—Segobria Captured—Arrival of Aimilianus—He is 
Out-generaled and at last Beaten by Viriathus—More Bat- 
tles and Victories for the Farmers—Arrival of Plautius 
with Fresh Roman Soldiers—Viriathus made King—More 
Victories—Treason, Conspiracy and Treachery Lurking in 
his Camps—Murdered by his own Perfidious Officers— 
Pomp at His Funeral—Relentless Vengeance of the Romans 
—Crucifixion and worse Slavery than before—The Cause 
Lost. 


The successful issue to Rome, of the third Punic war 
by which Carthage, agreeably to the inveterate apothegm 
of Cato: “delenda est Carthago,” the land of the terrible 
Hannibal was chopped to pieces and its inhabitants butch- 
ered or sold into slavery, caused an enormous amount of 
suffering to the human race. 

Not only did the spirit of greed cause Roman land spec- 
ulators to press the enforcement of the slave laws which 
seized prisoners and consigned them to the most cruel 
wholesale bondage in Asia-Minor, Italy and Sicily, but it 
extended this mischief also into sunny Spain. 


ENFORCED BONDAGE AND REBELLION. 119 


One of the main causes of the rebellion of inner emo- 
tions of the celebrated Tiberius Gracchus against Rome, 
goading him to become the champion of a reform in favor 
of the poor, was the wretchedly enslaved condition of the 
working people in all countries under Roman domination. 
Their terrible condition in Etruria was no worse than in 
NumantiainSpain. He had seen the indescribable suffer- 
ing at Carthage, when nearly the entire population were 
either put to the sword or sold in slavery. Spain was on 
the verge of rebellion everywhere. Romanconquest had 
but a few years before, stricken Epirus a fruitful land 
eastward from Italy. Paulus A‘milius tore from the farm- 
ers of this region upwards of £2,000,000 of their savings 
in gold, and after the battle of Pydna, seized no less than 
150,000 people by order of the Roman senate. These 
people, nearly all farmers and other workers, were dragged 
from their homes and sold for slaves. Seventy cities were 
sacked and destroyed. 

Towns, villages, cities on every side, as well as farms 
and small industries, with their unions and communes, 
were reduced to a desolate waste, and the people, who 
were still alive, whether suffering under the lash of mas- 
ters in a foreign land, or gasping under tyranny at home, 
were burning with bitterness, revengefulness, hatred and 
other lurking passions, and sinking into degeneracy, reck- 
lessness and poverty.' 

Such was also the miserable status of affairs in Spain 
in the year B. C. 149, when our story of Viriathus begins. 
Old Lusitania before the Roman conquests, was a popu- 
lous and enterprising country. There were associations, 
of the Lusitanian laboring people, which under some favor- 
able rules had existed so long that they had become rich. 
Traces of their enterprise are still to be seen in form of 
temples, bridges and roads. It appears to have been in 
their days of highest glory that Rome, with a blackening 
curse of human slavery, struck this beautiful, sunny clime 
and its contented, happy and prosperous people. 

Our story begins with a perfidious piece of treachery of 
one Servius Sulpicius Galba, who commanded the Roman 
arn.) of invasion in Spain. Like Verres in Sicily, Galba 


Intarch, Paulus dsmilius; Livy, XL. 25-28: Wallace, Numbers of Mankind 


΄ 


180 VIRIA THUS. 


seemed to have no moral respect for humanity. He 
worked his plans to secure the confidence of these people 
and when the opportunity arrived, perfidiously murdered 
them in great numbers, seized and dragged others into 
slavery and robbed their country of its gold with which 
he afterwards, in spite of old Cato’s efforts to have him 
punished, bought himself free from the sentence of the 
law at Rome. Soon after these outrages of Galba, Rome 
withdrew many of the soldiers from Spain and the peo- 
ple rallied with greater determination than ever, to re- 
irieve their losses. They were mostly farmers and me- 
chanics, and men of strong, well established principles. 

Among those who had the fortune to escape from the 
last massacre of Galba was a young man named Viriathus. 
He is represented by Diodorus as almost a giant in stat- 
ure’ and a person born to command, He was endowed 
by nature with the rare faculties of honor and truthful- 
ness, while at the same time leading the life ofa hunter, a 
shepherd and finally of a border warrior in defense of 
himself and his kindred. An excellent description of 
Viriathus is left us by Diodorus in a short fragment of 
his histories which have been fortunately preserved. This 
fragment, while it represents him to have been a robber, 
extols at the same breath his honor for distributing the 
plunder among his men’ Livy speaks of him as a man of 
warlike qualifications, having had experience as ἃ moun- 
taineer.* 

The charge against him, of being a lawless bandit is no 
longer maintained by authors, since the the circumstances 
under which he careered, show of themselves, that he did 

2 Diodorus, Bibliotheca Historica, lib. XXXIIT. . Eclog. We of fragmenta: ‘* Οὐ- 
ριάτϑου κυρήσαντες, μεγάλα “Ῥωμαίους ἔβλαψαν. ἦν μὲν οὖν οὗτος τῶν παρὰ τὸν 
ὠκεανὸν οἰκούντων Avo ιτανῶν, ποιμαίνων ἐκ παιδὸς, ὀρείῳ βίῳ κατέστη συνήϑης, 
συνεργὸν ἔχων. καὶ τὴν τοῦ σώματος φύσιν" καὶ γὰρ ῥώμῃ, καὶ | τάχει, ηαὶ τῇ τῶν λοιπῶν 
μερῶν εὐκινησίᾳ, πολὺ διήνεγκε TOV’ Ἰβήρων. συνείϑισε δὲ αὐτὸν τροφῇ μὲν ὀλίγῃ, 
γυμνασίοις δὲ πολλοῖς χρῆσϑαι, καὶ ὕπνῳ μέχρι μόνου τοῦ ἀναγκαίου. καϑόλον δὲ 
σιδηροφορῶν συνε ὥς, καὶ λῃσταῖς εἰς ἀγῶνας καϑιστάμενος, περιβόητος ἐγένετο παρὰ 
τοῖς πλήϑεσι, καὶ ἡγεμὼν αὐτοῖς ped, καὶ ταχὺ σύστημα περὶ ἐαυτὸν λῃστῶν. ἤϑροισε. 
καὶ προκόπτων ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις, οὐ μόνον ἐϑαυμαστώϑη δὶ ἀλκὴν, ἁλλὰ καὶ στρατη" 
γεῖν ἔδοξε διαφερόντως. 

8 Idem, Excerpt de Virt. et Vit. pag. 591: ““Ὅτι Οὐιρίατϑος ὁ λήσταρχος ὃ 
Λυσιτανὸς καὶ δίκαιος ἦν ἐν ταῖς διανομαῖς τῶν λαφύρων, καὶ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν τιμῶν τοὺς 
ἀνδραγαϑήσαντας ἐξαιρέτοις δώροις, ἔτι δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπλῶς ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν ᾿νοσφιζὸμενος, 


διὸ καὶ συνέβαινε τοὺς Λυσιτανοὺς προϑυμότατα συγκινδυνεύειν αὑτῷ, τιμῶντας 
οἷἵονεί τινα κοινὸν εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα 

4 Livy, Epitom, of Historiarum, Libri, LIT. ‘‘ Viriathus in Hispania primum 
ex pastore venator, ex venatore latro, mox justi quoque exercitus duz factus, 
totam Lusitaniam occupavit.” 


- MASSACRES OF GALBA, 181 


nothing which any patriot would not be bound to do in 
defense of home, family and friends. What the ancient 
authors seem to be prejudiced against him for, is the fact 
that, like Athenion and Spartacus, he was poor and that 
he belonged to the lowly and strictly laboring class. But 
even with the excusable charge against him that he was 
‘a robber, we find very few who do not speak highly of him 
as a great leader and a man of uncommon justice. 

The only thing Galba and Lucullus seem to have been 
able to think of, when sent from Rome into Spain, was to 
plunder at an unlimited cost of suffering and blood. Cheat- 
ing, deceiving, working deeds of treachery against the 
people and amassing gold was their single object; and to 
get the gold from Spain and carry it as their own per- 
sonal property to Rome, was their bent and determina- 
tion.* 

Among the few Lusitanians who escaped from the last 
massacre of Galba,was Viriathus, He adroitly forewarned 
himself and a few friends, of a treacherous plot, just at 
the moment of its consummation and with difficulty extri- 
cated himself, although creat numbers of innocent people 
were murdered or enslaved. His opportunity was now 
at hand, and he informed the shattered remnant of the 
band, of which it appears he was at the time, little above 
the rank and file, that if they would entrust the future 
command of their forces to him, he would lead them out 
in safety. In aspeech he told them that they were too 
confiding; that the Romans were utterly devoid of all in- 
stincts of truthfulness or honor, and that the only tactics 
in future to be pursued must be based upon the idea of 
treating them as enemies; that whatever the hypocritical 
pretence of either the Roman senate, or its inhuman emis- 
saries that Spain was in need of protection, the truth at 
the bottom was, that Rome wanted the whole of this fair 
and fruitful land, its productive mines, its waving grain 

fields, its fisheries, timber forests and gems, for her great 

5 Appian, Iberia, 60; Livy, Epitome, XLIX. remarks that Cato was stern 


Ῥ , 60; Α 
enough to have Galba punished but the trial came to naught; the infamony 
traitor had too much gold at command: ‘Quum L. Scribonius tribunus plebis 


rogationem promulgasset, ut Lusitani, qui,in fidem populi Romani dediti, a Ser, g 


Galba in Galliam venissent, in libertatem restituerentur, M. Cato acerrime sna- 
τ git. Exstat oratioin Annalibus eius inclusa. Q.Fulvius Nobilior, et saepe ab 
60 in senatu laceratus, respondit pro Galba. Tpse quoque Galba, quum se dam- 
nari viderit, complexus duos filios praetextatos, et Sulpicii Galli filiumn, euus 
titer cral. ite misersbiliter pro se locutus est, ut rogatio ἈΠ τα αν τ [ἢν 
2 


182 VIRIATHUS. 


lords; and she only wanted these inestimable resources 
worked for such arrogant darlings of her aristocracy, not 
by free labor but by that of slaves, subjugated through 
plots and systematized perfidy. Give me, said Viriathus, 
the unlimited command of your brave warriors and I will 
rid the land of our fathers of these mortal foes. 

The speech won the distinguished sympathy of the 
governors. The tall mountaineer received the full com- 
mand of the army; and now begins one of the most re- 
markable series of successes, wrought amid difficulties, 
cruelties and transient triumphs, to be found in the his- 
tory of Rome. These extraordinary contests lasted, ac- 
cording to various authors from eight to twenty years.* 

After the departure to Rome of Galba and Lucullus, 
with their gold, a preetor or governor, named Gaius Vet- 
ilius was entrusted by the Romans, with the care of the 
Spanish possessions; and Viriathus thus left the flocks 
under his care in the mountains and valleys of his home 
to take permanent charge of the broken and disheartened 
army which had regained some spirit, however, on account 
of the evacuation of their territory by Galba, and began 
marching down into the fertile valleys of Turdetania. 

Vetilius met them promptly, and before the new com- 
mander could organize his troops, or perhaps before he 
really got command, gained a victory, driving them back 
and forced them to agree to, and almost conclude an un- 
conditional surrender. This was perhaps the auspicious 


4 We here give the several authorities for the duration of these wars, from 
the massacres of Galba to the assassination of Viriathus consecutively as follows: 

Appian, Historia Romana, Iberia, 63, put it at about 8 years: “Ὅ δὲ ἐς ὀκτὼ 
ἔτη ‘Twpaiors ἐπολέμει" καὶ μοι δοκεῖ τὸν Οὐριάτϑου πόλενον͵ σφόδρα Te ἐνοχλήσαντα 
Ῥωμαίοις καὶ δυσεργότατον αὐτοῖς γενόμενον, συναγαγεῖν, ἀναϑέμενον εἴ τι τοῦ αὐτοῦ 
χρόνου περὶ ᾿Ιϑηρίαν ἄλλο ἐγίγνετο. 

Livy, Historiarum, Liber, 1.11, Epitom. “Ὁ. Vetilium praetorem, fuso eius 
exercitu, cepit: post quem C. Plautius praetor nihilo felicius rem gessit: tan- 
tumque terroris 1s hostis intulit, ut adversus eum consulari opus esset et duce, 
et exercitu.”? This mention is found by a careful study of the different com- 
mands, to make the iuration to have been about 14 years. 

Justin, XLIV. 2, says 10 years; while Diordorus makes it to appear about 
11 years, and Orosius, Historie Adversus Paganos, V. 4, about 8 to 10 years. 

Eutrope, Breviarium Rerum Romanorum, IV. 16, evidently takes his state- 
ment from Livy; for aside from putting the wars of Virathus at 14 years, he 
uses almost the same language in describing the man; ‘‘Quo metn Viriathus a 
suis interfectus est, cum quatuordecim annis Hispanias adversum Romanos mo. 
visset. lastor primo fuit, mox latronum dux, postremo tantos ad bellum popu- 
log concitavit, ut assertor contra Romanos Hispaniae putaretur.” 

Vallejus Paterculus, Breviarium Historie Romane, lib. 11. cap, 90 declares 
the duration of the ware with Viriathus to have been 20 years and undoubtedly 
Mominsen in putting it at 8 with Appian, is entirely wrong. 


A TRIUMPHANT RETREAT. 183 


moment at which Viriathus first showed himself and made 
his speech, as we have just recounted. 

_ This hardy Spaniard, on getting the reins firmly into 
his hands, introduced a method of tactics little understood 
or anticipated by the Romans. He made an unexpected 
revolt against the stipulations of capitulation then being 
drawn up, accompanying the same with a dash of his 
troops, and by a series of twists and turns in which the 
swiftest of the Spanish cavalry were brought into play, 
succeeded in extricating the little army so entirely from 
the grasp of Vetilius that he effected a retreat into a rocky 
woodland, and there safely spent the night in rest and 
needed refreshment, and the following day in religious 
purifications according to the Spanish creed.’ The flight, 
according to Appian, and others, was accomplished by 
dividing the army into several parts, each under the com- 
mand of a trusted leader, with orders to reunite at a given 
point, and with 1,000 horses under his own command he 
covered their retreat, first galloping to the rescue of one 
and then the other. In this manner they all reached Tri- 
bola in safety, after holding their pursuers in check for 
two days by means of various expedients of consummate 
ingenuity in which he took advantage of the wild and 
rugged shape of the land.* 

All this time he was marching southward toward the 
strait of Gades, to the ancient Carteia. Vetilius could illy 
brook the escape of his game which so short a time be- 
fore he believed to bein his hand. He made a desperate 
effort to frustrate the splendid retreat of the Spanish army, 
but Viriathus decoyed him into an ambush at the foot of 
the Hill of Venus where a celebrated battle was fought, 
which Appian and others graphically describe.’ 

It was a deep gorge, thick-set with briars, rocks, forest 
trees and other obstructions, which puzzled the best army 

1 Applian, Historia Romana, Hispanta, 62; Frontin, Strategematon, lib. 11], xt. 
S455 Viriathas, cum tridui iter discedens confecisset, idem illud uno die remen- 
gus securos Segobrigenses et sacrificio cum maxime occupatos oppressit.” S 
_ 8 Appian, 62, 20-25, of Mendelsohn: ““᾿Ὡς δ᾽ εἴκασεν ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν τῆς φυγῆς 
τοὺς ἑτέρους, τότε νυκτὸς ὁρμήσας δι᾽ ὁδῶν ἀτριβῶν κουφοτάτοις ἵπποις ἀπέδραμεν ἐς 
Τρίβόλανι Σωμαίων αὐτὺν διώκειν ὁμοίως οὐ δυναμένων διά τε βάρος ὅπλων καὶ 

Ἵ Consalt also Dion Accneeiie Urine, LXXVIII. p. 33, Wess.; Frontin, 
Strategematon, lib. III. cap. 10, refers to this as one of the great strokes of strate- 
eae “ Viriathus disposito per occulta milite paucos misit, qui abigerent pecora 


egobrigensium : ad quae illi vindicanda cum frequentes procurrissent simulan- 
tesque fugam praedatores persequerentur, deduct! in insidias caesique sunt.” 


184 VIRIATHUS. 


unaccustomed to mountain life but which least tormented 
a man like Viriathus, whose life had been that of a hunter 
and shepherd among glens and precipices.” It was about 
the time when Viriathus, after his three days retreat, was 
entering the town of Tribola, that Vetilius and his men 
made a desperate effort to seize him. Some of the Span- 
ish detachments were out reconnoitring when they were 
set upon by a heavy body of Romans in the ledge, and 
after many hours of severe fighting the Romans lost their 
general and gave way with a loss in killed of about 5,000 
soldiers—a half of their entire force. It was soon after- 
wards discovered that Vetilius had met one of the hardy 
mountaineers, and in a hand to hand encounter had been 
taken prisoner by him." Most writers agree that the 
Roman general was mortally wounded in this encounter. 
It was a great and bloody victory. 

Immediately after the triumph of Viriathus at the Hill 
of Venus, an immense number of slaves and free tramps 
whose condition was worse than that of slaves, came into 
the camp from all quarters, to offer themselves as soldiers; 
and although we do not find much in the fragments of 
history left us on this rebellion, yet it cannot be doubted 
that a very large army was called into being; and this was 
probably the prime secret of the continued train of suc- 
cesses attending the career of the insurgents. 

There wasanother army in Spain, subject to Rome, con- 
sisting of Spanish militia and mercenaries, or perhaps 
freedmen who had been impressed into the Roman ser- 
vice. These, 5,000 strong, on the arrival of the news of 
the disaster to Vetilius, struck out in a rapid march from 
their quarters on the river Ebro. 

The eye of Viriathus was however on the lookout for 
them. He marched a large force to waylay, and prevent 
them from joining the enemy who had by this time so 
far recovered as to show an army of 16,000 men, now 
marching toward Gades the old Tartesssus. He met them 
at some convenient place and in a second battle destroyed 
them so completely that nothing was left of the force 


10 Diodorus, Bibliotheca Historica, XXXII, Eclog. V, “ Suveidioe δὲ αὑτὸν 
rood y μὲν ὀλίγῃ, γυμνασίοις δὲ πολλοῖς χρῆσϑᾶι, Kal ὕπνῳ μόνον ἀναγκαίου" καϑόλον 
δὲ σιδηροφορῶν συνεχῶς, καὶ ϑηρίοις καὶ λῃσταῖς εἰς ἀγῶνας καϑιστάμενος, περιβόη- 
τὸς ἐγένετο παρὰ τοις πλήϑεσι, καὶ ἡγεμὼν αὐτοῖς ἠρέϑη, καὶ ταχὺ σύστημα περὶ 
ἑαντὸν γῃστῶν ἤϑροισε.᾽ 

τ Appian, Historia Romana, idem, 63. 


BAT LE OF THE HILL OF VENUS. 185 


worthy of being henceforth considered an auxiliary to the 
Romans. 

All these maneeuvres, victories, and vicissitudes occu- 
pied the year; and by the time the Romans were snugly 
fortifying themselves in Tartessus, news of the defeat 
of the armies and death of the governor arrived at Rome. 
Gaius Plautius was dispatched to the scene with a large 
reinforcement of 13,000 men, consisting of 10,000 foot 
and 3,000 horse. 

But in the meantime, Viriathus was realizing his high- 
est glory socially and politically, among his own people. 
He redeemed from its bondage, and reoccupied, the whole 
province of Karpetania; and large as the Roman army was, 
they dared not make an attempt against him. He was 
made a king and given powers and position which be- 
came princely but not magnificent; for he refused to ac- 
cept anything but his wonted frugal fare. He only claimed 
to be an honest shepherd and workingman. They mar- 
ried him toa lady of high estate and wealth but all he 
would accept was herself, leaving 1o those who were flat- 
tered by gew-gaws, the shallow pleasures of jewels and 
gold. His only ambition was to divert his natural gifts 
from a profession of intrinsic value in the field of labor, 
to that of the military camp, until he should redeem his 
people from slavery and danger into which they had been 
forced by the Romanconquests. He was witty and bright, 
and he surpassed his fellowsin physical stature. An in- 
defatigable worker, he always slept in full armor and 
fought in the front ranks; and even at the moment of 
highest triumph ever refused to indulge in eee 
of any kind.” 

After the arrival of Plautius, as preetor or governor from 
Rome, with the large force of 13,000 men, as we have 
mentioned, and time had been taken to reorganize the 
broken remnants stated by Appian to number 16,000 men, 
an expedition was arranged to bring the daring revolter to 
punishment. But in the first dash, “Viriathus attacked his 
detachment of 4,000 and almost exterminated them. Ina 
succession of engarvements and strategems Plautius was so 

VIL. So also, Diodorus, Mblttheea Romana 


ellent puints of character of the great Lu- 
υ aiucient authors; consult also Bekker, 


186 VIRIATHUS. 


completely hacked to pieces that he retired in midsummer 
into winter quarters, at a safe distance from the now dreaded 
Spaniard. This disaster to the Roman pretor was so com- 
plete that he never recovered from it, and was afterwards 
driven into exile and disgrace. 

The next general sent out from Rome against Viriathus 
was the son of Paulus Aimilius, who a few years before had 
dragged into slavery 150,000 people, after the battle of 
Pydna, in Epirus. His full name was Quintus Fabius Max- 
imus Admilianus. He brought with him an army of 15,000 
foot soldiers and a cavalry force of 2,000, which added to 
those already in Spain but now in a demoralized condition 
must have aggregated a force of little less than 50,000.” 
Fabius Maximus pitched his camp at Orsona, not far from 
where the city of Seville now stands, and remained there 
until the next year, closely watched by Viriathus. 

This Roman governor seems to have left the command toa 
person less capable than himself whose name was Quinctius; 
for the Spaniard lured him into some conflict which seems 
to have been deadly. Appian is not clear as to what it 
was, but speaks of the shrewd maneeuvres of Viriathus, and 
of a battle, the results of which were the loss of many, by 
hard fighting. The inference is, that both Aimilianus and 
Quinctius were defeated and destroyed ; for we next hear 
of the arrival from Rome, of another general, Quintus Ser- 
vilianus, a near relative of the same Aimilius Paulus. 

This general brought with him two whole legions and ten 
elephants from Utica, a town northward from Carthage in 
Africa. This new force, in addition to the elephants, con- 
sisted of 18,000 foot and 1,600 horse." Servilianus had lit- 
tle difficulty in marching with this army through several of 
the districts which had been reconquered by Viriathus. He 
took many of the leaders of the rebellion, and had at one 
time as many as 500 killed for taking part in the revolt. 
Great numbers were soldinto slavery. Those caught, who 
were found to have turned against the Romans, were 
cruelly treated by having their hands cut off. 


18 Appian, Historia Romana, Iberia, 65: ‘Kai rapa τὼν σῦμμάχων στρατὸν 
ἄλλον αἰτήσας, ἧκεν ἐς Ὅρσωνα τῆς ᾿Ιβηρίας σύμπαντας ἔχων πεζοὺς μυρίους Kat 
πεντακισχιλίους καὶ ἱππέας ἐς δισχιλίους. 

11 Appian, Historia Romana, idem, 67: ““παντας ἐς μυρίους καὶ ὀκτακισχιλί- 
ous πε. Us Kal ἱππέας ἐξακοσίους ἐπὶ χιλίοις. ἐπιστείλας δὲ καὶ Μικίψη τῷ Nouadwv 
βασιλε πέμ""αι οἱ τάχιστα ἐλέφαντας; ἐς ITVKKHY ἠπείγετο, τὴν στρατιὰν ἀγων κατὰ 
μέρος." 


ASSASSINATED BY HIS OWN MEN. 187 


At length Viriathus, who was watching his opportunity, 
caught the s!d Roman at the siege of the town of Erisane, 
and after » severe contest defeated him. Driven to a rocky 
ledge in an angle from which it was impossible to escape, the 
victorious Spaniards had him completely in their power. 

Here, at the zenith of a long list of brilliant successes, 
virtually closes the glory of Viriathus. He was so foolish 
as to let his sympathies get the better of his judgment. 

So complete was this victory over Servilianus that he was 
glad to treat on any terms; and the surprising sequel is, that 
the terms offered by Viriathus and accepted at Rome were 
so mild. The Spaniard was to be acknowledged king over 
his native country of Lusitania, and henceforward to be re- 
garded as a brother or ally to the Romans! 

Of course this furnished Rome another period of time to 
recuperate and concoct new schemes of treachery. This 
she did, by sending the perfidious Czpio to take the place 
of Servilianus, aud he was not long in bribing the friends 
of Viriathus to turn against their long trusted master and 
murder him in bis sleep. 

An enormous, far-sounding wake accompanied by gladia- 
torial orgies of shocking ferocity, was held over his remains, 
The date of this great revolt in Spain is fixed at 149 years 
before Christ. This disgraceful triumph of Czepio was fol- 
Jowed by the enslavement of innumerable peasants, traders 
and working people, and the end was worse than the be- 
ginning. 

If we are to believe Vellejus Paterculus, the great wars 
of Viriathus against the Roman slave trade—for it was 
nothing less—lasted about 20 years; and taking all things 
into consideration, it could not have been a shorter time, 
although belittled by the historians. Mommsen is anx- 
ious to make it appear but 8 years, agreeing with Appian. 
In the account of Spartacus, written by Vellejus, we found 
this historian’s statement as to the great numbers of that 
general’s men, to perfectly agree with the circumstances 
in the case, although it throws a flood of light, clearing up 
and making perfectly reasonable, the details of that great 
war; and showing it to have been one of the most pro- 
digious conflicts ever known. Yet great efforts seem to 
have been made to suppress the history of Spartacus, and 
modern authors appear surprisingly anxious to perpet- 
uate the suppression of it. 


188 
é VIRIATHUS, 


The whole affair of Viriathus was caused by a treacher- 
ous, wholesale effort on the part of the Roman gens, or 
lords, to reduce Spain to slavery, to choke her liberty-lov- 
ing people down to chains, unpaid, enforced labor, turn 
her fruitful lands into slave-worked plantations and stock- 
farms, latofundia, as in Sicily, and thus build up an arro- 
gant landed aristocracy. The immense and long-contin- 
ued resistance of this humble workingman held that pow- 
erful race of optimates in check; and it proved one of 
the principal reasons of their having never succeeded in 
brutalizing the Spaniards as they did the less fortunate 
people of Sicily. 

The great gladiatorial wake given in the honor of the 
murdered Viriathus adds no glory to his name that can 
descend to an age of sympathy, such as would now em- 
brace his cause; nor could such a scene have been sanc- 
tioned, even at that comparatively feelingless era, by the 
hero himself, could his noble spirit have looked down 
upon it. It was simply an expression of contemptible 
hypocrisy that lay concealed in Roman politicians of that 
day. They often took this hideous method of diverting 
the human mind from plans of salvation which had been 
adopted by the murdered heroes. 

We have no adequately extended accounts of this spe- 
cial scene, but know those horrors to have been popular - 
among Romans at that time; and we are safe in taking, 
as a basis of description, the steel engraving of such a 
giadiatorial event drawn by Heck for the German Ency- 
clopedia.* ΐ 

Circling round on the raised seats of an amphitheatre, 
appears the vast, applauding multitude, as is still seen in 
the bull-rings of Spain. To the extreme right is an Afri- 
can horned-horse (gnu), in ἃ spasmodic plunge to un- 
seat his athletic rider, a man who is being dragged to the 
ground by a tiger, its teeth fastened in the wretch’s back. 

Away back amid the dust and smoke of the conflict are 
discerned forms of animals and men swirling in the vor- 
tex of rage, fear and death. A leopard has killed a naked 
man and floored another; and farther on, a hippopotamus 
is crashing through an indistinguishable heap of women, 


15 Bilder Atlas zum Konversations-Lexikon. TIL, A. 2, Tafel 15, Fig. 1; 
Leipzg 1849-1851. 


THE GLADIAIORIAL SACKIL&MCE. ἰοὺ 


imen, dogs, panthers, dead or dying, some fighting to the 
last. Closer vy, a nude Goliath, bis arrows now useless, 
is wrenching the jaws of some wild beast with his sinewy 
hands while his other victim, a wild, ox-like monster twice 
his size, lies underneath the struggling fighters in the 
final agony. 

A little to the left and fairly out in the arena, is seen 
a ferocious lion rearing high his expressive face to the 
beholder—a face beaming with demoniacal intelligence, 
as if mingling a malignant laugh with rage—holding his 
full main erect and one huge paw raised to strike a Ben- 
gal tiger whose wreaking teeth and lips are thereby, and 
with apparent reluctance, forced from sating hunger on 
tue quivering flesh of a beautiful, hali-naked woman, prone 
and dying in the awful quaims of pain and terror. 

Above her, half dead with horror, her tiny bare arms 
extended toward the dying friend, her sweet face fraught 
Witu agonies of despairing love and suppliance and fright, 
but with not the slightest signs of resistance—true to that 
pieading womanhood that has ever been the controlling 
power Οἱ preservation with our race—stands, in a flow- 
ing chlamys, an exquisite female form confronting these 
frenzied inonsters ogling, and ready to grapple each other 
over the expiring body of her friend. And all this time 
the hilarious shouts of the half-crazed betters and wine- 
bibbers—‘*the people’—seem to be made audible, by the 
visible outward signs of hand-clapping and the waving of 
uandkerchiets and banners. 

But these are mere features of this appalling scene. At 
the feet of the terrorized woman lie the vanquished forms 
of two stalwart men in total nudity, and as if fallen in the 
desperately chivalrous acts of defending the now dying one, 
Between their bodies, sprawling on his back, lies a man- 
vied lion; and on the loins of the man at the left, an Afri- 
can tiger of proportions huge and with maw distended, 
is cutting off a hideous python as though, by some death- 
iustinet, to prevent itself from being throttled in the ser- 
pent’s squeeze. 

A score of the more innocent animals now encounter 
the eye; some are zebras, some gazelles, and a number 
ere of the ursine brood, dead and dying, as if marked out 
for the first prey to this sanguinary conflict. Then, be- 
tween an ugly rhinoceros and a behemoth whose ghastly 


190 WIRIATHUS 


teeth part to ies the light into his cavernous mouth, fight, 
as if in mutual compact for some reciprocal benefit, a 
muscular human champion and a Bengal tiger, the one 
with the rhinoceros, the other, the river-horse; while high 
hove them all dart the forked tongues of two jungle ser- 
:ents—boas or pythons—of mouths and coils so huge that 
. byrinth-like, their lengths are lost in the whirl of the 
lust and confusion. Above this chaotic cyclone towers 
ἃ gigantic elephant which, having parried by a final blow 
with his proboscis, ἃ panther that is slipping lifeless from 
is back, re-engages with his immense tusks an attacking 
lioness, and by murdering the two, succeeds in saving 
for a transitory moment, his rider, a large, nude, human 
creature who, ghoul-like, seems wrestling betwixt the ex- 
hilarations of a fleeting triumph and the horrors of a por- 
tentous foreknowledge. 

With tail erect, horns poised, and with fierce, blood- 
shot eye impatient for the onslaught, is seen a bull rush- 
ing at a brace of wild beasts in deadly grapple farther to 
the left; and a coil of snakes in the angle closes the furi- 
ous excitement. 

There does not exist the flimsiest argument to support 
the idea that these human victims were not working peo- 
ple. Most of them were prisoners taken by the Romans 
during the wars of Viriathus and held for vengeance until 
this ghastly opportunity to wreak it arrived. The women 
too who defencelessly, as we have described, shared the 
horrible game whose moral effect upon the sight-seers 
was more to madden their blood-thirst than melt the 
heart into an anguish of pity and of chivalrous indigna- 
tion, were often—in this case wholly—faithful creatures 
who, like many grand female characters of our modern 
days, had, along with Viriathus and his followers, seized 
he noble cause of human liberty. 


GHAPTER ΙΧ. 


EUNUS. 


GRIEVANCES. MORE SALVATION OF 
THE VINDICTIVE PLAN, 


Tue Trasorstx Impctse in its Highest Development and most 
enormous Organization—Greatest of all Strikes found on Reo- 
ord—Gigantic Growth of Slavery—General View of Sicilian 
Landlordism and Servitude before the Outbreak—Great In- 
crease of Bondsmen and Women—Enna, Home of the God- 
dess Ceres, becomes the Stronghold of the Great Uprising— 
Eunus; his Pedigree—He is made King of the Slaves—Story 
of his 10 Years’ Reiga—Somebody, ashamed to confeas i 
has mangled the Histories—The Fragments of Diodorus an 
other Noble Authors Reveal the Facts—Cruelties of Damo- 

hilus and Megallis, the immediate Cause of the Grievance— 

anus, Slave, Fire-spitter, Leader, Messiah, King~ Venge- 
ance—T he innocent Daughter—Sympathy hand-in-hand with 
Trascibility against Avarice—Wise Selection by Eunus, of 
Acheus as Lieutenant—Council of War—Mass-meeting—A 
Plan agreed to—Cruelty of the Slaves—Their Army—The 
War begun— Prisons broken open and 60,000 Convicts work- 
ing in the Hrgastula set free—Quotations—S weeping Extinc- 
tion of the Rich—Large Numbers of Free Tramps join—An- 
other prodigious Uprising in Southern Sicily—Cleon—Con- 
jectures regarding this Obscure Military Genius—Union of 
Eunus, Achzeus and Cleon—Harmony—Victories over the 
Romans—Insurgeut Force rises to 200,000 Men—Proof— 
Overthrow and Extinction of the Armies of Hypssus—Man- 
liuns—Lentulus—The Victorious Workingmen give no Quarter 
—Eunus as Mimic, taunts his Enemies by Mock Theatrical, 
Open-Air Plays in the Sieges—Cities fall into his Hands— 
His Speeches—Moral Aid through the Social Struggle witb 


i92 HUNUS. 


Gracchus at Rome—Arrival of a Roman Army under Piso—- 
Beginning of Reverses—Orucifixions—Demoralization—Fall 
of Messana—Siege of Enna—lInscriptions verifying History 
—Romans Repulsed—Arrival of Rupilius—Siege of Tauroma- 
nion— Wonderful Death of Comanus—C annibalism—The 
City falls—Awful Orucifixions—Second Siege of Enna—Its 
20,000 People are crucified on the Gibbet—Eunus captured 
and Devoured by Lice in a Roman Dungeon—Disastrous 
End of the Rebellion or so-called Servile War. 


TuE enormous growth of slavery just before the begin- 
ning of the Christian era was the cause of several of the 
most gigantic and bloody uprisings the world has ever 
known. Those convulsive episodes invariably arose from 
maltreatment of workingmen and women. Dr. Biicher, 
whose delineations we so often quote, shows that the 
necessary workmen for supplying slave material to man 
the great estates which the Roman lords, about this time 
were grasping from the original cultivators who farmed 
the government land on shares thus turning them out of 
house and home, were bought and sold as common goods 
at ridiculously low prices. 4 

In B. C, 103 there were at Rome scarcely 2,000 persons 
owning property considered taxable; such was the enor- 
mous monopoly of the public lands and of other property 
by 4 few.* These few property owners were proportion- 
ally richer and their management of the army and of the 
legislature, for suppressing uprisings of the outcasts and 
the enslaved proletaries was so much the more unlimited. 
The freedmen who had many organizations for protection 
which for centuries they had enjoyed when slaves were 
comparatively few, now found their unions, their busi- 
ness, their homes and freedom undermined and supplanted 
by countless hordes of slaves as prisoners of war, victims 
of the prodigious slave trade going on between Rome and 
foreigu markets. When Tarentem was captured, B.C. 209, 
there were sold 30,000 war prisoners.’ In Β. C. 207, af- 


1 Biicher, Aufstdnde der uxfreten Arbetter, 8. 85-36; “Wt. Liv. XLI. 28: 
Sen pronii Gracch: consulis ) pero suspicioque legio exerci usque po! :nli 
Ron aii 8ardiniam sub gt Inea provincia hostium c@sa avt capta supra 
octoginta milia.” We elsewhere quote in ourgopious footnotes the sources 
whence modern authors derive her itigures. 

3 Strabo Geographica, xiv. 668: Apul jus, TX 


THE ANCIENT SLAVE CENSUS. 193 


ter the battle of Metaurus, 5,400 were captured and sold. 
In B. C. 200 at least 15,000 were siezed and sold. In Β. 6. 
137, the event of the return of Tiberius Gracchus from 
Sardinia, the fact that 80,000 men, women and children 
had been either killed or sold into perpetual slavery, was 
brought to light. Because Gracchus, whose grand nature, 
though a military commander, revolted against such atroc- 
ities and sought reform, he was set upon by a mob of in- 
uriated legislators and wealth-owners, and murdered in 
he streets of Rome. Such was the enormous mass of the 
Sardinian slaves that prices fell to a ridiculously low ebb 
becoming a laughing stock and the proverb got abroad: 
“cheap as a Sardinian.” After the siege of Perseus there 
were 70 cities destroyed and 150,000 people sold at the 
different slave markets. ‘ 

This fearful condition of human slavery set into Greece 
still earlier. By a similar monopoly of land and of other 
property by the few, it came to pass that in the great city 
of Athens of 515,000 souls, only 9,000 (B. C, 300) could be 
allowed political rights graded and franchised by family 
and property.° Other mention puts it at 21,000 souls or 
citizens.*° At the same time, when there were 21,000 prop- 
ertied or blooded citizens and 10,000 strangers under pro- 
tection of the city, there were 400,000 slaves.’ But as 
Athens at that time (B. C. 309,) counted 515,000 persons, 
we come into a knowledge of the fact that the remaining 
84,000 were the plebeian or freedmen population. 

The great city of Corinth whose census B. C. 300, gave 
only 40,000 “souls” had a slave population of 640,000 who 
of course, according to Plato’ and other aristocrats, could 


8Liv. XXVII. 16: “Milia trigenta servilium eapitam dicuntur capta. 

4Liv. XLV. 24; Plutarch, Amelins Paulus, 29. 

6 Diodorus Siculus, XVII, 18; Plutarch’s Phoeton, 28. 

6Bicher. Au 8. 84. 

7Athenseus, Deipnosophistat, quo Ctesicles 

8Plato. De Legibus. vi. in dissertation on the Immortality ofthe soul: 
Phedo passim; especially 74, 125, T,8,9, Bekk.: Phedrus, 51-85; ie, 
vii. 1-4, where the. Working-people are allotted half a soul, vi. 9 : deformed 
by their craft andservile; So Timaus, xvli. shows how souls are a 
growth, Ixx!. adjfin; Laws, ix.8, fin; Statesman, 46: Yoking those who 
wallow in ignorance to a race of servile beings. The meaning here is that 
such as labor are undivine; i. e. not fully furnished with souls. Soul isin 
two parts, mortal and immortal, Statesman, 46, Timeeus, 71, Laws, vi. 19; 
Nothing healthy ina slave’s soul, says Plato, and quotes the Odyssey, KV. 
832-333, where far-thundering, aristocratic Jove deprives the slave of half 
his το, soul orupper nature. 


194 EUNUS. 


not possess souls because too mean to be honored by the 
gods with a thing so noble; and this accounts for their 
not being enumerated in the census of the city. They ap- 
pear to have been too lowly to belong to the numbers of 
mankind. ° 

Notwithstanding this fearful condition of despotism we 
find that the Locrians in south Italy had no slaves, being 
organized communists. From the first settlement of this 
rich country by the Pythagoreans no slaves are known to 
have existed until after the Roman conquests; and con- 
sequently the culture among them of equal rights when it 
came to clash against the enormous spread of slavery by 
the cruel conquests of Rome, no doubt urged the great 
epidemic of uprisings which form the subject of this and 
other chapters of the present work. 

It is somewhat surprising, in the full face of these facts 
and the agonizing struggles of competitive warfare upon 
which these brutalities existed, that men still ask in won- 
der regarding the causes of downfall of the Greek and Rom- 
an empires! Another veritable renaissance, this time 
comprising sociologic research and comparative history, 
is at our threshold, destined to clear up many a point that 
for want of a true knowledge of the problem of labor has, 
through the ages, lain obscured midst the shortcomings 
of scorn and the musty vellum of histories and of laws. 

In Sicily the condition of affairs was shocking. This 
fruitful island, which as early as B. C. 210, had been con- 
quered by Rome and turned into a Roman province, was 
an especial offering to that hideously cruel system of slav- 
ery which Roman character, above all others, seemed by 
nature most suited to develop with the blind attributes of 
barbarity. As an instance of their grasping concentra- 
tion of Sicilian property into few hands we quote author- 
ities to the effect that Leontini had but 88 landed prop- 
erty holders; Mutice but 188; Herbita 257; Agyrium 
230. ‘The property owners of whole cities could be counted 
by the dozen." All Sicily was overrun with slaves by birth 

9Xenophon, De Veetig. IV. 14; Athenzwus V.; Béckh, Laurtsche Stl- 
verb. 122-4, all give accounts of great slave owners, 

10 The Locrians had no slaves which seems to be regarded by Plato as 
something phenomenal: Timaus, ii, Bekk.; Bockh, . kon, Athn. also 
declares that they had no slaves. Not only did the ancients have vast 
numbers of slaves (see Encye. Brtt. vol. XX. p. 140), but there were many 


freedmun 4t a very early age. See Homer, Odesacy, XI. 
uBicher, Aust. ἃ. unf. Arb. 8. 89. 


ENORMOUS SLAVE AND FREEDMEN'S WAR. 


and slaves of the auction shambles. The original inhab- 
itants were dispossessed and driven from tle land or re- 
mained as slaves. The smallfarmers had been either an- 
nihilated or crowded together in little towns to eke out a 
wretched existence under the pean of intimidation, or 
had been dragged down to bondage.” Great numbers of 
Syrians who from their mountain at omes where they were 
inured to brisk physical activities, were brought over “by the 
Romans in chains, to till the lands as slaves. Such was 
the extent of slavery everywhere. Grcece at that time 
was being conquer ed and her hardy warriors humbled to 
slavery. sent in great numbers in chains to Syracuse to be 
transported to the fruitful lands which in the days of Ver- 
res were styled the grenary of Rome.** 'The Roman con- 
quests of the Carthagenians and the victories over Hanni- 
bal were followed by the yreater cruelties for their having 
been dearly won. Thousands of Africans poe θὲς to ar- 
my life in the Punic wars, were sent into Sicily as slaves 
to dig the soil for the proud Roman Ἔτι of that 
land.* Only the fattest portions of land were cared for, 
the new possessors’ idea being only gain. Strabo declares 
that so far as the esthetic was concerned all was a barren 
waste. There were many beautiful and fruitful valleys 
and some plateaus which had long been celebrated for fer- 
tility and fine landscape, 

Among the wonderfully fertile and paradisaical plateaus 
of Sicily was that of Enna, the seat of the greatest prole- 
tarian strike, insurrection or bond and free labor war of 
of which history, tradition or inscriptions give an account 
in any country of the globe. 

This great strike or labor mutiny of Enna in Sicily took 
place, according to the conclusions of Dr. Bucher, be- 
tween the years 143 and 133 before Christ, lasting 10 full 
years. During a period of three years the Syrian slave- 
king Eunus, from Apamea near Antioch but a few leagues 


18 Diodorus Siculus, XXXIV. “Ὁ Bement ii, 8, 4and elsewhere, Dina, 

’Drumann, Arb, u. Komm. 5. “In Epida mnos gabes keine Hand- 
werker als die 6ifent) chen Bulaven? 

14 Diod. i.1,2; i.27; Columella, De Re Rustica, I. 6, 3, 8, 15, 16, 

16 Strabo, Geog. VI. | Biich. 8. 40. 

16 Aufsidnde αἰ unf. Arb, 53, 121-128, Excurs. As tothe name, notwith 
standinz Dr. Siefert.we follow the Gi ck Εἶννα, thou.h some Romans 
wrote “Henna.” 


190 EUNUS. 


to the northward of Nazareth, held sway over all of the 
central districts of Sicily; and from the most reliable evi- 
dence he reigned, after his coalition with Cleon in B. C. 
140, for seven more years, over the whole island of Sicily. 

Introductorily to this extraordinary fact, proving the 
great power and vigorous leadership of some of the an- 
cient labor agitations, it will be necessary to bring upon 
the scene a brief description of the place, the prevailing 
social conditions and an outline of the character of the 
men. 

The three leading men who originated and managed 
this great servile war, were Eunus, Achzus, and Cleon. 
Their two enormous armies, aggregating 200,000 soldiers 
were united in B. C. 140, when Eunus was proclaimed the 
monarch over Sicily entire. 

We thus introduce these three branded, enslaved work- 
mgmen to the reader. We say branded and mean in the 
expression by no means a figure. They were not only 
branded, as at the moment we write, leaders of this labor 
movement are branded, with obloquy, black-list and stig- 
ma of men at the helm of public literature. They were 
literally and indelibly branded with hot irons.” Large 
numbers of quotations from the authors most explicitly 
prove that all slaves were branded; and the field workers 
were not only branded on the forehead and limbs, but 
often on the body; and since they were obliged, like the 
helots of Sparta, to go mostly naked, these disfigurations 
were summer and winter exposed to view and not only 
was their disgrace stamped upon them forever but their 
chances of escape from bondage utterly destroyed. 

Once on the very spot where this great outbreak of the 
slaves and freedmen occurred, the plateau valley of Enna, 
there lived a very rich man named Damophilus. He pos- 
sessed legions of slaves whom he forced under sting of the 
lash, to work naked upon his farms. His wealth of acre- 
age, “latifundium,” consisted in part of stock farms. These 
teemed with herds of cattle and other animals which in 
those times throughout Europe were.a large source of 


17 Biich. S. 42, “Dass Alle gebrandmarkt, nur die Feldarbeiter auch ge 
fesselt waren.’’ Consult the following ancient and modern works: Dic 
dorus, XXXIV. frag. ii. 1, 27, 82, 86; Florus, II. 19; Marquardt, V. i. 186: 
Mom. ‘‘Rémische Geschichte;” Mom, “6. I.’’ no. 845; Siefert, ‘‘Erst. Sicilisch. 
Sklavenkrieg,”’ 8. 12: Plato. 


} 


THE SAVAGr SLAVH-HOLDER. 197 


Roman wealth. One day a few of his poor, naked slaves, 
shivering in the chill winds of the mountain height upon 
which Enna stood, came to him and beseechingly implored 
a few rags to cover their bodies and shut out the cold which 
added to their sufferings. Their daring plea was an- 
swered by this cold-hearted capitalist with something like 
the following cutting leer: “Don’t wandering tax-gath- 
erers tramp the country naked and must’nt they give their 
clothes to those who want them? Would’nt I be taxeda 
customs dutyon the rags I gave you?” With that Da- 
mophilus ordered the shivering wretches to be tied to the 
whipping post and warmed up with a sound flogging, then 
sent back naked to their labor of caring for their master’ 
flocks of a thousand animals, 

Under such intense aggravations what else could be ex- 
pected than a secret organization of the thus abused and 
degraded laborers who worked the lands? This question 
comes the more cogently as we realize that large num- 
bers of them were as intelligent or more so than their own 
masters. Just at this epoch, as already shown, ™ all over 
Greece, Syria, Palestine, Asia Minor and the islands of 
the Archipelago vast numbers of trade unions and social 
societies existed among the freedmen and some among 
the slaves. We also know that when the Romans seized 
upon newly conquered countries they likewise seized the 
people, bond and free and sold them into slavery. Large 
numbers of these unfortunates werg organized unionists, 
accustomed at home to the art and secret of practiced com- 
bination.” Another still more important cause of the ter- 
rible strike which resulted from such ill-treatment was a 
similarity of language. All Sicily was Greek. The Greek 
was the principal tongue spoken in Syria and even Phe- 
nicia and other portions of Palestine at and before the 
time of Christ; although a bad Hebrew was the popular 
idiom. All the island inhabitants near by spoke the pure 
Greek. It also was spoken in Magna Grecia or Lower 

18 Diod, frag. 11. 38, Dind. 

19 Chapter xx. Infra, on trade unions citing inscriptions, laws &c. in 
evidence. Diodorus, XXXVI. frag. 6 Dind. tells us that not only slaves but 
many freedmen were engaged in these mutinies and strikes causing great 
tumu'ts and confusions. 


20Compare Liiders, Dionysische Kiinstler,; Also Foucart, Associations Rel, 
throwe much light upos the subject of their religious beliefs. 


HOME OF CERES, GODDESS OF LABOR. 


Italy. Thus with intelligence, with a practiced knowledge 
of social combinations, with a sense of their wrongs made 
keen by the memory of happier days, with the true blood 
of the proud Greeks coursing more or less through their 
veins and finally but most practically, with the powerful 
Greek tongue uniformly at their command, they under- 
took that immense strike-rebellion amidst certain advan- 
tages which must go far toward clearing away the phe- 
nomena of its transient success. 

The slave grievance rapidly grew into 8 movement for 
resistance in and around Enna, the little pastoral city, fa- 
mous for its temple of Ceres whence Plato had carried 
Proserpine, the daughter of that goddess to whom shep- 
herds, planters and especially working people had from a 
high antiquity looked, for her gifts of j prosperity.” Thus 
here we find the link completing the chain of curious in- 
terest connecting the history of the Eleusinian mysteries 
with that of the ancient labor movement. Those labor- 
ing people were religious; but about this time they were 
bitterly complaining that Ceres their favorite goddess had 
forsaken them.” Enna was the original, ancient seat and 
citadel or throne of the great goddess Demeter, called in 
Latin Ceres. She was the protecting immortal who in the 
Pagan mythology, seated in her temple on the heights of 
Enna in the island’s center, shielded all Sicily from fam- 
ine. Her name had spread to foreign lands and she was 
worshiped in Atticagand Syria. ‘Thousands came on an- 
nual pilgrimages to Enna to worship at the temple of Ceres; 
and great feasts to her were here regularly celebrated, be- 
cause she was believed the mother of the world and the 
fructifying goddess of all nutritious, fruit-bearing seeds 
of agriculture, especially the cereals. Near that city lay, 
at the time of our story the meadow and by it the stream 
and the spring and grottoed rock where her beautiful 
daughter * Persephone or Proserpine, whilst gathering 
‘owers, was stolen by Pluto and long hidden from her dis- 
‘racted mother. The meadow was bedecked with a grand 
carpeting of roses, hyacinths aud violets and the soft zeph- 

51: See chapt«r iv. on the mythical legend of Proserpine’s ἘΡΈΒΟΕΟΝ the 


Eleus} rian mysteries and the grie. ance of the proletarian outcasts 
22 Bii: her, Aufsténde, ὃ. 52 


28 Consult Ficcyc. Brit. Art. Ceres; La Rousse, Dict, Univ. Art. prosesptne. 
Moch literature is - xtant confirming these statements. 


THE SLAVE KING. 199 


yrs of summer were aromatic with their odors. All the 
landscape was adorned with nature’s tempting vegetation. 
Many a tiny lake with pure, clear waters peeped from be- 
tween the hills and hillocks of Knna and rich, well culti- 
vated lands on every side were, and had for centuries been 
the pride of Sicily.” Wheat and other cereals had long 
prospered with such success that the place had obtained a 
celebrity. And yet, midst all these magnificent offering: 
of nature we see this region a scene of the most brutal 
and greed-cursed slavery to be found in the annals of that 
insatiate institution. 

Antigenes is the name of one of a joint stock company 
whose business at that time was traffic in human beings. 
He certainly owned a city residence at Enna and kept his 
slaves about the house.” Among these was a man who, 
born and brought up in Apamea near Antioch, Syria, had 
more than probably been a leader of an “eranos”™ or a 
“thiasos” in his native home. This is made the more prob- 
able by his being a pretentious prophet and Messiah while 
in a state of bondage at Enna. It was the wonderful Eunus; 
the magician, fire-spitter, wonder-worker, prophet and the 
plotter of the hugest slave insurrection cf ancient or mod- 
ern times; slave-king of Enna, then king of all Sicily and 
commander in chief at one time of over 200,000 soldiers: 
—the man who, with his sagacious generals, faithful and 
true, beat army after army of the Romans, sent years in 
succession, to meet his slave and freedmen troops and who 
in the teeth, as it were, of Syracuse and of prouder Rome, 
actually reigned in humane splendor, apparently beloved 
and respected, for a period of ten years; constituting a 
veritable epoch of history, though nearly lost and quite 
unrecognized through the taint of labor. We shall confine 
ourselves to a relation of all the facts and particulars to 
be had, based upon the evidence quoted and which per- 


*% Strabo, ‘‘Geog.’? VI.: Consult the exquisite picture of the landscape 
given by Dr. Biicher, ‘‘Aufstiinde’’ etc. S. 52. 

25 Diod. XXXIV frag. ii. δ, Dind. 

3 “14, frag. ii. I, 5, ‘‘seq.’? For fuller description of these trade or labor 
unions see chapters xiii.—xx. Eunus, Cleon and Athenion were all born 
near the home of Jesus. 

7 Btich. 8. 54: ‘“‘Er war ein grosser Magier und Wunderthiter, der zu 
den G&ttern in niachster Bezieung stand und nicht nur im Traume von 
ihnen die Zukunft erfurh, somdern auch in wachendem Zustande sie leith 
haftig vor sich sah.’’ 


200 EUNUS. 


haps, no person on thorough criticism, will be able to con- 
trovert. Eunus was a prophet. He pretended to work 
miracles, ” and was one of the ancient Messiahs. 

But we must not suppose that he was a weak minded 
man because he knew how to blow fire from his mouth or 
because he vaunted presages which often came true. He 
was in all probability an extraordinary man, full of shrewd 
wisdom, endowed with almost superhuman courage and 
certainly with great judgment and patience in selecting 
his generals and in giving and indulging, to keep them in 
place and power while holding to himself supreme con- 
trol. When a slave he foretold that although the god- 
dess Demeter or Ceres had apparently forsaken the poor, 
yet she was revealing herself in dreams to him and prom- 
ising her might to their deliverance.” So certain was he 
of theocratic interference that he told of his mediatorial 
powers not only to his fellow working people but even to 
his master and to all the lords and ladies, who, to beguile 
their evening hours, used to invite or more probably, or- 
der him to recount the results of his nightly interviews 
with the august goddess. Pretending that as she was also 
the patron deity of Syria his native land, he maintained 
that she revealed herself to him with an assurance that he 
was to become a king and deliverer. Even these super- 
natural things he told to Antigenes at these banquets amid 
the laughter and derision of the skeptical guests. His in- 
genuousness worked upon their curiosity and their invita- 
tions were apparently made with a purpose of amusement 
during their orgies of wine and gluttony. Their sport, he 
however, seems to have overlooked, taking their vein of 
merriment or ridicule in a manner peculiar to himself 

From what followed, it cannot be imputed to Eunus that 
he was weak minded. He promised Antigenes to except 
and spare him on the day of wrath—an obligation which 
he religiously kept and faithfully carried out. 

The cruelties of Damophilus,* who caused his working 
hands to be whipped, struck deeply into the sensitive feel- 
ings of thousands of other men. They were able to come 
together, secretly or otherwise to discuss their sufferings 

28 Diod. Idem, fragment ii. 5, 6 


39 Diod. XXXIV. 5.6 7. and 8 of frag. th 
80 Jdem, XXXIV. frag. li. 34, 36. Dind. 


4 ORUBL WOMAN. THE COMPLOT. 50 


and form their plot. Dr. Bicher understands from glean- 
ings of the Vatican and other fragments that the plot orig- 
inated with the slaves of Damophilus. 8: It is however, 
quite certain that what came to pass was spontaneous re- 
sulting from a combination of grievances and a strong re- 
ligious belief in Eunus. The other slaves of Antigenes 
also took part. 

Damophilus and his yet more cruel wife Megallis, appear 
to have been models of ferocity. Their young and beau- 
tiful daughter was the exception. Megallis was in the 
habit of whipping her female slaves to death with her own 
hand. 10 was like a mania people sometimes possess, for 
delighting in scenes of suffering. Endowed with unlim- 
ited power through the Roman laws and usages, to do as 
she pleased, she suited any action to fancy and gloried in 
tearing the poor life from her helpless victims. Nor was 
the ferocity of her husband much less. The incident we 
have recited was probably one of leniency compared with 
many that remain untold, Certain it is, that his atroci- 
ties together with those of his wife toward her defence- 
less female slaves are what decided this great uprising. 

But we have the extremely pleasing assurance that the 
feeling which those slaves entertained toward the kind- 
hearted daughter of this ferocious pair—a young maiden 
whom they all loved—proved her palladium ; for with the 
greatest tenderness they guarded and spared her through 
the scenes of blood.” 

Plans of ἃ great revolutionary revolt were soon decided 
upon, and collusion with Eunus secured the sympathy of 
the city slaves. These arrangements were then commu- 
nicated to those in the country. 

The plot was thus completed and the moment set. All 
had enthusiastically determined to break loose by a desper- 
ate struggle, from their unendurable tortures and daunt- 
lessly brave the storm with all the consequences this per- 
ilous action entailed. They had worked themselves up to 
believe that their goddess would be propitious. 

By preconcerted arrangement, four hundred slaves as- 
sembled at the setting in of night, in a field near the cita- 

41 Biicher Anfstinde ἄς. 8, 55. 
2 Diod. Ὁ Li. 89: ““Ὃτι κατὰ τὴν Σικιλίαν Fv τοῦ Δαμοφίλον ϑυγάτηρ 
seo. cece Ἑρμείας, ἀπήγαγον εἰς Κατάψην πρός τινας οἰκείους.᾽ 


202. EUNUWS. 


del of Enna. They quickly organized a meeting. They 
then each took a sacred oath to persevere in their enter- 
prise and hold fast together. The little multitude came 
armed. Their weapons each had obtained as best he could. 
All were armed with courage and with anger; and each 
determined to defend his new liberty to the death. They 
marched up to the Enna heights under a leader who used 
all his prodigious arts and legerdemain, gesture, and fire- 
spitting, to encourage them and prevent a panic. With- 
out meeting resistance they gained admission through the 
gates, into the city. 

There were the millionaires with the ladies, the tem- 
ple of the goddess, the theatre, the place of entertainment. 
The insurgents instantly took possession of the streets 
and as they marched, singled out their well known victims. 
Rich men and women who long had held unbridled power | 
over hitherto helpless slaves, now saw the danger as they 
felt their guilt. Pitiless was the retributive reaction of 
the enraged and surging mass. They brained their own- 
ers; and those who had made sport of their leader Eunus, 
likewise bit the dust. All slaves and prisoners found in 
dungeous and in irons were set free.’* A terrible scene 
followed. Children were torn from their mothers’ arms, 
and women ravished in presence of their husbands, who, 
bound in cords, could make no resistance to this fiendish- 
ness. Scenes of death were everywhere enacted; for from 
the onset of this bloody work, the slaves, stinging with a 
keen memory of their sufferings,’* enjoyed with a peculiar 
glee which fills the savage, the opportunity, each with cuts 
and gashes to cross out his ghastly account. To a thus 
quickened lust of vengeance, there rushed a remembrance 
of the cruelties of Damophilus who gloated on the bruises 
of his clubs and the sting of his whips, and of Megallis, 
his wife, who had whipped to death her female servants. 
It was an hour of vengeance. All centered upon this sweet- 
est morsel of the savage ;—summary retribution. Blood 
of the now helpless rich flowed freely amid the yells of 
the naked slaves whose brands and scars gleamed hide- 
ously by the fires of the burning houses of their fallen 
masters. Great numbers of slave-holders paid their for- 
mer acts of indiscretion with their lives. 


πὴ ὁ ον αν τ δὲ 4 Δ ΥΣ ) Onan {ΝᾺ 


A TERRIBLE SCENE OF CARNAGE. χυϑ 


Large numbers of slaves who were kept in service within 
the city and who had previously been prepared for the cri- 
sis, now joined the insurgents, swelling their forces and 
making the capture of the city complete. 

We have in other pages * shown that in nearly all trade 
unions, especially the branch of them known as the thiaso?, 
they seem to have had an officer whose duty it was to fore- 
tell, work miracles and do other sage things, such as in 
those early ages of the world were not only common, but 
were thought necessary. The idea of a Messiah or deliv- 
erer sent from heaven to ransom the lowly from their ev- 
erywhere prevailing misery permeated all their org aniza- 
tions.* Hunus therefore, in his pretentions, but copied 
from thousands. 

The hours of grateful vengeance sped on the breezes 
of that truculent lullaby. Object after object of their de- 
testation and hatred was dragged forth and amid screams 
for mercy, relentlessly silenced with knife, flames and blud- 
geon until before the fury waned the pitiful wails of the 
slaughtered grew faint through sheer extermination. 

But one there was who yet remained uncaptured and 
unpunished. This was Damophilus. On consultation it 
was ascertained that he was cowering in his pavillion, a 
little distance from the city. The insurgents sent thither 
a detachment with ordezs to bring him in alive. By this 
time the rage of the slaves had begun to assuage. They 
brought their great abuser before Eunus in the auditori- 
um of the theatre, whither they adjourned to hold a trial 
of his case, Damophilus, covered with wounds and bleed- 
ing, his arms pinioned, his fine dress torn and soiled, was 
dragged before the st?» maddened crowd, his wife Meg- 
allis with him, both trembling in fateful expectancy of their 
doom. 

The rich man wes granted an opportunity to answer 
and spar the scathing accusations that were heaped upon 
him—-bitter reminders of his mercilessness to them when 
the power was his to abuse them. But Damophilus coyly 
and cunningly met each accusation with words clothed in 
ambiguity and dazzle and parried off their bitter bluntness 
by his affected utterances of honeyed words. He was 


“Chapter xvill. and elsewhere. 86 Foucart, Associations Rel 


904 EUNUS. 


making inroads upon their sympathies when Zeuxes and 
Hermias, two powerful Greek slaves, who had themselves, 
in other days been victims of his cruelty, rushed between 
him and hope, one witha dagger and the other an axe. 
These men were keenly sensible to the progress Damo- 
philus was making on the susceptibilities of his tatterde- 
malion jury; and fearing lest his mellifluous explanations 
should overcome them and that they might thus commit 
the absurdity of punishing thousands less stamped with 
cruelties and turn loose the deep-dyed monsters whose 
atrocities were the immediate cause of the revolt,” they 
crashed down the aisle of the theatre, advanced upon him 
weapons drawn and put a violent end to this mock trial 
of their foe by beating out his brains upon the spot. Di- 
odorus relates that one of them stabbed him with a knife 
in the side and the other chopped off his head with the 
axe. Nor was this all. The terrified Megallis, who must 
have seen the reeking knife and the merciless guillotine by 
which her husband had fallen, heard his pleadings for an 
extension of life and with horror beheld his ghastly pun- 
ishment, was delivered up, bound hand and foot, to the 
tender mercies of her female slaves little less instinctively 
savage than their male companions frenzied with woman's 
hatred and still goaded by memory’s spectres of their 
own mothers and daughters perishing under the lash ouce 
wielded by this most pitiless enemy, the now supplicating 
Megallis’ own hand. Little could be hoped for under such 
circumstances. Mercy was impossible. ‘The horrified and 
shrieking lady was, like Damophilus, arraigned for mock 
trial before a horde of nude and blood-grimed women, 
taunted until each imbittered one requited herself with cen- 
sure and derision, with dallying flings and a satiety of jeers 
such as only wild women avenging a wounded love, pos- 
sess the genius to consummate. When all these prelim- 
inaries were ended, Megallis was seized by a dozen mus- 
cular females, stripped of her finery and undoubtedly her 
clothes, dragged to the pinacle of a lofty crag in which the 
mountain city of Enna abounds. All effort of the shriek- 
ing, fainting woman to writhe out of their clutching fin- 
gers fast fixed upon her throat and body were unavailing 


37 Diod. frag. ii. 14, Dindorf. 


THE FRIGHTFUL ΕἘΧΗΟΌΤΙΟΝ. 205 


and fruitless. They drew her out upon the projecting 
prominence yawning over the abyss well known to the 
shuddering unfortunate as the Golgotha of miscreants and 
recalcitrant slaves. From these frowning crags eagles and 
ominous night-birds were wont to startle the listener with 
their screams. Legends of horrors of this fatal rock were 
told by mothers as early inculcations to their babes. This 
wretched victim may have also more than once contributed 
her ingenuity descanting upon its boding gloom and ter- 
rors as she lavished it on the torture of her now avenging 
chattels. 

But all this sentimentalism suffices nothing in presence 
of so ghastly a reality as the death that now frowned, and 
stared this quivering mother in the face. The unimpress- 
ible avengers were not to be frustrated by the moans and 
sobs which formed a part of the solace of their grievances, 
When they had dragged her to the very brink they no 
doubt made her undergo some of the prevailing formulas 
of death and then plunged her headlong down the preci- 
pice where she was battered to a jelly upon the sharp flints 
of the dell below. Such, according to Diodorus, Strabo, 
the modern critics and some tale-telling inscri; tions, was 
the fate of an ancient millionaire and his wife whom great 
prosperity had rendered void of all the amenities and 
lovliness of civilized life. 

There yet remained one member of that fate-stricken 
family—the daughter already alluded to; a young lady of 
both tender age and heart.* This damsel had from her 
babyhood shown exceeding sympathy and kindness to- 
ward the female slaves in their misfortunes. Never had 
she taken part in her mother’s cruelties. She had, on the 
contrary, shown them the tenderest commiseration; and 
her many little offerings during their sufferings, had often 
gone far in the direction of healing a breach between fate 
and despair. Those whom the master’s love of vengeance 
had left bound and often chained in dungeons of the er- 
gastulum, with which ancient slave farms were cursed. she 
had comforted and administered to. Could such kindness 
be now forgotte::? Couid the remem!) ce of this child- 
benefactress, even in that awful vortex οἱ \iolence, be over- 
looked? Could conscience be stifled even midst butcheries 


% Diod, fray, 89, 


906 EUNUS. 


whose mocking carnival made death a satire upon empty 
ideas of right and wrong? Or could such a pretty thin 
as sympathy wedge itself in amongst the howis and tur- 
bulence that shook this scene of oblivion and of deaih? 
Yes. A love which was stamped into their fierce, rough 
natures still lived and warmed them like a sunbeam, for- 
cing itself foremost, even into this terrible qualm reacting 
against morality. Nota ruthless hand was laid upon her 
trembling form. Speechless unanimity prevailed on the 
question of sparing her life. All would spare and protect 
a faithful friend. On consultation Hermias, one of her 
father's executioners, was chosen leader of a picked band 
who soon after performed the perilous task of escorting 
her safely to the distant city of Catana, the home of some 
relatives near the sea. 

We have in this episode another instance substantiat- 
ing the uvpinion heretofore expressed, that the emotion of 
sympathy has been a growth in the breast of the crushed 
and humiliated classes, fledged from their schools of mu- 
tual love or commiseration and common support. Poor 
people are themselves the makers of most of the sympa- 
thies which they enjoy. Even the daughter of Damoph- 
ilus grew in sympathy at the sight of misery. However 
rude the crust screening from view our inner nature, that 
nature never had, under Pagan control, much sympathy 
allowed it. Sympathy seems clearly to have been a growth 
out of a vast association in many parts of ancient Greek 
and Roman states and did not thrive among the opulent. 
Concupiscence with its cupidity and irascibility were the 
pillars on which rested the ancient paganism and its aged 
competitive system; and though the majorities who were 
of the working class possessed enough of the latter in its 
crudest form, yet they had little greed or avarice. They 
in fact, developed sentiments of a reverse nature. They 
longed for a socialism that would breed sympathy with its 
mutual love and care. Diodorus, one of our informants 
on this subject of the slaves of Enna, in referring to their 
treatment of the daughter of Damophilus and Megallis, 
says: “These slaves on strike demonstrated, in showing 
no sympathy or mercy to those who had been their mas- 
ters and in delivering themselves up to their own violence 
and wrath, that what they did was not the mean prompt- 


THE ORDEAL OF VENGEANCE ADATES. 201 


ines of barbarity, but a just retribution or punishment for 
the injustice which had been done to them ;”*” bold words 
indeed, but just and true; and the student of sociology 
may now divine the reasons why that brave publicist has 
lain for 2,000 years in obloquy, with his wonderful tales 
and descriptions in tatters amoug the rubbish of the vaults, 
or later, in the literary sepulchres of the Vatican. 

It appears that this theatre which had been the scene 
of the fury we have described became the focus of delib- 
eration after the frenzy cf their vengeance had subsided 
and the more serious matters connected with the future 
began to force themselves upon their refiection. They 
saw that as soon as the news of theiraction reached Rome, 
the scornful power which for ages had thrived by con- 
quest and its booty of lands and slaves, there would spring 
up an immense army to suppressthem, They had the sa- 
gacity to foresee that their only hope was in a strong army 
well equipped and disciplined, powerful enough to cope, 
even with the forces of Rome. It further appears from 
the evidence that so deep had been the foresight and so 
long the communings on this matter, so secretly had the 
whole uprising been concocted, that all things necessary 
to this resistance were well-nigh prepared beforehand ; 
and the general appearance with its sequel demonstrate 
that the central idea of a tumultuous feast of blood and 
dissipation and of subsequent demoralization and gluttony 
was far from them. But it cannot be denied that they 
had already determined to throw down the slave system 
of which they were victims and upon its ruins build up a 
social fabric which should dealequitably and humanely by 
all. To one acquainted with the vast and inexhaustable 
power of Rome, this dream of the poor slave socialists 
would have seemed an absurd machination of the fancy. 
But on the other hand they were on an island with whose 
rocky cliffs, caverns, forests and by-paths they were well 
acquainted. They wanted to build up a kingdom of men 
and women emancipated from slavery and economic want 
with their leader Eunus, on the throne. They held good 
to this resolution. 

Eunus was elected king. It does not appear that their 


ὃ9 Diod. XXXIV. fragment ii. 39. 40 Idem, frag. ii, 14, 


208 EUNUS. 


choice of him was on account of any military tact which 
he had shown as their leader nor on account of his supe- 
rior capacities of any kind, unless it was that of working 
wonders. This however, was extremely necessary in the 
mind of superstitious men, as were most of the ancients, 
especially the laboring class who, in their unions among 
the freedmen, often kept a sorcerer who knew how to spit 
fire, dawdle with the little oracles and pronounce proph- 
ecies. Even the rich had their magi or fortune-tellers and 
their haruspices, as well as higher priests who often de- 
cided the turn of conquests by the simple consultation of 
an oracle. Eunus could blow fire, tell wonders, pretend 
and prophecy; and Eunus was elected king. Again, the 
name Hunous, the benificent, was considered a harbinger 
of deeds certain to bring forth good. 

King Eunus, on receiving his crown, rose equal to the 
majesty of his new estate. He assumed all the oriental 
bearing of kingly dignity. He established the offices of 
state with such splendors as he could command. There 
was given him for a queen a female slave who like him- 
self, hailed from Apamea in Syria—probably old play- 
mates. Such wasthe happy one to be raised to the queen- 
ship. To crown himself in still more royal imitation of 
the dignities of his fatherland he named himself Antioch. 

From the moment Eunus began his reign he appears 
to have been successful. Full details are wanting. From 
Cicero we have hints“ that the temple of Ceres or Dem- 
eter was preserved with scrupulous care, as well as all the 
property belonging to it. No doubt however, he changed 
the officers of the temple from high priests to vestal vir- 
gins, supplanting the old by a choice of his own people. 

Biicher thinks® that his administration from first to last, 
considering all circumstances peculiarly connected with 
the character and notions of the Semitic and Aryan races 
with whom he had to deal, showed more than usual fit- 
ness. He understood the theory of government. It is 
certain that at Enna there was one of those cavern pris- 
ons, such as had been dug by Dionysius the tyrant at Syr- 
acuse. We know that those pestilential subterranean 

41 Cicero, Verres. iv. 50, 112 


Ὁ Aufst. 8. 59: “Mehr als gewohnliche Befahigunz”’ Siefert, 5. 18; 
“Man wahbite ihn zum kénig ....weil er den Aufstand pegonnen hatte.” 


EUNUS PROVES TRUE ΤῸ HIS WORD, 209 


dungeons existed in great numbers, called by the Romans 
ergastula, in many parts of Italy and Sicily. They were 
often underground workshops like the quarries—the hor- 
ror of the ancient slave. Florus and Diodorus combine in 
the statement that more than 60,000 fighting soldiers 
of the great rebel army were convicts turned loose from 
these prisons® during the war. Eunus incarcerated a 
large number of the rich in the holes at Enna and it may 
be presumed that the old prisoners were first discharged 
to give room forthe new. A council of war was held and 
it was decided to put all these many prisoners to death. 
This was the result of a mass meeting of the faithful and 
unfaltering to Eunus, as a forewarning of the certain re- 
sult of taking part in any effort to escape, or of mixing 
and intriguing to restore the old government. Few of 
the old rule people were left alive except the free mechan- 
ics who could make arms; and even they were compelled 
to work in fetters. To those who had invited Eunus toa 
seat of mock honor on account of his pretended powers 
in legerdemain and gifts of divination at their sympo- 
siums and for the amusement of guests, and whom he had 
promised their lives in case he realized his heaven-offered 
kingdom, he held good his word. He also saved them their 
fortunes.“ They were spared by a royal decree and the 
mandate was sent them in true regal form. He also saved 
the temples and other holy property. “ 

At length Eunus called a council of permanent govern- 
ment. First of all was chosen Achzus. “He was, ina 
formal manner made consiiiarius of the faithful.” The 
ancient author who leaves us these choice fragments of 
history “ suffixes his opinion that Eunus in making choice 
of him as lieutenant and counselor general, showed won- 
derful ability and prudence. This man understood and 
deeply sympathized with the Syrian element of which 
the slave population of Enna by conquest was largely com- 
posed. But he was moreover endowed with extraordi- 


48Florus, Epit. Hist Rom. 11.19, § 6; ‘Hoc miraculum primum duc 
millia ex obviis, mox jure belli refractis ergastulis, sexaginta amplius woillis 
fecit exercitum 

4Diod. XXXIV. frag. li. 42; “Tay ὅλων δε τοῖς ἀποστάταις καταστάς 
xdpios-”; Bacher, Aufst. 5. 59; Siefert, Sklavenk. 8. 17. 

% Cic. Verr, ‘iv. 50, 112, 

# Diod. Id. frag. ii. 42. 


910 Εεὐνῦϑδ. 


nary wisdom and unscrapulous will-power in expedients, 
where emergencies required it. He was capable of fear- 
lessly organizing, on the inspection of a circumstance, a 
resistance powerful enough to shatter the peril whatever it 
might be ; and he had the judgment and force of char- 
acter to push it to its immediate and successful results. 
He was bold enough to plainly tell to Eunus his misgiv- 
ings and impart to him the truth; and that dignitary 
had wisdom and a sufficient amount of common sense to 
hear him with composure and acquiesce in his views. A 
perfect agreement was the result. 

Dr. Bacher gives it as his opinion that Achseus was one 
of the thousands of unfortunates who had been reduced to 
slavery through the Roman conquest of Achaia, B, C.146, or 
about 3 years before.‘’ Achaia being in the heart of the 
Greek Peninsula, on the gulf of Corinth, near and includ- 
ing the great city of that name, was of purest Greek; and 
Greeks in those days were mighty men. But the brutal 
fiat of Roman conquest had recently swept over the whole 
Grecian territory and buzzard-like, swallowed up her fa- 
mous provinces and cities and sold her braves into slav- 
ery. We thus find circumstantial evidence that Achzus 
had the sagacity, acumen and intrepidity of hisrace. So 
well pleased was the slave-king with Achzus that he made 
him a present of one of the fine houses of his former 
millionaire masters. 

The success of the great insurrection from henceforth 
is to be attributed in large measure to Achzeus, general- 
in-chief. In three days he had armed and equipped no 
less than 6,000 soldiers and had them ready for the ex- 
pected armies from Rome which all well knew wouid soon 
arrive by forced marches to put down the rebellion. As 
all these slaves knew the awful consequences of defeat, we 
may imagine the incentives which prompted their activity 
in making ready for coming conflicts. 

The outside agricultural places soon began to be heard 
from» They consisted of heterogeneous ranks—a motly 
mass, who, rushing from their work on hearing the news 
of the revolt, straggled into the new head-quarters from 
far and near, They streamed into the town, each with a 


47 Aufst, ἃ. unf. Arb. 8, 60, 


ORGANIZING THE SOCIALIST ARMY. 211 


/ 


butcher-knife, an axe, a sickle, a pitchfork of iron or wood. 
Slings were weapons with which the numerous shepherds 
were best practiced; and they knew their use with fatal 
effect. Inspired with a hope of liberty at any price or ag- 
ony of effort, they were ready to stake their lives under 
perilous odds for a chance at winning it. 

There were at that moment no troops of the Roman le- 
gions in Sicily. The only immediate forces to be feared 
by the workingmen were the militia from the different 
cities. There had occurred no dangerous strikes among 
the slaves for many years here, and in consequence, Rome 
had not, asin Etruria, on the Tarantine culf and else- 
where, provided a standing army kept stationary under a 
prietor for the express purpose of suppressing the ever- 
recurring rebellions of labor “ which were not only in this 
nation troublesome but had proved themselves at Sparta 
and Athens a great source of danger. Besides this, Rome 
was busy quelling similar disorders nearer home. The 
only available force at hand was the militia. 

Meanwhile the insurgents were recruiting a powerful 
force by tapping every resource that offered a promise of 
strength. Among others, as already noticed, the great 
cavern jails were-f All through the country these 
workhouses whether tHderground, in towns or out on the 
farms, were broken into and emptied, the prisoners ran- 
somed and those able to bear arms welcomed to the army 
of resistance. Our principal resource whence we extract 
these facts is Diodorus Siculus, who wrote elaborately on 
the subject, often giving minute details; but being an hon- 
est man and writing of ‘his own native country, committed 
what in his times seems to have been the error—though no 
fault of his conscience—of telling the truth. Wein conse- 
quence, as students of sociology must charge against that 
slave-holding aristocrey,” all mutilation of his history, 
especially those paragraphs delineating the Roman disaster 


@Liv. XXIx. 17, 41, XXX. 26 XXXII. 36. 

# Diod. XXXIV. frag. ‘ii. 36: ‘Kat τούτων τοὺς μὲν πέδαις δεσμεύων 
εἰς τὰς συνεργασίας evéBadde.”? Damophilus had α͵εοὸ made them work in the 
fields while chained. 

6) Diod. frag. ii, 25 26. 


61 A similar outrage has been committed vpon Livy’s history of Spar- 
tacus proved by the epitomies or }a e: herdings XCV, XCVI. ἃ XCVii 
which have survi-ed the wreck We vive further details ΟἹ ths disustcy 


together w th that of Sallvst, farther on. 


212 - BUNUS. 


which followed; for although some clauses are left com: 
plete others are bereft of their treasures of priceless infor- 
mation. A large portion of the details, amounting in all, to 
chapters, has apparently been sequestered through the van- 
dalism of contemporaneous censorship and the inestimable 
manuscripts disrupted from their historical chain covering 
at least ten years of this eventtul rebellion which went far 
toward shaping the actions of men and preparing the world 
for the advent of a different culture. 

At any rate we have a statement that not less than 60,000 
prisoners were delivered from the ergastula® and we know 
that these also joined the rebellion. Everywhere were 
the slave-holders murdered, and in proportion as the more 
desperate ones were delivered from bondage and fetters, the 
search all over the island to find and exterminate them be- 
came more industrious. On the eastern side of Sicily were 
magnificent fields of wheat and different grains and a large 
amount of pasture lands stocked with cattle and sheep and 
bearing prodigious quantities of wine and olive oil. The 
slave hordes now free, swept over this country, murdering 
and destroying all before them, notwithstanding the efforts 
of Achzeus at restraint. The story of Cambalus, a wealthy 
citizen of Morgantion in the upper districts of Symethus, 
is told® as an exception to the usual prudence of this com- 
mander: This nobleman while on a hunting excursion came 
across a band of these prowlers. Alarmed at his close prox- 
imity to the dangerous men he turned and ran toward the 
city, following the high road. When near his own home 
he met his father on horseback going toward the danger, 
who immediately dismounted and begged the son to mount 
and save himself by flight. While thus in filial and pater- 

nal love, tarrying, neither deciding to take to flight, the free- 

booters came up and killed them both.“ But Achzeus gen- 

erally forbade such strong measures. Wherever he heard 
62Florus, Epit. 111. 15, elaewhere quoted. 


53Mannert, Geog. IX. 2; Cato, De Re Rustica, 6; Columella, De Rs 
Ruztica III, 2. 

54 Dr. Bucher, Anfstdnde der unfreien Arbeiter, S. 61, extcacts the story in 
full: ‘‘Gorgos, mit dem Beinahmen Kambalos, ein durch seinen Reichthum 
und Edelmuth bekannter Burger von Morgantion im Gebiete des oberen Sym- 
ithus zog auf die Jagd aus und stiess auf eine Sklavenbande, Er floh dié Strasse 
zur Stadt zuriick und begegnete bald seinem Vater der zu Pferde des Weges kam 
Dieser stieg sofort ab und fiehte den Sohn sein Le 2n zu retteu, Der Soin hin- 
wieder den Vater: und wihrend sie so in dem Wettstreite kindlicher Liebe und 
viterlicher Ziirtlichkeit sien erschopiten, erscuienen die Autriher und er 
schlugen beide.”’ 


THE TRAMPS AND FREEDMEN. 213 


of atrocities committed by his men he is said to have ex- 
erted every energy to prevent their recurrence, appealing to 
the danger should the Romans gain the upper hand. The 
rebels began to comprehend that something nobler than 
mere rage was wanted, They soon began to be more care- 
ful of the stores of grain and other necessaries. They 
also spared a large number of the small cultivators who 
had not been active in injuring them. 

There were also great numbers of freedmen, now little 
better than beggars; for as most farm labor since the new 
impetus of the Roman slave system had set in, was per- 
formed by slaves, they were obliged to beg because they 
had no work. These wretched tramps, perceiving their 
opportunity, soon began to organize in secrecy.” The 
great war now raged in earnest. The new force of beg- 
gars who hitherto had been roaming in a demoralized con- 
dition do not seem to have done credit to the slaves; for 
while they turned their hands to destruction of property 
and delivered themselves up to gluttony, their faults were 
all laid to the slaves. By this circumstance we are made 
aware that the actual status of intelligence was higher 
among the slave population than the tramps, who had be- 
come demoralized and degraded through discouragement 
and suffering. 

It was a long time before the Romans, tormented with 
the terrible struggles of the proletaries at that moment 
raging in Italy over the agrarian question, could awaken 
to a full sense of the situation. There was certainly some 
provincial government at the time, for mention is made to 
the effect that Roman pretors® then had the province in 
charge; but they were both too much enfeebled by their 
enormous wealth at Syracuse or the dissipation concom- 
itant to it and by their being practically without a force 
sufficient to the emergency. The insurrection seems not 
to have been uniform in different parts. In those days it 
took some time for slaves to communicate with each other; 
and when that was accomplished there must be time to 
ponder over the dangerous experiment and prepare for 
action; but it is known that almost everywhere in, and 

* Died, XXXVI, frag. v. speaking of the second war (see chapter X1.) 
ex: ressly states that it was not the slaves alone but also freedmen_ So alsc 


Flores Jil 19: “(ἴηι lib: ris (netas!) etingenuis, dimicatum est.” 
6 ucher Aufet 5. 61-62. 


214 EUNUS. 


close about the cities, the uprising was general; for ev- 
erywhere the slaves ran away irom their masters and hur- 
ried to join the Ennian army. 

Acheeus in a short time found himself master of a well 
equipped army of 10,000 men. He devoted his energies 
to drilling these raw troops and teaching them their new 
business. We are wanting details for showing the exact 
dates, but the events of which we speak, according to the 
close examination of all material by Dr. Biicher, make it 
between B. C. 143 and 140." Repeated skirmishing took 
place between Acheeus and the advance guards of the Ro- 
man preetors but as often the latter were totally overthrown. 
Undoubtedly many great and terribly bloody battles were 
fought.“ Certainly the results were disastrous to the Ro- 
mans; for the territory of Eunus’ kingdom gradually en- 
larged stretching over upper Symeethus and eastward down 
to the sea. It also struck northward and extended for a 
considerable distance to the west. But we hear of noth- 
ing having occurred in the south, up to this point.* There 
was however, a great uprising there, soon to be heard of 
The signal successes of Achzeus had become noised abroad. 
Slaves everywhere were waiting for a leader. A new and 
almost distinct strike was preparing to burst forth south- 
ward near the coast, among the productive fields and pas- 
tures long celebrated for stock-breeding, especially that of 
draft animals and fine horses. Along this seaboard no 
harbors appear. The land hes in plateaus, with precip- 
itous steeps overhanging the Mediterranean;' but the 
levels above and the occasional valleys, are exceedingly 
fruitful. It was the celebrated Agrigentum. Along the 
southern coast of Sicily at that time few inhabitants ex- 
isted. The old places which had once been occupied by 
the colonists from Megara and Rhodes had been long de- 
populated. 

Acragus, well remembered by the Romans as having 

51 Idem, Excurs, “ὍΡΟΣ die Chronologie des s.cilischen Sclavenkriege und 
Verwandtes” S 121-129. Here Biicher gives data (which we follow,) show. 


ine that it must have been B C 143-140 or the first two years before the 
army of Achzeus amount d to 10,000 men. 


Dind. 
69 Biicher, Aufst. S. 62. We mostly follow Butcher's admirable tracings 
of the «ar from this point 
6 Strabo, Geog. VI.; Cicero. Verr 1’ 1.28; D’Ordille, Stcuda, p, 289- 
Plin. 2. iV. VIL. 64. 


Ou 


CLEON. 2) 


withstood, during the Punic wars all those terrible vicissi- 
tudes and had jong been inured to hardships, still main- 
tained itself and a good share of its population. It was 
a rich portion of the island and large numbers of the land 
owners possessed and exploited slaves who became so nu- 
merous that they performed all the labor leaving none for 
the freedmen who were thus reduced to the condition of 
roaming tramps and beggars. Some men owned 500“in 
the earlier days and there still existed very rich meu in the 
city, holding large portions of land and many human crea- 
tures as chattels. Here was the seat of a recorded instance 
of the prevailing cruelties: One Polias, having invited to 
dinner an equally heartless slaveholder, who was unwill- 
ing to allow his slaves rest long enough to sleep, called to- 
gether his own, especially the women and children, and like 
the animals, fed them nuts and dried figs—the only nour- 
ishment they were allowed for supper.” 

It is not to be woudered at then, if the slaves whenever 
opportunity offered, ran away from such masters and some- 
times became cunning aud dangervus brigands. 

Another desperate character vi this war was Cleon, called 
in Livy, “Gleon,” a Cilician by birth,® from the town of 
Comana in the Taurian region of southern Asia Minor. It 
appears that he and his brother, called “Coma” by Valerius 
Maximus in his Memorabilia,“ were runaway slaves who, 
having betaken themselves to the mountains drove a maraud- 
ing business in the general interest of their fellows still in 
bonds, Here they plied the aris of the /atrocinia or high- 
way robbery, and stood ready to espouse the rebellion of 
Eunos which was now creeping toward their confines. An- 
other theory of Cleon is that like Spartacus, he had elge- 
where learned to be arobber but had been seized by a Sicil- 


91 Siefert, Sicilische ae 8. 88, 

9: Stobeus, Flovtl, LXII. 48; Cf. Bucher, 64. 

% Tu his note 2. 5. 64. Dr. Biicher re‘ers to Cleon’s birthplace, as follows 
“Diod, fr. 2, 43: ἐχ τῶν περὶ τον Tadpov τόπων. Nach § 20 hicss sein Bra- 
der Komanos (Coma bei Valer. Max. IX, 12, lext. ist offenbareinSchreih> 
fehler statt Comanus), woraus mit ziemlicher Sicherieit zu schiessen, 
dass Komana die Vaterstadt der beiden Briider war. Ob aber an die 
pamphy!liseche over on die kappadokiche Stadt dieses Namens zu denken 
Bei, Muss Noentschicilen gelussen werden. Letztere, inmitten des Anti- 
‘auros am Saros gelegen, war eine [laupstitte (05 den syrischen Diena- 
ion yerwandien Cultus der Ma (Artemis Taurica) Strabo XiI. p.536; man 
varde dsun den Beweggrund fur den raschen Anschlus- K!eons «an Eu 
uUB MM religq0ser Superstition zu suchen haben 

“Dod XXXIV. frag. ii. 20 & 43.; Vaiccius Maxiwus, IX, i.; Stet ii. 1g 


216 ZUNUS, 


ian corsair and brought over to this place where he was sold 
in slavery and set to work herding horses in the pastures, 
whence he escaped and made himself the terror of the re- 
gion, playing his old pranks with success. But this theory 
fails to account for his brother. 

By some means Cleon, who had a strong band ever on 
the alert, heard of the great movement of Eunus at Enna. 
The distance was certainly not so great bat that they could 
have held correspondence; especially after the forces of 
Achzeus had, by victory after victory over the preetorian 
militia, cleared the obstacles away. ee, 

Cleon on hearing the particulars of the insurrection, 
ran up the flag of open rebellion and offered freedom to 
all slaves who should espouse his cause. The mighty 
name he had already won went far toward deciding in- 
numerable slaves. Everywhere these Agrigentine bonds- 
men responded to the shrill bugles of Cleon. As fast as 
they came into camp he armed and drilled them for ser- 
vice. Battles must have followed for we find him in pos- 
session of the city. The two most powerful captains of 
the rebellion now stood over-against each other, both hav- 
ing won battles, undoubtedly important ones; for as our 
details are missing and the leading points preserved, we 
are left to our imagination in making up the links in the 
chain of history. It was now the hope of the rich own- 
ers that these rough commanders would, though at first 
victorious, soon have a falling out; that jealousy would 
prove a quicker means of ridding them of their now ter- 
rible enemy than their own opposition; for such were the 
proportions of this uprising that Cleon soon counted up- 
wards of 70,000 men.* With such anarmy it was reason- . 
ably conjectured that he would not long submit to a sub- 
ordinate position under Eunus. Biicher in assuring us 
that the reverse was the case,* suggests that the cause 
of the perfect harmony known to have existed may have 
been Cleon’s superstitious faith in the infallibilty of Eunus 
as a mediator for poor humanity between God and man ; 


sLivy, LVI. Ὁ. Fulvio Consuli mandatum eet, hujus belli initium 
fuit Eunus servug, natione Syrus; qui contracta sgreatium seryorum Mana 
et solutis ergastulis justi exerctus numerum implevit. Gleon quoque, alter 
servus, ad septuaginta millia servorum coniraxit, et copiis junctis adver- 
sus populi Romani exercitum bellum s#pe gesserunt.” 

86 Bicher, Aufst, 5. 65. 


ΟἸΕΟΝ 5 SEVENTY THOUSAND. COALITION. 217 


it being fully believed that he was a Messiah.” This 
might have done much, but the fact that they knew that 
in the absence of perfect harmony their own lives would 
certainly be speedily lost, together with their cause, is the 
more probable solution to this problem. Cleon accepted a 
peor of what, in our military terms, may be called a 

rigadier-general, of the grand army under Eunus, or ra- 
ther under Achgeus, lieutenant-general to Eunus; and the 
force assigned him was only 5,000 men. 

The two armies of the great mutiny against capital be- 
came thus consolidated into one. It is stated by Livy 
that in Agrigentum alone there were 70,000 men under 
arms; and we have seen that Achzus already had a 
large, victorious force. Thus the combined armies stead- 
ily grew in numbers and discipline. This immense force 
was divided up between many leaders ; Eunus being the 
commander-in-chief with Achzeus and soon afterwards Cle- 
on, the two principal lieutenants. 

The armies stretched from Enna to Agrigentum and a 
wing extended south and eastward to the sea—perhaps as 
far eastward as Syracuse. Soon after these arrangements 
were accomplished the new pretor arrived in Sicily with 
an army of well equipped Roman soldiers consisting of 
8,000 men. How many stragglers of those demoralized 
forces whom Achzeus had often punished and dispersed, 
came to swell the freshly landed army of this pretor, L. 
Plautius Hypseus,” does not appear. But Dr. Siefert, 
_ on the strength of a statement of a fragment, says that no 
regular troops accompanied Hypszus from Rome. 

Hostilities south now became general. The Roman did 
not have long to wait. A force of 20,000 slaves probably 
of both Achzus and Cleon met him, fully inspired with 
the supernatural powers of their fire-spitting king, as well 
as burning with old hatred and a desire to settle accounts 
with their enemies. A great battle was fought. Hyp- 
seus was utterly routed and ruined; and the rebels were 
left masters of the field. 


67 Florus, III, 19, 4: *Syrus quidam nomine Eunus fanatico furore 
simulato dum Syrise dese comas jactat, ad libertutem et armas servos, quasi 
numerum ‘mperinm concitayit; idque ut divinitus fleri probaret, in ore 
abdita nuce, quam sulphure et igno stipaverat, icnitcr inspirans, flammam 
fundebat.” 

68 Liv. LVI. Epit. ad fin.; See quotation ip vote 665. 

®9 Diod. frag. ii. 18. This is prokably aremnant of a full statement 
ao. 0s mostly lost. 


218 EUNUS. 


The news of this additional victory spread rapidly and 
those slaves who had hitherto hesitated, now flocked to the 
insurgent army, soon swelling it to the almost incredible 
magnitude of 200,000 men. The language of our infor- 
mation is, however, too assuring towarrant us in dallying 
over doubts; for not only do the ancient authorities give 
these figures but we also find the strong reinforcement of 
the modern philological critics who make no hesitation in 
pronouncing it to be true.” The people at Rome enter- 
tained hopes that the force under Hypszeus would be of 
sufficient strength to put down the rebellion; but as time 
wore by, straggling remnants of the shattered army ver- 
ified a dismal fear that great disasters had befallen them ; 
otherwise the gloomy news of the expedition was lost. 

Other expeditions soon followed the sad one just men- 
tioned. As we know that ina similar rebellion by Sparta- 
cus some 70 years later, the armies of Rome were large, 
so in reason, we cannot imagine them to have been small 
in Sicily. Time and other despoilers have deprived us, it 
is true, of many details, in histories we know to have been 
written. But enough remains to attest the enormous pro- 
portions of the Sicilian labor rebellion and the success that 
everywhere attended the arms of the workingmen. UC. 
Fulvius Flaccus, consul, appears next to have come to the 
scene; his colleague Scipio Africanus going to Numantia. 
This commander was however, preceded by a certain Man- 
lius, mentioned in the fragments of Diodorus referred to. 
He, like his predecessors was annihilated. There can be 
no doubt that this word applies here in its literal sense. 
So complete was the extinction that scarcely a human be- 
ing ever returned to convey intelligence of the disaster to 
Rome. Then followed Lentulus, afterwards Piso and Ru- 
pillius. Whenever the Romans gained an advantage by 
dint of superior military skill they lost it through the over- 
whelming and ever increasing numbers of the slaves, who 
in addition to their own manufacture of arms and muni- 
tions of war which they forced ihe freedmen-mechanics ™ 
of Sicily to sccomplish for them, turned all the splen- 


ἴφ Bach 5, 65: “Bald betrug sis gegen 200,000 Leute;” also S. 125: 
*Nich! lange nachher beliuft sich die Zahl der Anfstindischen insecsanmt, 
soldaten, Sensenminner, und Unveriistete, auf 200,090, ‘und in vielen Krie- 
gen hdmpfen sie elicklich, seltener erleiden sié Niedcriagen.’” 


THE FEROCIOUS NECESSITY 219 


did weapons wrested from the defeated warriors of the 
Roman nobility to their own uses and grew invincible.”* 

No prisoners were spared. Eunus had undoubtedly re- 
solved. upon this plan from the first. He killed Antigenes 
his owner, also Python, with his own hand, both of whom 
he had promised a “cheap deal,’ and spared the friends of 
the festivities as we have related, only as a mater of faith 
with his word. He had opened all the dungeons of the 
ergastula which confined many who labored in those grot- 
toes. What more could they want of those disgusting 
holes? No. With them there was no lingering prisoner. 
To be taken prisoner was to die—a ferocious necessity! 
Besides these barbarous economics, they possessed the 
remarkable negligence of the Romans which had _ struck 
into Sicily at the time of the defeat and final evacuation 
of the island by the Carthagenians, in B. C. 210. Every- 
where the walls of cities and other fortified places. were 
battered down, and left mouldering in disuse and every- 
where. was found unhindered admission to the cities, the 
storehouses and the citadels.** Much of the success of their 
phenomenal marches was attributed to the supernatural pow- 
ers of king Eunus. 

They believed themselves invincible; and as time wore 
on, year after year of undiminished prosperity apparently 
fortified this belief. Eunus once led his victorious forces 
before one of the few fortified places that attempetd to 
withstand him and to the besieged inhabitants spoke with 
bitter irony, denying that he was even the cause of the 
trouble, or his men in rebellion. On the contrary, they 
themselves by their former atrocities, had driven them to 
a compulsory step which they little desired to take. In 
full consciousness of their enemy’s helplessness and the 
stinging remembrance of their former sufferings, they 
made a great show of their triumphs, parading the now 
emancipated revolutionists in pompous formality and for- 


τι This fact must be considered as applying to a certain 
number of freedmen denominated by the modern labor organi- 
zations Scabs, who had made themselves obnoxious by an obse- 
quious catering to masters; for we find that a few years later 
(see Athenion; chapter x.) there were great numbers of free 
artisans who espoused the cause of the slaves and took up 
arms gladly in the defense of a common cause. 

72Bucher, Aufst. 5. 66 “‘Wurde auch einen kleinen Erfolg 
errungen im nachsten Augenblicke raffte sich der Aufstand 
mit doppeltor Wuth zusamen and drang unaufhaltsam und 
grausam, wie alle socialeu Kriege, weiter.” 

T8Consult Diod. XXXIV. frag ii. 45. 


EUNUS. 


cing the reluctant to hear the history of the causes of it, ™ 
through mock theatrical representations in mimic compo- 
sition, as was practiced in Syria the fatherland of Eunus. 
This practice referred to by Diodorus, ® no doubt has ref- 
erence to the great labor unions called the eranoi, or bet- 
ter, their branch, the thiasoi,” a part of whose duty was 
to provide entertainment for the members. It is known 
that mimic entertainments of a histrionic character were 
frequently among the programs of amusement. “There 
was” says Dr. Biicher, “more than one bitter drop spilled 
into the bowl of misery at such seiges; since overturned 
riches, unbridled rapine, purposeless power, appeared to 
gentiemen to be the cause of tneir destruction; it was 
in fact, a practical lesson against the will of these compul- 
sory listeners to mimic tragedies, which, like every other 
lesson where the spirit is against its learning, is fruitless 
and unheeded.” τ 

The bitter and bloody conflict of this great mutiny of 
the working people of Sicily had now been raging about 
6 years with the prophet of Antioch at its head. The mil- 
itary force of Rome such as she could spare, had been ex- 
hausted again and again in efforts to regain her foothold 
in Sicily, but in vain. The slaves were at last masters of 
the island. Here, by a most fortunate circumstance, the 
lacerated history of Diodorus remains so unbroken in this 
particular link as to explicitly transmit this truth; and in 
words which cannot well be misunderstood.” Diodorus, 
though his veracity has long lain in abeyance, has outlived 
his calumniators, and great savants, having proved the 
truth of statements by his pen which for many centuries 
lay in ridicule, are now searching for them as being those 
most valuable in critical use. 

Besides the cities mentioned, there were many on the 
east coast of the island which also, one by one, joined the 
army of the revolutionists, Some of them, it is known, 
were taken by force. Others offered themselves to the 
conquerors, partly through their own wish, partly from a 

Ἢ Td. frag. ii. 18 Td. 84, 

16 See Liders, Die Dionys. Kanstler, Tafeln I-I. Also Infra, chap, xvii. 

ΤΊ Aufst. d. unfueien Arbeiter, S. 67 

7 Diod. xxXxiV. frag. 1. § 26, “Ουδέποτε στάσις ἐγένετο τηλικαύτη δούλων 
ἡλίκη συνέστη ἐν τῆ Σικελίᾳ, δὶ ἣν πολλαὶ μὲν πόλεις δειναῖς περιέπεσον συμφοραίς, 


ἀναρίθμητοι δὲ ᾿ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες μετά τέκνων ἐπειράθησαν τῶν μεγίστων a 
τνχημάτων, πᾶσα δὲ ἡ νῆσος ἐκινδύνευσε πεσεῖν εἰς ἐξουσίαν δραπετιῶν.᾽ 


ALL SICILY CAPTURED BY THE SLAVES. 991 


dread of sack and pillage.” Among these were Tauro- 
manion and Catana, the place of refuge for the daughter 
of Damophilus and Megallis. As to Syracuse,” the great 
and long celebrated capital of Sicily, seat of the former 
proud tyrants, home of Dion, Plato’s friend, and center 
of the mechanical sciences of Archimides, the city whose 
hills were quarried and pierced into horrid dungeons—the 
suffocating latomies, where workingmen by thousands, un- 
comforted and forgotten, had worked and smothered for 
painful centuries to the delight of monsters such as Di- 
onysius ;—as to this formidable theatre of the lapicidinae, 
we are so far informed as to be able to say with a degree 
of certainty, that also this haughty mistress of the Med- 
iterranean fell before the rebel arms. ® 

Messana to the north, had been least abusive to these 
people when in bondage, and in consequence was spared. 
Yet even Messana made a strong resistance ; for situated 
on the strait separating Sicily from Italy, an important 
pivotal position by being almost as much Italian as Sicil- 
ian, it at last gave way.” 

The capture of this important seaport and stronghold 
was the immediate cause of the uprising or strike of the 
slaves and other working people, in large numbers, over 
on the Italian side, of which we give an account in another 
place. * 


Strabo, Geog. VI; Diod. frag. 11. 20, Orosius, V. 9. 

80From Diodorus we have one tattered fragment (ii. 9,) which makes 
it probable that Syracuse also fell into the rebels’ grasp. 

81 Elsewhere we have endeavored to show that there existed some un- 
explained reason for Plato’s strange experience amoung the fishermen of 
Syracuse and the motives ot D onysius in banishing him thither. P.ato was 
hated by the workingmen. The fishermen among whom he was re! gated 
certainly were organized; and they were in sympathy with the mercenary 
soldiers on strike because Dionysius reduced their pay. We herewith re- 
produce the words of Dr. Bucher in his text pp. 66-8 and footnote 4: ‘*Eunus 
war zuletz fast Herr der ganzen Insel geworden* ** wahrschein'ich selbst Syra- 
kus &. Diod, frag. 9: τοῖς καταφαγοῦσι τοὺς ᾿ἱερωμένους ἰχϑῦς οὐκ ἣν παῦλα 
τῶν κακῶν. τὸ γὰρ δαιμόνιον ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες εἰς παραδειγματισμὸν τοῖς ἄλλοις 
ἅπαντας τοὺς ἀπονενοημένους περιεῖδεν ἀβοηϑήτους. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἀκολούϑως τῇ 
παρὰ ϑεῶν κολάσει καὶ τῆς διὰ τῆς ἱστορίας βλασφημίας τετευχότες ἀπέλαυσαν 
τῆς δικαίας ἐπιτιμήσεως. Das Bruchstuck gehért hierher schon wegen: erin 
seiner Nachbarschaft stehenien fragm. der Exc. Vatic., welcue simmt- 
lich auf den Sklavenkrieg Bézug haben. Beiden ‘heiliegn Fisten” kann 
gur an die der Arethusa auf Oitnygia geducht werden. von welclien Diod. 
V, 3 Folgendes erzihlt: ταύτην (τὴν ᾿Δρέϑουσαν) ov μόνον κατὰ τοὺς ἀρχαίους 
χρόνους ἔχειν μεγάλους καὶ πολλοὺς ιχϑῦς, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἡλικίαν 
συμβαίνει διαμένειν τούτους, ἱιεροὺς ὄντας καὶ ἀϑίκτους ἀνϑρώποις. ἐξ ὧν πολλάκις 
τινῶν κατὰ τὰς πολεμικὰς περιστάσεις φαγόντων. παραδόξως ἐπεσήμηνα TO ϑεῖον 
καὶ μεγάλαις συμφοραῖς περιεβάλετο τοὺς τολμήσαντας προσενέγκασϑαι, mpi ὧς 
ἀκρεβὼς ἀναγράψομεν ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις χρόνοις 

*2 Orosius, Historiurwn Libri Adversus Paganos, V.6, 9; Julius Odse 
quens, De Prodigiis, I. 1. 82 Consult chapter Ix. Infra. 


τς = 
Fi 
a 


222 EUNUS. 


The terrible scuffle into which Rome was drawn, during 
these momentous times, together with the murder of Ti- 
berius Gracchus,” in B. C, 133, show how this mighty peo- 
ple were paralyzed by the labor problem of that century. 
But with the death of this powerful tribune and faithful 
friend of the poor, the fortunes of the victorious Eunus 
crumbled. The real but hidden cause of the compara- 
tively unobstructed career which had now held him king 
of Sicily fully 10 years, was probably not Rome’s inability 
to cope with him in military force and tactics; it was her 
social and political demoralization. It was an interreg- 

. of wills;—whether paganism should continue its reck- 
@ss course against nature, against justice, against human 
development, and cover the earth with slaves, or whether 


- 8 revolution against it should, in defiance of its haughty 


and despotic predilections and unbridled greed, be sub- 
mitted to. When we look back at the astonishing con- 
quest of Eunus and of his generals and men from this 
point of view we shall see the waves of the phenomena of 
ome’s final downfall then and there begun, roll back, 
together with many another dark political obscurity. 
Gracchus was not yet dead, but still in the vortex of 
his anti-slavery land agitation, spurred on by Blossius his 
devoted friend. C. Calpurnius Piso was one of the con- 
suls chosen for that year. On him devolved the command 
in Sicily. He arrived at Messana with a large force and 
finding it in possession of the slaves, laid siege to the city. 
After a severe storming the place fell into the hands of 
the Romans. As many as 8,000 slaves were slain and the 
prisoners captured were all crucified. Piso was a man of 
much nerve and business energy, combined with judg- 


“Plutarch. Tib. Gracchus, 9-14; Appian, De Bellis Cirlibus, lib. I. 9: 
"Μέχρι Τιβέριος Σεμπρώνιος Τράκχος, ἀνὴρ ἐπιφανὴς, καὶ λαμπρὸς ἐς φιλοτιμίαν, 
εἰπεῖν τε δυνατώτατος, καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε ὁμοῦ πάντων γνωριμώτατος ἅπασι δημαρχῶν. 
ἐσεμνολόγησε περὶ τοῦ ᾿Ιταλικοῦ γένους, ὡς εὐπολεμωτάτου τε καὶ συγγενοῦς, φθειρο- 
μένον δὲ κατ᾽ ὀλίγον ἐς ἀπορίαν καὶ ὀλιγανδρίαν, καὶ οὐδὲ ἐλπίδα ἔχοντος ἐς διόρ- 
θωσιν. “Ent δὲ τῷ δουλικῷ δυσχεράνας, ὡς ἀστρατεύτῷ, καὶ οὔποτε ἐς δεσπότας πιςτι, 
τὸ ἔναγχος ἐπήνεγκεν ἐν Σικεγίᾳ δεσποτῶν πάθος ὑπὸ θεραπόντων γενόμενον, ηὐξη- 
μένων κἀκείνων ἀπὸ γεωργίας. καὶ τὸν ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς Ῥωμαίων πόλεμον, οὐ ῥᾷδιον, 
οὐδὲ βραχὺν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔς τε μῆκος χρόνον, καὶ τροπὰς κινδύνων ποικίλας ἐκτραπενυτα. 
Ταῦτα δὲ εἰπὼν, ἀνεκαίνιζε τὸν νόμον᾽ Μηδένα τῶν πεντακοςίων πλέθρων πλεον 
ἔχειν. Παισὶ δ᾽ αὐτῶν, ὑπὲρ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον προσετίθει τὰ ἡμίσεα πούτων" καὶ 1 ἣν 
λοιπὴν, τρεῖν αἰρετοὺς ἄνδρυς, ἐναλλασσομένους κατ᾽ ETOS, διανέμειν νοῖς πένησι" 
Wordsworth. Fragments of Early Latin, p. 221. We heve in the preceding 
chapter, giving an account of the great epedemic of strikes and ἃ; visines 
which were occurring almos' everyWkere in the Roman territory, caused 
entirely by a profound and honest dissatisfaction among the laboring ; eople. 


TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. 22: 


ment. In addition to this, he must have had a large army. 
All we possess of the facts are hints touching the main 
events; the particulars are left to be drawn by inference, 
Certain it is that his force was large enough to assure him 
in the bold adventure of attacking Fnna; and judging by 
comparison with the magnitude of the Roman armies af- 
terwards sent to subdue Spartacus, * he could not have 
had fewer than 75,000 or 100,000 men. Considering the 
results positively known, it may be no boldness to pre- 
sume that his army was at least 80,000 strong. 

The insurrectionary armies on the other hand, were, 
without doubt, greatly demoralized by their hitherto un- 
failing successes. They were now no longer s!aves, but a 
host of ignorant and superstitious freedmen regaling un: 
hindered in wantonness and luxury, having had 10 years 
of security, constantly under the delusion that king Fu- 
nus, if not himself an immortal, was at least in daily inter- 
course with Ceres, whom nobody dared imagine to be less 
than the powerful protecting goddess of that island. 
Thus fortified in delusions confirmed, they had in course of 
these ten years of good fortune, begun to relax their vig- 
ilance, leaving to the supernatural, the power which alone 
their own strong, well-directed arms could accomplish. 
Things were in consequence, now in perfect readiness for 
Rome to triumph over the rebellion. 

Piso, instead of waiting to skirmish with the generals 
of Eunus, marched directly to his stronghold. It was a 
bold strike; and affords us an excellent exhibit of his cour- 
age and judgment. He was no communist; and an in- 
stance proving this is recorded which clearly shows that 
socialistic theories were being discussed in those anc ent 
days, by rich and poor: In the fierce struggle which re- 
sulted in the murder of the Gracchi, this same Piso said to 
one of these stanch advocates of the rights of labor, as he 
railed against the growing spirit of equality threatening 
extinction to the proud Roman gens and making inroads 
upon the tribunes and the senate: “It is not with my will 
and consent that you desire to divide your property; but 
should you do 80 1 shall demand my share.”* The slaves 
were socialists, enjoying their booty in common; and it 


86 See chapter xi. below. 
®Cicero Tusculanarum Di putationm Librt INK. 20, 48. 


- 


δ, ᾿ς EUNUS. 


could not be expected that any leniency would be shown 
them by Piso. 

According to our authority, Piso, after the capture of 
Messana, turned his campaign directly toward Eunus’ 
sitadel on the heights of Enna. A captain of cavalry led 
his force too incautiously and got into an ambush laid by 
the mutineers where he met with some loss in arms, men 
and horses. Piso singled him out as a coward. He was 
humiliated, and barefoot and almost naked, obliged to 
stai ἃ before the tent as a watch, forbidden to speak with 
his comrades or to enjoy his baths. Those left of the 
defeated cavalry were ordered to give up their horses and 
go into the company of slingers." The object of this se- 
vere meusure was to thoroughly impress the Roman sol- 
diers with the almost deadly results to them, of a failure 
through disobedience or lack of bravery. On the other 
hand, both leadersand rank and file were rewarded for an 
act of valor. Valerius Maximus“ also tells a story of Pi- 
80's own son, who for having performed some meritorious 
act in this campaign, wes awarded a gold cross weighing 
three pounds, which he was requested by his father to pre- 
serve 2nd wear after he had returned to Rome and it had 
been publicly presented. This had the effect to fill the 
minds of all with emulation, adding dash and intrepidity 
while doubtless dispelling ἃ superstitious fear of the long 
victorious slaves. . 

At last the Roman legions arrived before the walls of 
Enna and immediately laid siege. We are indebted to 
Dr. Biicher’s invaluable dissertation, referring us to Dr. 
Bockh’s inscriptions often used by us; for without his 
mention we might have missed certain palseographs that 
shed light upon the otherwise unwritten pages of Piso’s 
siege of Enna.” On the northern steep of the city isa 
great rock from which the slave women flung headlong 
the living form of Megallis, wife of Damophilus.” To 

εἴ Valerius Maximus, Fact. Dict. Mem. II. 7. 9. 8 Td. IV. 8, 10. 

89 Buch, Avjstdnde. 5.14. note 1 reads: ‘‘Ritchl. P. L. M. VII. 1: 
Inscriptionum Latinarum, (Bockh)jno. 642 sq. vgl. Nitsch a. a. O.Seiie 
949. Aus dem zw:<iten Sicilischen Aufstande: Corp. Inser. Gree. Bockh 
No. 5570, 5687, 8748, z. Th. mit dem Namen des Atherion. No. 6748 ans 
Leontini mit der Aufschrift APAMEO geht vielleicht auf dem APAMEER 
Eunus. Corp. Inee, Lat No 646. Sq. stammen wohl aus dem Fechta;- 
krieg.” We however subjoin the remark that Diodorus mentions Athenion 
as having likewise been of Apamea—a point which the learned phile 


tegist may have overlooked. 
~ Gee eurrent chapter, page 215 


THE SIEGE OF ENNA, 225 


this day there are occasionally found, on and about this 
rock, balls from the Roman catapults which were hurled 
at the walls of the beleagueredcity during that siege,” 
These relics of Roman projectiles have the name, L. Piso 
inscribed upon them; as they are found in quantities, ” 
the circumstance goes far to attest the prodigious mag- 
nitude of the siege, as well as the great leneth of time 
that must have been consumed before the place fell into 
the Roman consul’s hands. In fact, it did not fall before 
the sword of Piso. He was, in some mysterious manner, re- 

ulsed; being probably many times attacked and repelled 
© the sorties of Cleon. At last he is found in the nar- 
rative back on the east coast having without a shadow of 
doubt, been driven there by the slave-king. 

In B.C. 132, P. Rupilius waschosen consul at Rome. As 
just hinted, Piso had met with some unchronicled disaster 
at the hands of the stubborn rebels of Eunus, who had in 
their turn, taken the offensive and surged him back to 
the sea.” Rupilius had already held office in Sicily under 
8 joint stock company and had made a large fortune in 
the capacity of a land speculator, During his official life 
there he had acquired a good knowledge of the roads and 
Se objective points of the island.“ It was this same 

upilius who, with Popilejus Lenus, urged and in some 
degree consummated the persecutions of Gracchus, whose 
revival of the ancient Licinian law and whose socialistic 
oratory had enraged the land and slave-holding aristocracy 


% Bickh. 2. Be nos, 642, & 646? CO. I. ΘΟ. 5570, 5687, 5738; Ritehl. 
ΚΗ, C, 1. 1. 5748 gives the word ApamEo f,e: ‘Eunus 


. VII. 86; Clic. Tuse. IV. 17,40; Lest. 10, 20, 73, 40, 
% Buch. Δ. D. unfr. Arb. 8. 78. 

Μ Valerius Maximus, Factorum Dicierumqus Memorabitia, ib. WI. 9, 8; 
Bilefert. Erster sicilisch. Sklavenkrieg 8. 85, note 57, ‘*Pseundoascon, in Verr. 
0 Ῥ 212: Ῥ. Rupilius qaondam ex publicano ΓἈοΐπ8 consul. Valer. Max. VI, 
9, 8 erziihit sogar, dasa er peaprang ch, ein Diener der Staatspichter gewesen 

ei: P. Ropiifus non publicanom Sicilia egit, sed operas publicanis dedit 
dem ultimam inopiam snam, aactorato wociis officio, sustentavit —Er war ein 
Freund deg jingern Scipio bic. Lael. 19. Als Consul fihrte er zu Anfang 
soinos eee mit seinem Collegen Popillius Laenas die Untersuchung 

en die Mitechuldigen des Tib. Gracchus (Cic. Lael. 11, Val, Max. IV, 7, 1) 

ach Vellei. Pat. 11, 7 wurde er wegen der Strenge, mit welcher diese Unter- 
spuchung gefhrt wurde, gleich Popillius vor Gericht gezogen, wihrend andere 
Schrifsteller nur von dcr Verfolgung des Letztern durch C. Graccus sprechen. 
ve. Pauly's RE. V.1900. Er endete spiter.plétzlich aus Aerger uud Schreck 
fiber die misslungene Bewerbuug scines Bruders um 88 Consulat. Cic. Tusc, 
TV,17. {rrthtimlich nennt @berigens Florus II], 19 den Perperna als den Be 
sleger der Sklaven.” 


265 EUNUS. 


of Pome to a high pitch and caused his murder by a mob 
of the nobility the year before, while Piso was vainly be- 
- sleging Eunus at Enna. Such a man would therefore, 
naturally be selected by them as a proper person to con- 
fide in, if sent to quell the great uprising of their chattels 
in Sicily, It does not appear however, that Rupilius as- 
sumed command of Piso’s army immediately on his elec- 
tion to the consulship. But that he superseded him® is 
certain; for his trouble with the unreliableness of his own 
troops is spoken of by a number of the old writers. * A 
son-in-law of Rupilius, Q. Fabius, commander-in-chief of 
@ division of Piso’s army, had been defeated at ‘lauroma- 
nion on the eastern coast of Sicily, losing the citadel, a 
stronghold of much value. This had proved a triumph to 
the revolutionists. But it appears to have been re-taken 
by Piso in some subsequent struggle. ” 

Rupilius on assuming command, found Tauromanion 
again in the possession of Cleon and Eunus. Asa pun- 
ishment, Fabius was deprived of his command and com- 
pelled to quit the island. Rupilius then resolved to lay 
siege to Tauromanion. The besieged fought desperately 
and by an exhibit of courage and impetuosity threw back 
the Roman forces, driving them into a corner. Still Ku- 
pilius was not overcome. Rallying, he attacked the de- 
fenses of the slaves and checked their opportunity to do 
great damage. He then closed them in and began the 
process of starvation with all the malignant obstinacy of a 
Roman warrior. How long the siege lasted is not quite 
apparent; but in time, the provisions began to disappear. 
Hunger at last made its gaunt and ghastly tread into the 
abodes of the besieged, turning brave men into cannibals 
and making life a lottery by adding a horror of the car- 
nivore to the pang of death. The poor wretches first at- 
tacked their own children and devoured their flesh; and 
then with the true beastliness of the gunzcophage, they 


98 Buch. 85. 74, %Valer. Max. VI. 9, 8, 

% Diod. frag. ii. § 20. Pager Max. IX. 12; Oros. V. 9; Flor. a 19, 

77d V.11, .7, 3 :Flor. IIT. 
Diod. XXXIV, frag. fi 20. Kara δὲ 'Σικελίαν ηὔξετο τὸ κακόν, καὶ πόλεις ἥλίσκοντφ 
αὗταν. δροι καὶ πολλὰ στρατόπεδα ὑ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστατῶν κατεκόπησαν, ἕως Ῥουπίλιοφ 
ὁ “Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς τὸ Ταυρομένιον ἀνεσώσατο Ῥωμαίοις, καρτερῶς μὲν αὐτὸ 
πολιορκήσας, καὶ εἰς ἄφατον ἀνάγκην καὶ λιμὸν τοὺς ἀποςτάτας συγκλείσας, ὥςτε 
ἀρξαμέν, ous ἐκ ποίδων βορᾶς καὶ διελθόντας διὰ γυναικῶν μηδὲ τῆς αὑτῶν δλληλοφαν- 
ja, μνδ᾽ ὅλως φείσασθαι. 


CANNIBALISM; WONDERFUL DEATH OF COMA. 227 


sated their wolfish appetites on the flesh and the innocent 
blood of women and other adults who could not fight. * 

Tauromanion was commanded by Cleon’s brother, Co- 
manus. In a moment of extreme desperation the latter, 
half dead with the grip of famine made an attempt to es- 
cape. He was however, detected issuing from the walls 
of the doomed city. Arrested and led before his hated 
enemy, the inexorable Rupilius, he was questioned regard- 
ing the power of his comrades within the fortifications, 
their objects and hopes of escape. The hour of the bold 
man of terrors had come. Never deigning an answer, with 
an almost unheard-of force of will, the man, after a wild 
moment’s pause and a withering stare, covered his head 
with his mantle, drew in his breath, and by a superhuman 
strugele at self-command, refused to breathe again, dying 
amidst and before the astonished gaze of, Rupilius and 
his guards!” 

Finally the Romans succeeded in battering through 
the lower wall a gap and thus forced an entrance. But 
there yet remained an excellent and almost impregnable 
citadel into which the besieged took refuge as the Romans 
entered the breach. Here again they safely held them- 
selves for a time, until through a treachery of one of the 
commanders, the Romans were admitted. 

The scene which followed must be imagined; it cannot 
be described, With a spirit of relentless vengeance Ru- 
pilius tied the helpless, writhing prisoners fast, until his 
soldiers could have time to erect a multitude of gibbets ; 
then in the frightful manner of all Roman criminals nd 
the proletarian outcasts, they were hung upon the igno- 
minious cross. Afterwards their bodies were hurled down 
all precipices which formed an escarpment of the cita- 
del.” Little indeed is preserved of this awful martyrdom 
but a variety of broken gems corresponding withthe main 
body of our narrative, are extant, which leave us the con- 
jecture that its language falls short of the ghastly truth. 

It is fair here to state on the other hand that a similar 
cruelty and want of feeling characterized the men in re- 
bellion. Their vote at the first deliberative council de- 


989 Diod. frag. ii. 8.20: Oros. V. 9. 
99 Val. Max. IX. 12, exc. 1. 
lCompare Siefert, S. 22 with Bucher, S. 75, 


228 EUNUS. 


claring for the butcher-knife policy was an edict inhuman 
and unworthy of a cause so exalted as that of freedom. 
Nor do we, except under the sagacious Acheeus, find that 
they once deviated from this cruel and almost internecine 
policy which may have tended to harden the spirit in Ru- 
pilius, of revenge, retaliation aud ferocity. 

Rupilius, having now partially quenched a blood-thirst- 
ing spirit on these victims, marched directly forEnna, On 
his arrival he found the place an almost natural fortress, as 
difficult to storm as Tauromanion. Upon one side asim- 
ilar precipice formed a natural wall, impregnable under 
any assault, The only thing practicable was to besiege 
the place, wait until the enemy’s stores gave out and ap- 
ply for a second time, the process of starvation. Cleon, 
the hitherto unconquerable commander-in chief, held the 
fort. Hunus and his retinue had also gone back thither, 
before the siege of Tauromanion opened. Achzeus is lost 
sight of. He is mentioned as dead; but from what cause 
is unknown. Comanus had fallen at Tauromanion. At 
the sieve, there frequently occurred sorties of bodies of 
volunteers who would sometimes dash with precipitation 
from within the walls, cutting, wounding and taking pris- 
oners, numbers often of the consul’s best men. In one of 
these sallies Cleon, the intrepid chief, now mainstay of the 
already worn out and fainting slaves, was the leader in 
person. The number of the party this time proved in- 
sufficient to cope with the force which Rupilius detailed 
against them and in an effort to extricate them from the 
peril Cleon himself, in a hand to hand conflict, fell mor- 
tally wounded, a prisoner of the Romans, and expired. 

When the news of the death of this loved and trusted 
leader came to the ears of Eunus and his people, a gen- 
eral gloom overspread the city. Courage was shattered. 
The king himself lost hope. His faith forsook him and 
he shrank in horror and despair. Now followed the work 
of that perfidious, cruel, with ancient workingmen’s or- 
ganizations, ever-present pest, the traitcr. As at Setia, at 
Sunion, at Tauromanion, so here at Enna, this dangerous 
gorgon of insidiousness and villainy was at his post with 
fair words and foul intrigue ready to work his deadly poi- 
son for the enemy and against a friend and thus the keyg 
to the gates of the city were soon after the death of Cleon, 


DEATH OF CLEON. THE IGNOBLE CROSS 229 


delivered to the workingmen’s implacable foe, Enna fell 
into the hands of the Romans. 

The wholesale slaughter of the people, all of whom were 
captured, is an untraced horror. <All that we are told by 
the hints left in fragments of its historians and seen in later 
commentaries, is that 20,000 of them, including the catas- 
trophe of Tauromanion, bit the dust. The multitude of 
soldiers, of the aged, of women and children who suffered 
by sword and cross in other parts of Sicily, may be easily 
imagined. But at Enna the crucifix for weeks was a busy 
demon of retribution, A sullen gleam of joy seems to 
have lit the workers of revenge and to have made the 
glare of the firebrands of torture and the sobs and moans 
of the helpless in their hour of agony so cruelly prolonged, 
moments of a true elysium to the maddened aristocracy 
with souls steeped in competition whose glaives wreaked 
as they slashed from heart to heart of these vanquished 
representatives of labor.” 

Eunus who had, during his day of fortune, given him- 
self up to luxury and perhaps gluttony, had probably be- 
come demoralized and with him many others.’” A whole 
people, suddenly changed from abject slavery and degra- 
dation into affluence, becomes in turn, the arrogant mas- 
ter, the owner, lord; and enters and occupies a condition 
utterly unnatural to their expectations, however well it 
may conform to their tastes. The result is voluptuous- 
ness and degeneracy. The ten years’ uninterrupted reign 
of Eunus may have resulted in jealousies and internal dis- 
tempers. How Achzus came to his end is unknown; but 
suspicion points to some fatal feud between him and Cleon, 

The great army of 200,000 soldiers’” at the time of the 
junction of Achzeus and Cleon is no longer in view upon 
the arrival of Piso and the first siege of Enna. Where 
were these legions, invincible at the outbreak of the war? 
What had occurred internally? 

Kunus lost-all hope and courage at the death of Cleon; 
and as Rupilius entered, shrank from his kingly seat and 
fled with a thousand guards, equally bereft of courage, 

10] Siefert, 22: “Die Sklaven wurden unter Martern getédtet, meist von 
den hohen Felsen gestirzt. Auch hier (bei Henna) wurden Tausende nieder 
gehauen; die Gesammtzahl der in TauroOmenion und Henna getédteten Sklaven 
betrug ΘΓ zwanzigtausend,” 102 Buch. 5. 76, 


108 Diod, XXXIV. frag, ii; Siefe:t, S. 29; Buch. 85. 65. Bucher and 
Siefert are agreed in putting the number at 200,000, Livy, Cleon alone, 70,000. 


230 EZUNUS. 


hoping to escape to an inaccessible cleft or hiding place 
in the mountain. This rift of rocks wth its trembling con- 
tents was soon discovered by a straggling party of Roman 
troops. Physical force was at an end and the omnipotent 
powers of the humiliated prophet were now all that his ad- 
herents had to fall back upon for succor. The Romans 
approached and commenced furiously the work of arrest. 
Seeing that the goddess had withdrawn her arm of pro- 
tection, the guards of Eunus, rather than suffer the hor- 
rors of the cruel and ignominious crucifixion, fell to mu- 
tual extermination and by a desperate inter-suicide, rob- 
bed the gibbet of its prey. Eunus with his cook, his baker, 
his bath attendant and “king’s fool,” ™ having no courage 
for mutual self-destruction, hid in a deep crevice of the 
crag. Thither the inexorable Romaus followed and drag- 
ged them out. They then hung his kitchen mates upon 
& Cross. 

As to Eunus, he was first taken to the dungeon of Mor- 
gantion, under guard; afterwards, according to Plutarch, 
to Rome, (probably the carcer Tullianus, or one of the 
underground Mamertine caves) where in excruciating mis- 
ery, covered with vermin and seething in filth, darkness 
and terror, he ended his extraordinary life.” 

Rupilius was a man too thorough to leave his work un- 
finished. He sent powerful detachments into every part 
of Sicily wherever his scouts brought intelligence of any 
group of rebels still at large. Great numbers of them 
were seized, brought into head-quarters and thence taken 


tes Diod, XXXIV. frag. fi. 22. 

1% Diod. XXXIV. frag. ii. 23. Dind. “*Kat παραδοθεὶς cig φυλακήν, καὶ τοῦ 
σώματοςαὐτοῦ διαλυθέντος εἰς φθειρῶν πλῆθος, οἰκείως τῆςπερὶ αὐτὸν ῥᾳδιουργίας 
κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον ἐν τῇ Mopyavtive;” Livy, Epit. ΧΟ: ‘‘Capitur, carcere a 
pediculis devoratur ;” Plutarch, in Life of Sylla. 37, says; “Thi 
abcess,” speaking of Sylla, ‘‘corrupted his flesh turning it all into lice.” *** 
‘We are told thatamong the an ients, Acastus, son of Pelias, died of this 
sickness; and of those that come nearer our times, Alemen the poet, Pher- 
e ydes the divine, Callisthenes δ᾽ e Olynthian who was kept in close prison, 
and Muciusthe lawyer. Andafter these we may take noti e of a man who 
did uot distinguish himself by anything laudable, but was noted in anotier 
way, it may be mentioned that the fugitive slave Eunus, who kindled up the 
servile war in Sicily and was afterwards taien and carried to Rome, died 
there of this disease;’’ Siefert 22 ‘‘Mit 4 seiner Diener, dem Koch, dem Biicker, 
dem Badesklaven und dem Lustigmacher warderin einer Hélhe gelangen 
Er star) im Gefdngniss an der Lausekrankieit entweder zu Morgantion oder 


Ron.” Acecrding to Prudenti:s (tiymn V,) the ancient cavern ;.riso ng 
were consiructed with au object τὸ roduce a8 much torture as possible, 
Other asecient authors agree ip conveying the idea that human ingenuity was 


faxed | οὐ @ut such bells. 


“:“ VIOASLKUUS BAY. 23] 


to the many Dionysian quarries or lapicidinae, dungeons 
for which Sicily was famous, and those found guilty ‘of di- 
rect participation in the uprising were crucified. But 
these latter were the most numerous share. All the rest 
were re-delivered to their masters to receive worse treat- 
ment than before. 

Such was the first servile war in Sicily; the greatest 
labor rebellion or strike, on record in any country or at 
any time. It was a most suggestive matter; being in- 
spired by, based upon, animated, from its inception and 
all through by grievances against the conditions regulating 
laborand relying upon the superstitions idea of a Mes- 
siah, fervently believed, among the ancient poor, to be 
{heir pre omised eee 


Sx, nck re | | 
a Paget Acarics YW rae δεῖς Jaa 92’ 247, 


CHAPTER X. 


ΔΑΒ ΘΝ LES: 
A BLOODY STRIKE IN ASIA MINOR. 


Freepuen, BonpsMen, Tramps and Illegitimates Rise against Op- 
pression—Oontagion of monster Strikes—Again the Irasci- 
ble Plan of Rescue tried—Aristonicus of Pergamus—Story 
of the Murder of Titus Gracchus and of 300 Land Reformers 
by a Mob of Nobles at Rome—Blossius, a Noble, Espouses 
the Cause of the Workingmen—He goes to Pergamus—The 
Heliopolitai—The Commander of the Labor Army overpow- 
ers all Resistance—Battle of Leuca—Overthrow of the Rom- 
ans— Death of Orassus—Arrival of the Consul Paperna—De- 
feat of the Insurgents—Their Punishment—Discouragement 
and Suicide—Aristonicus strangled, Thousands crucified and 
the Oause Lost—Old Authors Quoted. 


THE great uprising or strike, partly of slaves and partly 
of freedmen, artisans and farmers at Pergamus and in its 
vicinity, was to some extent the result of the abortive slave 
revolution in Sicily just described. It is interesting to 
the student of sociology, but especially so to the student 
of social life in antiquity, in many respects, if for no other 
reason than that it occurred but a short distance from 
Palestine with its Nazareth, its Jerusalem, its thousand 
memorable scenes that 163-166 years afterwards cradled 
and founded the mightier, more imperishable revolu- 
tion of Christianity which aimed the final blow at slavery. 

Pergamus, on the river Guicus, was, at the time of this 
story, a beautiful city, already ancient in years and vicis- 
situdes. Attalus 111., a son of Eumenes, a freaky, cruel 
and jealous monarch, ruled the place from B.C. 138 to 
133, when at his death he transferred it without a con- 


RESULTS OF GRACCHUS ASSASSINATION. 9858 


est to the Romans; so that it was a Roman possession 
when our story begins. The official news of this testa- 
ment of Attalus was delivered to the delighted Roman 
Senate in the early fall of Β. Ο 1383. There had been a 
great turmoil in Rome, occasioned by the abortive attempt 
of Titus Gracchus to restore the Licivian law, making it 
acrime for any person to hold more than 590 acres of 
land. The entire aristocracy had combined with the 
most unscrupulous and desperate resistance against Grac- 
chus; and that same year had murdered him for daring 
to propose a measure which might curtail their arrogant 
and altogether iliegal seizure and appropriation of the 
public domain, ager pudblicus,; tinus building up a landed 
aristocracy. The poor people, freedmen and slaves, had 
been intensely interested in the resulis of the commotion, 
which in the assassination of Gracchus by the lords and the 
overthrow of his noble measure, had been a disaster to 
them. Finally the defeat of Eunus and his army of revo- 
lutionists in Sicily, at that moment accomplished by Rupil- 
ius, added to the woe of the entire plebeian cass. But 
now, as if this misfortune was not enough ‘o fill their 
cup of bitterness, the news arrives from Asia Δ που, a 
country in which the trade and labor unions were move 
splendidly organized than almost any other part of ine 
world,’ that Pergamus and the whole rich province of 
Eumenes and his successors, was, without a strugele, 
turned over to the greedy Romans, with its besutiful and 
fertile valleys of the Guicus and tributaries, to become 
the scene of human slavery andits extended horrors. Al- 
ready this terrible institution was planted there, compet- 
ing with free labor. But this free labor is proved by ihe 
inscriptions to have been so well organized and so self- 
sustaining that it could exist under almost any government 
except that of the conquering, trampling Komans. The 
news, then, that Pergamus had been deeded to Rome, 
without even consulting her people, was a mourniul slia iow 
which the proletarian class, if we judge by what followed, 
certainly interpreted to mean the doom of liberty and or- 
ganization. Plutarch thinks that human slavery and its 
booty had much to do with this strange transaction, which 
allorded Gracchus 4 chance to argue for an uumediate 


> Bee chapters mix and xxl 


3834 ARISTONICUS. 


distribution of money and lands, left in the testament of 
the dead king, among the poor, under this new agrarian 
measure which had actually passed and become a law.’ 
Of course such a proposition only exasperated the Roman 
lords to the frenzy which burst into a tumultuous mob 
and ended in that eloquent, well-meaning tribune’s violent 
death, followed by a great insurrection or mob of the 
Roman lords and the murder of over 300 work people at 
Rome. ‘there has been considerable comment by the his- 
torians and others, as to the legality of the testament of 
Attalus,* who at the time of his death is thought by his 
strange conduct to have been insane. 

Attalus had a half brother named Aristonicus, a natural 
son of Humenes bya woman of the place who was a daughter 
of a musician whom probably the royal family had em- 
ployed. According to a clause in the law of succession it 
appears that this person, now a strong, ambitious and vig- 
orous man,was the real heir apparent to the throne, al- 
though only half noble and the other half plebeian by 
birth. He certainly submitted with a bad grace to the 
arbitrary testament of the dead king, which, it was sus- 
ees had been accomplished through intriguing Roman 
awyers often seen hovering about the palace. Aristoni- 
cus entered his claim to the throne immediately after the 
tyrant’s death. He entered into the new project with 
energy. Nor was he without friends, The largest part of 
the kingdom favored his pretention. There were many 
cities of some dimensions lying in the valleys of the river 
Guicus and its tributaries, nearly all of which determined 
for him from the start as their future king. By the ap- 
pvarance of things Aristonicus was not only one of the 
common people but very popular among them. Like the 


2 Plutarch, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, 14, Oros. ¥. 8. Gracchus had not 
met his fate when Eudamus delivered the testament of Attalus to the Romana, 

3 Livy, Epitom. LVIII., LVIX.. which give us enough to show that Livy also 
wrote the history of this great mutiny which he calls a bellum servile. Oros. V. 
8,10. Strabo, XIII. Sallust, 1V, Historiarum Populi Romant Libri, fragments 
‘Eumenem, cujus amicitiam gloriose ostentant. initio prodidere Antiocho paci. 
nercedem; post Attaluin custodem agri captivi sumtibus et contumeliis ex 
ege miserrumum servorum effecere: simulatoque impio testamento, filiam ejus 
Aristonicum, qaia patrium regnum petiverat, hostium more per triumphim 
juxere: Asiaab ipsis obsessa est: postremo totam Bithyniam, Nicomede mortuo, 
liripuere, cnm filing Nus, quam reginam appellaverant. genitus haud dubie 
‘sset.” biich. Aufis. 5. 103. 
te XXXIV., frags. ii. and {1i, Oros. Υ͂. 10. Strabo, XIV. p, 646, Polyl 


OITIZENS OF THE SUN. 235 


rest, he was a castaway. Rome haughtily refused to re- 
cognize his claim. A number of cities like Colophon, 
Myndum, and thickly populated places as Samos, even if 
they wished to side with him, were afraid of the Romans. 
To secure them it was necessary to use armed force. 
Aristonicus soon found himself at the head of a consider- 
able army and also a little navy consisting of a number 
of ships. From the palace he had obtained some money 
and with it he hired Thracian freedmen as mercenaries, a 
common practice of those times. Besides these, many of 
the soldiers were those who formerly had done duty for 
his brother. 

The Ephesians, seeing the turn things were taking sent 
a fleet against him which completely destroyed his little 
squadron near the coast opposite Cyme. Aristonicus now 
determined to depend upon trying his fortunes by land. 

Great numbers of slaves having heard of the success of 
Eunus in Sicily, and fearing, as well they might, that the 
occupation of Pergamus by the Romans would result in 
their worse degradation, were ready to welcome the new 
adventurer. The organized freedmen had cause for still 
greater fears. It was at the commencement of those days 
of persecution of trade unions by the Romans which cul- 
minated B. C. 58, in a law for their suppression.’ The 
workingmen of antiquity possessed means of conveying 
intelligence of their hopes, fears and methods from one 
center or post to another; and it is ascertained that in 
this war of the pretender to the throne of Pergamus, large 
numbers, not only of slaves, but also of freedmen joined 
bis army, although it was always known as the servile war. 

In the interior he found the slaves already in rebellion. 
They had raised in a great insurrection, murdered their 
masters, taken possession of their estates* and were or- 
ganizing an army when Aristonicus appeared before them 
making overtures for their mutual assistance. He offered 
them their freedom and a respectable place in the army. 
He promised them that on the result of success he would 
build up a state based on their ideal of freedom and equal- 
ity as had been advocated in the meetings of the unions, 


5 See chaps. xii to xviii, containing full accounts with foot notes of proot 
reference. 
‘Diod. XXXIV, frag, lil. 


236 ARISTONICUS. 


The eranoi and thiasoi" existed in great nambers on thia 
coast of Asia Minor, especially at Cyme, Pergamos and 
Samos. These, in common with those in Greece, Syria, and 
the islands, had established a culture of democracy. The 
promise made to these confiding people was that they should 
have the enjoyment of their rights guaranteed them and 
should be made full citizens; their state which the new 
monarch was to govern for them was to be the “ sun” among 
nations and they were to be the ennobled, dazzling citizens 
of the sun, Heliopolitat. Such a condition bespoke almost 
the opposite of what they had ever seen in human govern- 
ment. The old groundwork of Greek government was one 
of lordship and bondsmen, dividing mankind by a gap so 
wide that it could scarcely be passed by leaps of fortune or 
aptitude. Yet they seem to have been able to comprehend 
the force of these promises. The discussions they had pre- 
viously had in their societies had prepared them to receive 
and appreciate the promise. On the other hand they were 
to work with an obedient will and help the new king to estab- 
lish himself on the throne. Dr. Biicher* points out that 
the dazzling idea of becoming such citizens of the sun was 
what enraptured and won the slaves of Enna and all Sicily 
over to Eunus during the great servile war. The more 
ancient Syrian religion had been that of sun-worship, and 
their sun-god was equivalent in power and importance to 
the Greck Jove. The Syrians had an idea that their sun- 
worship was done to a sun-god and goddess; the god being 
equal to Jupiter and the goddess to Demeter or Ceres. So 
we hear of Hunus pretending to be the chosen representa- 
tive of Ceres, who made the sun warm the fruits of the 
earth. Like the Greek gods who dwelt on the height of 
Olympus the ouranos or vaulted dome of heaven, so Adad 
and Atarzatis, the sun-god and goddess of the Syrians,” had 
their celestial home on the plateau eminence between the 
twin mountains of Lebanon, at the source of the Orontes, 
whose waters swept the foot of Antioch. Sun and earth 


1 For eranos and thiasos, the ancient Greek-speaking labor unions, see chap. 
xix. infra. 

8 Ue mae der Unfreien Arbeiier, S. 106, ‘‘ Der name der Hellopoliten weist 
darauf hin, dass es derselbe war durch welchen Eunus seine Syrer fanatisirte.” 

9 Macrobius Salurnaliorum LAbri, I, 13, 10, Eyssenhardt, 13638: --Assyvii quoque 
golem sub nomine Jovis, quem Δία ἩἩλιουπολίτην cognominant, maximis cerimo- 
niis celebrant in civitate quae Heliopolis nunc ipatur ” 

iv Strabo ΧΙ]. 


HIS FIRST VICTORIES. 237 


are within their power which is all that is glory, goodness 
and light. Thus these poor enslaved beings, stunted by 
hard labor and sufferings, either as slaves under the master’s 
lash or as freedmen whose organizations are threatened or 
broken up, and whose business is lost—they being already 
in a state of insurrection—quickly grasped the offer of Aris- 
tonicus and became his soldiers. 

Thus began another great strike or uprising of the labor- 
class; this time in far off Asia Minor, that was destined to 
add one more link to the already immense concatenation of 
circumstances leading to the great revolution of Jesus, But 
it may be looked upon as a most necessary thing in the 
stubborn logic of a fiat, in order that mankind might be 
taught the utter fallacy of any vengeful policy based upon 
the purely irascible, combating the acquisitive or concupis- 
cent impulses of human nature. 

Aristonicus began the war with slaves and freedmen as 
soldiers, in a manner similar to that of Eunus. His object 
was to become a king over a socialistic state. We are not 
aware of the number of cities that refused him, but it must 
have been considerable." These he stormed and on forcing 
an entrance, plundered and treated with cruelty. The first 
city taken was Thyratira; the next Apollonis—large towns 
built by the Atalz and Seleucide. 

Conquest followed and city after city fell into the hands 
of the pretender and his rebel army. This successful cam- 
paign continued until we find them in possession of the en- 
tire kingdom. Nothing is imparted to us in regard to 
whether the neighboring slaves rebelled against their mas- 
ters, in imitation of these proceedings at Pergamus. 

At Rome, little or nothing was done during the year B. 
C. 133-132, to quell the new uprising in Asia. The great 
city was still trembling midst the cyclonic billows of the 
Gracchan revolt. Thenew servile wars at Rome and Capua, 
excited to a high pitch by the affair of Gracchus and his 
agrarian law was a dangerous rekindling of the war of Kunus. 
Titus Gracchus during this period was assassinated, as we 
shall soon relate, and a large detachment of the Roman army 
was still absent in Sicily under Rupilius, putting down th> 


11 Sallust wrote a full history of the war but his details are all gone. Noth- 
ing of his valuable history remains except fragments, some of them so broken 
as to contain only half a jine. 


298 ARISTONICUS. 


immense social upheaval recounted in the preceding chapter. 

Thus, for a short time Rome had no time to turn atten- 
tion toward her new territory of Pergamus bequeathed her 
by Attalus ITI. When the news, however, reached the city 
that the pretender was earnestly and successfully making 
headway and with the armed proletaries, rapidly achieving 
their object, the Romans awoke to a realization of the truth. 
But wherever the promise of booty showed itself they were 
seldom known to lie negligent or apathetic. 

The two consuls for the year 131 were P. Licinius Cras- 
sus Mucianus and L. Valerius Flaccus. According to an 
old usage, Licinius Crassus was the Pontifix Maximus, and 
as such, through a religious superstition, could not leave 
Italy. Pagan religion also interposed against the other con- 
sul taking the field; he being Flamen Martialis to his col- 
league There arose a dispute among the senators, and the 
illustrious name of Scipio Africanus was brought up for the 
general command of the expedition. But this plan was re- 
jected and it was at last resolved to send Crassus, who had 
been one of the ardent friends of Gracchus and his land re- 
form, and for this reason was beloved by the common peo- 
ple. Another reason for preferring him for the command 
of the expedition was, that he was not only master of the 
Greek but also spoke its Asiatic dialects; and having ex- 
hibited talent as an orator, he was believed to possess a 
variety of abilities necessary to insure success.” 

He set sail from Rome during the early part of the year, 
with his whole army and the navy constituting in all a large 
force, and with a prosperous voyage on the Mediterranean 
arrived safely in the harbor of Pergamus.” He had no 
other idea than to make himself master of the new legacy 
of Pergamus; for it does not appear, because he sympa- 
thized with Gracchus and the Italian proletariat, that he 
even understood or cared in the least, for an almost exactly 
similar state of suffering and somewhat similar movement 
in Asia. The question of sympathy with the poor seems to 
illy befit the objects of the commander of the expedition 


12 Valerins Maximus VIII. 7, 6: ‘‘ Jam P. Crassus, cum in Asiam ad Aris 
tonicum regem @ebellandum consul venisset, tanta cura Greece Jinguss notitiam 
animo comprehendit, ut eam in quinque divisam genera per omnes partes ac 
uumeros penitus cognosceret- Que res maximum ei sociorum amoreim conci- 
liavit. qua quis eorum lingua apud tribural illius postulaverat, eadem jecreta 
reddenti.”” Cic. Phil, XI, 8,18. 

2 Gell, I. 13, 11. 


ARRIVAL OF BLOSSIUS 239 


against Aristonicus. It would seem that the impulses of 
tenderness he had manifested for Gracchus and the Italian 
poor and his rising power shown by his election might have 
played a deal in deciding upon Crassus against Scipio to 
get him out of the way. 

On landing, Crassus had interviews with Nicomedes, king 
of Bithynia; Mithradates, king of Pontus; Ariarthes, king of 
Cappadocia and Pyleemenes of Paphlagonia; all of whom 
were seriously alarmed about the labor agitation, expect- 
ing similar uprisings would take place in their own terri- 
tories; and they were probably trembling in view of the 
danger. They all eagerly joined with the Romans in their 
effort to put down the rebels. Each pledged himself to 
contribute a strong force of troops. 

On the other hand, Aristonicus, in addition to his prole- 
taries, had also engaged another body of soldiers, consisting, 
of Thracian mercenaries. Phoczea, one of the finest cities 
supported him and many others staked their interests in him, 
But his best piece of fortune was meeting with Blossius of 
Cum, a stoic, who infused with the spirit of the movement 
of Gracchus and also of Eunus of Sicily, had risen in Asia 
Minor as advocate of the rights of mankind and become a 
social reformer.“ Plutarch tells the full story of Blossius, 
We reproduce his and other points. 

A man named Blossius from the Italian mwnicipium of 
Cume, subject to Rome, who, it appears, was an educated 
patrician, for some cause unexplained became greatly 
charmed by the majestic eloquence of Gracchus and his ex- 
traordinary defense of the poor working population of Italy. 
What inspired him to it may be conjectured to have existed 
in some degree independently of an enthusiasm for one man. 
The city of Cumz was itself a home of labor unions.” It 
was about that time also that persecutions, frowns and 
threats had set in against labor organizations of every kind. 
Roman aristocracy had lived to see the steady growth of 
human liberty and was shrewd enough to perceive that trade 
unionism was a potent factor in its promotion. Labor 
unions took a political shape notwithstanding the severe 

14 Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus, 17,20; Valerius Maximus, IV. 7,1; Cicero, 
Leel., 11, 37. 

16 Orellius, Inscritionum Lutinarum Collectio, Nos. 2,263, 6,422, 6,463, 5,158, 
131, These figures refer to slabs of stone on which are found inscribed the reg- 


ist2rs of collegii or trade unions. (um must have been a hive of unions at that 
time. 


240 ARISTONICUS. 


laws against them. To head off these tendencies of organ- 
ized labor, existing not only in Cume but everywhere, the 
Roman lords were combised almost to a man, heart and 
soul and with malignant determination, to destroy them, 
To do this the more effectually they appealed to the avari- 
cious instincts of the so-called citizen class, portraying the 
immense individual wealth which might be developed from 
the great accessions of stock and farm lands falling to the 
Roman arms through conquest. This wealth was already 
in many places being realized and the power to be used for 
its development was human slavery. The slave power was 
the muscie of the subjugated tillers of the land. But to 
accomplish this there must be rigorous laws for suppressing 
free labor. Gracchus, who had seen the horrors of slavery 
in Etruria while once traveling through that country on 
business, had determined to devote his life to the rescue of 
the slaves and threatened freedmen. Blossius saw him and 
they became intimate friends. 

On the morning of the fatal patrician mob, “ Gracchus,” 
says Plutarch, “who was a grandson of Scipio Africanus, 
set off for the Forum of Rome when he heard that the pop- 
ulace were gathering there ; but not without a presentiment 
of ill omen. A brace of snakes had laid eggs in his highly 
ornamented helmet. The chickens from whose entrails the 
aruspex was to forshadow his augury, refused to come from 
their coop and eat. Two black ravens were seen fighting 
on the roof of a house and one of them rattled a stone down 
at his feet.” ** All these were bad omens™ which to those 
superstitious people proved so disastrous by prostrating their 
faith, hopes and consciences in many an hour of trial and 
caused disasters more terrible than their enemies themselves. 
The boldest of the comrades of Gracchus were staggered, 
Further than this, when he left the threshold of his home, 
Gracchus had stumbled and hurt his toe so badly that it bled 
profusely. Blossius was with him, and it seems was the 
spokesman of the train. 

Gracchus, like many another leader among the ancients, 
shrauk at this array of ill omens, but Blossius dissuaded him 
from his timid design of returning by the following per- 

16 Plntarch, Titus Gracchus. 

17 Fusiel de Coulanges, Cité Antique, is the best work we can refer to for au 


explanation of the influence of sup#rstitions in ancient times. For the supersti. 
tions themselves, see Julius Obsequens, de Prodigits, passim, 


BLOSSIUS GOES TO ΑΒΊΑ. 241 


suasive speech; ‘For Tiberius Gracchus, grandson of 
Scipio Africanus and tribune of the Romans, to be scared at 
a crow, and disappoint the people who are assembled to re- 
ceive his aid, would bean uneidurable disgrace. His encmies 
would not alone laugh at such a blunder but they would 
malign him to the common people as an insolent tyrant.” 
Friends also now came to herald the fact that a great num- 
ber of people were gathering and were impatient of his ar- 
rival and that all was calm. 

_ The outcome of it was that Gracchus yielded, but was 
soon beset by one of those terrible mobs of Roman nobles 
and their hirelings, denounced as an ambitious schemer who 
wanted nothing but the votes and support of the rabble and 
intended to make himself tyrant of Rome. They set upon 
the defenceless man and murdered him with kicksand clubs. 

So great was the faith of Blossias in Gracchus that when 
afterwards asked if he would have burned the capitol had 
he been commanded by him to do 80, he replied that Grac- 
chus was too wise to have made such a command, but sup- 
plemented it when pressed with the daring answer that he 
should have obeyed.” Blossius, notwithstanding the trea- 
son, escaped and was not pursued, probably because he was 
thought to be infatuated. He now bent his course toward 
Asia Minor 15 and joined his learning and influence to the 
insurrection of the freedmen and slaves, under the leader- 
ship of Aristonicus. 

We now return to the career of Publius Crassus, a rela- 
tive of the Gracchi—Caius, te brother of Tiberius Gracchus, 
having married his daughter Licinia. As mentioned, he had 
no sympathy whatever with the emancipation movement 
which was then raging over the known world, excepting 

18 Cicero, L@lius, 11, makes this account almost exactly simiiar with that of 
Piutarch, or of Valerius Maxim:s De Amicitia, VIII vii 1; * Nam cum senatos 
Ropilia a> Leenati consniibus mandasset, ut in cor qui cum Gracciio consenser- 
Bul, MOre Majorium animadyerterent; ef ad Lelium. cujus Consiio piwecique 
consules n‘ebantur, pro se Elossius deprecatum venisset, familiaritatisque ex- 
cusatione nterctur, atque is dixisset. Quid site Gracchus templo Jovis Opt. 
Max faces subdere jussisset: obsccuturusne voluntat illius, propter istam quam 
actas familiaritatem, fusses? Nunquam istvd. inquit. Gracchus imperayret, 
Satis, imo euam nimium; totiue nanique senatus consensu damnatos mores ce- 
fendere ausvgest Veram quod sequitur, muito audacius, muitoque periculesins ; 
compressus enim perseverant: interrogatione Leel:i, in eodem cons anti pradi 
stetit: seque ctiam hoc, si modo \ raccbus annn sset. factutum respondit 

19 Valerius Maximus, idem note of 'Thyss. ‘‘iibe ium et Caium, fratires, ob 

avissimas seditiones, quasin podulo suis legibnus e.citabant. nostes ἃ Senatu 
uisse ndicatos et uteumque ἃ nobilitate caesum, alterum ἃ hasico, alterum ab 


Opimid. (uo tandem czezo, Blossius ad Aristonicum regem coufugit. Frosh 
yatis deinde rebus Aristonici, mortem sibi con ivit.”’ 


242 ARISTONICUS. 


no far as that of Rome proper was concerned. He landed 
at or near Pergamus and formed an alliance with the princes 
of the Pergamenian kingdom and the kings of Bithynia, 
Pontus, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, engaged as many na- 
tive soldiers as possible and with his own army and the 
auxiliaries, made an assault upon Leuce, a strongly fortified 
city. A protracted siege must have followed; for he was 
there fighting in the following winter, when his consulship 
had nearly expired. He was laying his plans to leave for 
Rome when entrapped and surprised by the arrival of heavy 
reinforcements for Aristonicus. Crassus was forced to give 
battle and was totally defeated. He washimselfsurrounded 
by the enemy and taken prisoner. Treated no doubt, with 
severity, and discouraged if not distracted, he sought death 
rather than disgrace; and one day, infuriating one of the 
Thracian mercenaries by a punch in the eye with his riding 
whip, the latter plunged his sword through his body and 
killed him on the spot.” The head of the dead Roman 
general was cut off and the body taken to Smyrna and 
buried. 

In the meantime, at the comitia at Rome, M. Paperna 
had been elected one of the new consuls for the year 130. 
The news of the turn of military things in Asia Minor cast 
an alarm at the home government and Paperna was fitted 
out and soon on his way with an army large enough to 
crush the forces of Aristonicusat a blow. Arrived in Mysia 
and receiving the particulars of the disaster of Crassus at 
Leucez he betook himself to the spot where the slaughter 
occurred. The time of year when he arrived must have 
been March or late in February; for Aristonicus was yet at 
winter quarters. 

Before the latter could prepare himself for resistance, 
Paperna fell upon him by surprise. A great battle ensued 
in which Aristonicus was totally overthrown. With the 

20 Valerius Maximus, II. ii. 12, De Fortitudine; ‘‘Militis hujus in adverso 
casu tam egregius tamque virilis animus, quam relaturus sum imperatoris. P. 
enim Crassus cum Aristonico bellum in Asia gerens, ἃ Thracibus, quorum is 
magnum in prwsidio habebat, inter Eleam et Smyrnam exceptus, ne in ditionem 
ejus perveniret; dedecus, accersita ratione mortis, effugit. Virgam enim, qua 
ad regendum equum usus fuerat, in unius barbari oculum direxit. Qui vi doloris 
accensus, latus Crassi sica confodit: dumque se ulviscitur, Romanum impera- 
torem majestatis amisse turpitudine liberavit. Ostendit fortune Crassus, qaam 
indignum virum tam gravi contumelia afficere voluisset; quoniam quidem in- 
jectos ab ea libertati sue miserabiles laqueos prucenter partier ac fortiter rupit, 


datum@que se jam Aristonico, dignitati suze reddidit.’’ Cic. Legg. III. 19, 42; 
Straiio NUT. 


BATTLES OF LEUCHZ AND STRATONICZA. 241 


shattered remnant of his army he fled to Stratonice but 
was dogyedly followed by the Romans who surrounded 
the place and starved him to a capitulation. With most of 
the slaves he tell a prisoner to the Romans. 

Paperna’s time being about to expire—the maneuvres, 
cross marching and other vicissitudes of the campaign havy- 
ing absorbed the summer—Aristonicus, with a portion of 
his rebel soldiers and officers, was conveyed back in irons 
to Pergamus, Paperna pressed his design to take his 
distinguished prisoner, as well as the Pergamenian treasure 
bequeathed by Attalus IIT, back to Rome, before the arrival 
of the new consul should deprive him of his laurels; since 
it was often the habit in such cases, where the counsulship 
lasted but a year, for the new comer who had done nothing, 
to bereave the real winner of his honors, if the latter’s works 
were incomplete. Just before Aquilius the new counsul ap- 
peared on the stage, Paperna was taken sick at Pergainus, 
and died.” 

A word remains to be said as to the probable fate of the 
poor slaves and freedmen who formed the principle part of 
the army of revolution. Almost nothing is left us on this 
point. Aristonicus it is known, was taken by sea to Rome 
in chains and strangled in the cell of his prison, B. C. 129. 
His ardent and faithful friend Blossius of Cume, seeing his 
cause, and Jifework, thus ground to powder between the 
millstones of Roman power, desired no longer to live. In 
his philosophy of human equality which this defeat had 
practically extinguished, death seemed preferable toa lonely 
existence and he put an end to himself. 

Bat what of the rank and file? It would seem by the 
silence itself of historians and the otherwise unaccountable 
delay of Paperna at the scene of his victory—delay which 
brought his departure for Pergamus late into the following 
fall although the battle was fought in the early spring— 
nearly the entire summer had been consumed in the horri- 
ble work of crucifying the unfortunate working-people who, 


21 Valerius Maximus, IlI.iv, δ: De Hwmili Loco Natis. ‘Non paryus consul- 
atusrubor M. Perperna, utpote qui consul ante quam civis; sed in bello gerendo 
utilioraliquantoreipub. Varroneimperatore. Regem enim Aristonicum cepit, 
Cyassianseque stragis punitor extitit. Cum interim cujus vita triumphavit, mors 


Papia lege damnata est. Namque patrem illius, nihil adse pertinentia civis Rom- 
ani jura complexum,Sabelli judicio petitum, redive in pristinas sedes coégerunt, 
ita M. Perperne nomen adumbratum. ialsus consulatus, caliginis simile imper- 


ium, caducus triumphus, aliena in urbe improbe peregrinatus est.” 


ΚΝ "δ" {Py eh 
ν᾿ ἵ ν᾿ f La ger) (lea 


244 τ ARISTONICUS. 


) ~ 


through that battle, had lost their cause.* Could there. 
have remained to us one faithful copy describing the scenes ἡ 
of vengeance “ἢ and the dangling corpses left rotting on the 
gibbets of Stratonice in Carea, we should then have a chron- 
icle of things perfectly harmonious wih the brutal nature 


22 Plato, Laws, book IX. chap. 9, in giving his directions regarding the treat- 
ment of a slave who is a murderer or accessory to the crime, lays down the rule 
that if a freeman or citizen commit homicide he shall be turned over to the mur- 
dered man’s relatives, who have the power to redeem him for money, for good 
previous conduct, or through the intercession of his friends. If however, the 
crime be committed upon a citizen by aslave, such offender is to be handed 
over to the relatives who are to torture or otherwise punish him without limit, 
as they please: the only proviso being that the torture or punishment shall not 
stop short of death. This isPlato’s state of the “Blessed’’—lenient in comparison 
with the existing laws—and as the customs of the Greek-speaking Asians and 
islanders were fully as severe as those οἱ the Athenians and fellow countrymen of 
Plato, it cannot be supposed that anythine less than death could have bejallen 
the victims of Paperna. The following is Plato’s law; which we give in English: 
“Tf aslave kills his master in a passion, let the kindred of the deceaged use the 
murderer in whatever manner they please, and be clean of the acts, so long as 
they do not by any means preserve the life of the slave.” But in the same law 
Platorules that this happy republic sball “let him who kills his own slave, un- 
dergo a purification.” (Translation of Burges). Surely a human low-born wags 
considéred interior to a dog, for that animal was often exempt by reason Οἱ his 
irresponsibility! 

28 That this was a genuine labor rebellion there seem to be no grounds for 
doubt. Dr, Biicher, An/stdnde der Unfreien Arbeiter, S. 107-8, in the following ~ 
significant language brings forward the question of the prevailing ideas of those 
people, especially tie laboring class, whose organizations wers being seriously 
threatened by these events: | These Altalic societies had always hitherts 
been not only befriended but protected by the Pergamenian kings. We 
quote the words of Dr. Biicher on the Dionysian Communists: ‘“ Die letztere ~ Ξ 
bestand darin, das sich die Feiernden durch Weilien und Siihnungen, durch tip- 
pige Tainze unter dem Klang der Fidte und der Handpauke in sinnberiickenden 
Taumel und wilde Begeisterung versetzten, in der sie sich zur Gottheit empor- 
zuschwingen, Wunder selen und verrichten zu kénnén meinten. Wenn gerade 
damals diese Kulte auch im eigentlichen Griechenland in einer grossen Zahl von 
geschlossenen Vereinen und frommen Bruderschaften gepflegt wurden (S. 34. 92), 
so ist das, was ihnen Verbreitung verschafite, nicht sowohl das Zaubermeer eines 
schrankenlosen Sinnenrausches, in das sich ein unbeiriedigtes, tiberreistes Ge- 
schlecht so gern versenkt, als vielmehr die diesen Genossenschaften eigenthtim- 
liche, der socialen Anschaungsweise der Hellenen fremde Gleichstellung aller 
Mitglieder, mochten sie Griechen odor Barbaren, Miinner oder Frauen, Freie 
oder Sklaven sein. Darnach ist die Bezeichnung, Burger der Sonnenstadt, zu 
beurtheilen; sie schied die Anhanger des Aristonikos als die gliubige Gemeinde 
des Adad yon den Ungliiubigen, die verbriiderten Armen und Elenden von ibren 
teindlichen Bedrangern, wie wir den yon Eunus auf den Schild gehobenen Namcr 
der ‘Syrer’ demzufolge auch nach der religiésen Seite werden zu nehmen haben, 
als das Kennzeichen der Anhinger der Atargatis.” This Atargatis was the ver- 
itable goddess Ceres, protectress of labor, of whom we have already spoken so 
much in our chapters on the Hleusinian Mysteries, and on Eunus and Athenion 
of Sicily. Several coincident circumstances crowd themselves into this connec- 
tion, to-wit: Thig is the prolific, original soil of the early Christian church. Ths 
apostles must have used these half-smothered communes, ready in advance, per- 
force their own previous cult, to embrace any new idea that promised relief; 
for the rebellion having failed, all the free farmers, mechanics and laborers were 
dragged down to slavery ; and their condition was, at the beginning of our era 
infinitely worse than it had eyer been before. Again, this very spot together 
with the adjacent isiands, is to this day the repository of innumerable inscrip- 
tions—the marvel of Archssologists—which begin to be the subject of contention: 
among scholors who are averse to recognizing euch a thing asa labor move 
ment, and wuoure consequeitly nonplussed regarding anything other than thats 

ΞΕ ΥΣ 


ΟΝ et \ = 


τ δ ME de ἘΝ Lh as we 
a ᾿ 


bs ? ee -- 


AGAIN THE GIBBET. 245 


of the Romans and bearing the reflex of probability, in the 


~ » similar pictures of horrors which, in every other case we 


cr 


Ἂς 


aia 


— have described, were painted by the historians’ pen, as in- 


letters of blood, warning all workingmen of the ghastly 
wages of rebellion. We are left no personal description 
even of the hero of this great uprising which involved 3 
years of savage fighting, many drawn battles with the 
Asians, the siege and taking of several fortified citics, and 
the defeat and disastrous overthrow of one large, well-gen- 
eraled and thoroughly equipped consular army of Rome, 
All we know is the short but numerous and fully corrobo- 
rated statements yiven as cold and feelingless facts, by 
chroniclers of different periods, different nationality, senti- 
ment and language. To suppose this to have been an ex- 
ception to the deeply fixed habit of intimidation and cen- 
dign vengeance of the Romans, or that these rebel work- 
men were treated with more lenity than those who had es- 
poused the cause of Eunus and Cleon, or were to esp use 
m the coming struggles of Tryphon and Athenion or of 
Spartacus and Crixus, would be to admit that unheard of 
departure of the Romans from a tixed principle. No; the 
scenes of blood-spilling which followed the downfall of Aris- 
tonicus were appalling. But that very blood was the seed 
of a sect which soon afterwards, near that very region, bure 
fruits destined to destroy the Pagan system of slavery and 
to rear a new one based upon kindness, forbearance, mutual 
love, brotherhood and recognized equality of the human 
race. Ξ 


own debatable grounds regarding their origin as well as theirimmense numbers. 
What were they; who were they; whence are they? Our answer is that they 
were nothing other than labor societies, which for hundreds of years had been 
legalized at Rome, in Greece, in Egypt. (See Herodotus, 11. 164-8 and 177, which 
makes it almost certain that Solon carried his law from Eygpt), everyy Y 
but which the then existing anti-labor hostility at Rome, caused by the στ 
of Roman land and slave speculators and their politicians, was in a desperate 
struggle to subdue, by a measure (which they finally passed), known in modern 
times as conspiracy laws. After this hostility set in, the poor creatures were 
obliged in conformity to some law, to shield themselves by the cloak of ostenta 
tious religious rites, grayed into tleir inscriptions; and it is here that the arch 
mologiste are misled, : 


CHAPTER ΧΙ. 


ἈΤΗΒΝΤΟΝ: 


ENORMOUS STRIKE AND UPRISING IN SICILY. 


Sreomp Sicran Lasor-War—Tryphon and Athenion—Greed 
and Irascibility Again Grapple—The War Plan of Salvation 
Repeated by Slaves and Tramps—Athenion, another remark- 
able General Steps Forth—Castle of the Twins in a Hideous 
Forest—Slaves goaded to Revolt by Treachery and Intrigue 
of a Polirician—Rebellion and the Clangor of War—Battle 
in the Mountains—A Victory for the Slaves at the Heights 
of Engyon—Treachery of Gaddeus the Freebooter—Decoy 
and Crucifixions—Others cast Headlong over a Precipice— 
The Strike starts up Afresh at Heraclea Minoa—Murder of 
Clonius a rich Roman Knight—Escape of Slaves from his 
Ergastulum—Sharp Battles under the Generalship of Salyius 
—Strife rekindles in the West—Battle of Alaba—The Pro- 
pretor punished for his bad Administration—Victory Again 
Wreathes a Laural for the Lowly—A vast Uprising in West- 
ern Sicily—Athenion the Slave Shepherd—Another Fanatical 
Crank of Deeds—Rushing the Struggle for Existence—Fierce 
Battles and Blood-spilling—What Ordinary Readers of His- 
tory have not heard of—Fourth Battle; Triokala—Meek 
Sacrifices by the Slaves, to the Twins of Jupiter and Tha- 
lia—March to Triokala—Jealousy—Great Battle and Car- 
nage—Athenion Wounded—He escapes to Triokala and re- 
covers—Fifth Battle—Lucullus marches to the Working- 
men’s Fortifications—Batte of Triokala—The Outcasts Vic- 
torious—Lucullus is lost from View—Sixth Battle—Servil- 
ius, another Roman General Overthrown—The Terrible 
Athenion Master of Sicily and King over all the Working- 
People—Seventh and Final Field Conflict—Battle of Macella 
—Death of Athenion—Victory this Time for the Romans— 
End of the Rebellion—Satyros, a powerful Greek Slave es- 
capes to the Mountains with a Force of Insurgentse—They 


_4 CONGRESS OF RUNAWAY SLAVES. 441 


are finally lured to a Capitulation by Aquillius who treacher- 
ously breaks Faith and consigns them as Gladiators to Rome 
—They fight the Highth and last Battle in the Roman Am- 
hitheatre among wild Beasts—A ghastly mutual Suicide— 
e Reaction—Treachery of Aquillius Punished—The Gold- 
Workers pour melted Gold down his Throat. 


Avy enormous and memorable uprising or strike, both of 
alaves and wage workers of antiquity, occurred in Sicily, be~ 
ginning 29 years after the close of the war of Kunus, which 
ended B. C. 133, bringing the date at B. C. 104. 

As in the account we have given of the first servile war 
of Eunus, Acheus and Cleon we have followed the ad- 
mirable chronology and other points of Dr. Karl Biicher, 
so in this second war, we follow the splendid elaboration 
of Prof. Otto Siefert, the learned doctor-professor at the 
college-gymnasiun of Altona.’ 

It has already been observed that there existed among 
the ancients, an occasional asylum where slaves and 
freedmen driven to straits by the cruelty of others, could 
in emergencies, flee and hide in security, under the pro- 
tecting egis of a certain divinity. There existed such an 
asylum in Sicily. It was located on the sombre shores of 
two small lakes westward from Syracuse in the interior. 
The asylum was built in honor of the Palikoi, twin child- 
ren of Jupiter and the nymph Thalia. The legend is, that 
out from the surface of one of the lakes a hideous column 
of sulphurous waters sprang high into the air like a foun- 
tain, causing an unendurable smell and a deafening roar.’ 
Here stood a temple or Pagan convent and asylum. All 
around was the hideous forest. In view near by was a 
craggy mountain-steep where dwelt elves and urchins, 

1 Siefert, Sklavenkriege auf Sicilien, Altona, 1860, 3, 24-40, Brochire. We quote 
bis note 69, S. 36, on the sources of information whence we derive our knowledge 
of this uprising, and the duration of time it occupied, as follows: ‘‘ Quellen 
deeses zweiten Sklavenkrieges sind: Florus, Epilom, Historiarum Romanarum, 
lib. ΠΙ. cap. 19; Dion. Cass. Exc. Peiresc. 101, 104; Diodor XXXVI. Liv. LXIX. 
Die Dauer: ὁ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Σικελίαν τῶν οἰκετῶν πόλεμος διαμείνας ETH σχεδόν που 
τέτταρα τραγικὴν ἔσχε τὴν καταστροφήν. M.’Aquillius beendigte ihn im J. 99, 
nachdem er 101 als Consul den Oberbe(elil tibernominen hatte ; als der Krieg aus- 
brach, war Licinius Nerva Propretor, nach iim kommandierten L. Lucullus and 
C. Servilius: also begann die Empérung im Laufedes Jahres 104. Euseb. Arm, 
setzt irrtkiimlich das Ende um 4 Jahre spiter an aut Olympiad, 171, 2, (95).” 
The events being obscure though thrilling and often highly romantic, we shall 
reproduce verbatum many of the paragraphs of these and several other highly 
respectable contributors to the history. 


2 Aristotle on Wonders, 57. Diod. Sic. XJ. 85-90. Παλικων λιμνη. It seems to 
have been a forest marsh or swamp 


928 ATHENION. 


demons of the mountain and of the wailing woods. Satyrs 
and wizzards danced the mad antics of fury to the solian 
strain of their harps; while Thalia, mother-goddess of the 
twins, smiled on them as their idyllic muse; and her guard- 
ian command hushed the frenzied winds and waters, and 
balmed their sulphurous odors with the breath of encour- 
agement. * 

This was the spook and goblin-haunted asylum where, in 
the summer of B. C. 104, a large number of naked, hard- 
worked and sweat-begrimed slaves gathered together for 
the protection of the institution. They were stragglers 
from Syracuse who had undergone an examination of their 
eligibility to life and liberty. 

What was the deep motive which inspired so strange a 
visitation as this, coming unheralded to the old castle at the 
swamps of the twins?‘ The workingmen had, as it were, of 
their own spontaneous instincts, centered there for safety! 
A full explanation of this is a history of one of the most 
desperate and sanguinary rebellions recorded in history. 

Marius was one of the two consuls of Rome in B. C. 
104. In order to help him carry out the war measures 
which had been determined upon, the Roman Senate had 
authorized him to secure troops by conscription from 
the conquered provinces. Sicily, ever since the Punic 


5 Diod. XI. 89"Emei δὲ περὶ τῶν θεῶν τούτων ἐμνήσθημεν, οὐκ ἄξιόν ἐστι παραλιπεῖν 
τὴν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀρχαιότητά τε καὶ τὴν ἀπιστίαν καὶ τὸ σύνολον τὸ περὶ τοὺς ὀνομας- 
ομένους κρατῆρας ΠΦΗΣ. Μυθολογοῦσι γὰρ τὸ τέμενος τοῦτο διαφέρειν τῶν ἄλλων 
ἀρχαιότητι καὶ σεβασμῷ, πολλῶν ἐν αὐτῷ παραδόξων γενενημένων. Ἰ]ρῶτον μὲν γὰρ 
κρατῆρές εἰσι τῷ μεγέθει μὲν οὐ κατὰ πᾶν μεγάλοι. σπινθῆρας δ᾽ ἐξαισίους ἀναβ άλλον- 
τες ἐξ ἀμνθήτον βυθοὺ καὶ παραπλήσιον ἔχοντες τὴν φύσιν τοῖς λέβησι τοῖς ὑπὸ πυρὸς 
πολλοῦ καιομένοις καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ διάπυρον ἀναβάλλουσιν. Ἕμφασιν μὲν οὖν ἔχει τὸ 
ἀναβαλλόμενον ὕδωρ ὡς ὑπάργει διάπυρον, ov μὴν ἀκριβῆ τὴν ἐπίγνωσιν ἔχε: διὰ τὸ 
μηδένα τολμᾶν ἅψασθαι τούτον" τηλικαύτην γὰρ ἔχει κατάπληξιν ἡ τῶν ὑγρῶν ἀναβολή, 
ὥςτε δοκεῖν ὑπὸ θείας τινὸς ἀνάγκης γίνεσθαι τὸ συμβαῖνον. Τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὕδωρ θείον 
κατάκορον τὴν ὄσφρησιν ἔχει, τὸ δὲ χάσμα βρόμον πολὺν καὶ φοβερὸν ἐξίησι, τὸ δὰ 
δὴ τούτων παραδοξότερον, οὔτε ὑπερεκχεῖται τὸ ὑγρὸν οὔτε ἀπολείπει, κίνησιν δὲ καὶ 
βίαν ῥεύματος εἰς ὕψος ἐξαιρομένην ἔχει θαυμάσιον: Τοιαύτης δὲ θεοπρεπείας οὔσης 
περὶ τὸ τέμενος, οἱ μέγιστοι τῶν ὅρκων ἐνταῦθα συντελοῦνται, καὶ τοῖς ἐπιορκήσασι 
σύντομος ἡ τοῦ δαιμονίου κόλασις ἀκολουθεῖ" τινὲς γὰρ τῆς ὁράσεως στερηθέντες τὴν 
ἐκ τοῦ τεμένους ἄφοδον ποιοῦνται. Μελάλης δ᾽ οὔσης δεισιδαιμονίας͵ οἱ τὰς ἀμφιςβη- 
τήσεις ἔχοντες, ὅταν ὑπό τινος ὑπεροχῆς κατισχύωνται, τῇ διὰ τῶν ὅρκων τούτων 
ἀνετιρέσει κρίνονται. Ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο τὸ τέμενος ἔκ τινων χρόνων ἄσυλον τετηρημένον, 
καὶ τοῖς ἀτυχοῦσιν οἰκέταις καὶ κυρίοις ἀγνώμοσι περιπεπτωκὸσι πολλὴν παρέχεται 
βοήθειαν. Tovs γὰρ εἰς τοῦτο καταφυγόντας οὐκ ἔχουσιν ἐξούσίαν οἱ δεσπόται βιαίως 
ἀπάγειν, καὶ μέχρι τούτον διαμένουσιν ἀσινεῖς μέχρι ἂν ἐπὶ διωρισμένοις φιλανθρώ- 
ποις πείσαντες οἱ κύριοι καὶ δόντες διά τῶν ὅρκων τὰς περὶ τῶν ὁμολογιῶν πίστεις 
καταλλαγῶσι' Kai οὐδεὶς ἱστορεῖται των δεδωκότων τοὶς οἰκέταις πίστιν παύτην 
παραβάς" οὕτω γὰρ ἡ τῶν θεῶν δεισιδαιμονία τοὺς ὀμόσαντας πρὸς τοὺς δούλους πιστοὺς 
ποιεῖ, Ἕστι δὲ καὶ τὸ τέμενος ἐν πεδίῷῴ θεοπρεπεῖ κείμενον καὶ στοαῖς καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις 
καταλύσεσιν ἱκανῶς κεκοσμημένον. 

4 Id. See note above. ““Μυθολογοῦσι γὰρ τὸ τέμενος τοῦτο διαφέρειν τῶν 
ἄλλωνἀρχαιότητι καὶ σεβασμῷ, πολλῶν ἐν αὐτῷ, παραδόξων γεγεημένων͵, "ἢ 


CAUSES OF THE TROUBLE. 249 


wars had been one of these provinces. Almost every 
human creature not possessing the blood of a gens family 
in this palaestra of suffering was now a slave.’ The con- 
dition, bad enough before, was rendered worse if possible, 
by the ghastly defeat of the 200,000 slaves, in their up- 
rising ana war of rebellion under Eunus a generation be- 
fore. But it was for Nicomides, king of Bithynia, in far 
off Asia Minor, to kindle the war-fagots. Bithynia though 
a kingdom of some independence was nevertheless a sat- 
rapy of Rome; and the order of Marius the consul, that 
Nicomides should levy troops out of his dependency, for 
the Roman army, could not be carried out for the reason 
that the rapacious Roman tax-gatherers known as publi- 
cans" had sold almost everybody into slavery and it was 
degrading, and contrary to all law and rule of antiquity 
except in the severest emergencies, to make soldiers of 
slaves. This made the senatus consultt a dead letter. 
Rome was vast in actual dominion at this time and any 
law touching one part, generally held good also for any 
other. It was found on test that also in Sicily, the major- 
ities were slaves and that, like Nicomides, so also Nerva, 
eee over Sicily under Marius, was cut off from the 
ope of supplying his quota of troops for the Roman army. 
What wasto bedone? On an investigation it was found 
that most of the workingmen best able to bear arms, were 
slaves. Again, their owners were unwilling to hear to 
their being set free. It would be a loss of property. 
These clubbed together and pooled their money, being 
politicians enough to know that an offer of a bribe would 


§ Diodorus Siculus, Bibliothece Historica Rel: , XXXVI. ili. 1, 2, 3: "“ Κατὰ 
τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς Κίμβρους τοῦ Mapiov στρατείαν ἔδωκεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐξουσίαν τῷ 
Moos ἐκ τῶν πέραν θαλάττης ἐθνῶν μεταπέμπεσθαι συμμαχίαν. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Μάριος 
ἐξέπεμψε πρὸς Νικομήδην τὸν τῆς Βιθυνίας βασιλέα περὶ βοηθείας" ὃ δὲ ἀπόκρισιν 
ecwxe τοὺς πλείους τῶν Βιθυνῶν ὑπὸ τῶν δημοσιωνῶν διαρπαγέντας δουλεύειν ἐν ταῖς 
éxopyiats. Τῆς δὲ συγκλήτον Ψηφισαμένης ὅπως μηδεὶς σύμμαχος ἐλεύθερος ἐν 
ἐπαρχίᾳ δουλεύῃ καὶ τῆς τούτων ἐλευθερώσεως οἱ στρατηγοὶ πρόνοιαν ποιῶνται͵ τότε 
κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν ὧν στρατηγὸς Λικίνιος Νερούας ἀκολούθως τῷ δόγματι σνχνοὺς τῶν 
δούλων ἠλενθέρωσε, κρίσεις πρίρεις προθείς, ὡς ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις πλείους τῶν 
ὀκτακοσίων τυχεῖν τῆς ἐλευθερίας. Καὶ ἧσαν πάντες φὶ κατὰ τὴν νῆσον δουλεῦοντες 
μεῤέωροι πρὸς τὴν ἐλενθερίαν." 

6 Diodorus, XXXIV. frag. fi. 18, 

1 The publicani must not be confounded with the vectigalarii as tax collectors. 
The latter were workingmen with a plebeian society. The publicans were 
blooded, grasping aristocrats, belonging to the equifes and were, according to 
Cicero, the “flos squitum Romanorum, ornamentun civitatis, firmamentum 
rei pnblicm” (Pro Planc.), words characteristic of this boasting aristocrat. The 
pubiicans seattered horror and destruction everywhere. See New Testament, also 
Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, art. “ Publicans.” 


250 ATHENION. 


have the desired effect upon the propreetor Nerva.’ Nerva, 
it appears, took the bribe; but in doing so, performed 
some queer diplomatical gymnastics in order to glide 
away from a semblance of blame and thus unintentionally 
set the whole island into an uproar. He had first pub- 
lished a proclamation requiring all slaves who believed 
themselves entitled to emancipation, to come and receive 
their liberty. This was under a new law just enacted by 
the senate at Rome, The law was suited to the emergency 
and was indited to read that subjects must no longer be 
seized by the publicans and sold for taxes; and that those 
who had been thus sold should be entitled to appear be- 
fore city officials of their vicinity and receive their liberty.° 

Now what was the governor to do? The slaves to the 
number of 800, having become aware of this by the pro- 
clamation actually calling them in and eager for liberty, 
had escaped from their masters, probably by running 
away and were already thronging around the propretor 
in impatient expectancy of the promised papers of eman- 
cipation, hoping to join the Roman army and thus become 
free and honored men. Alas! No such happiness was 
in reserve for them. The miserable liar, ready to grasp 
his bribe even at the expense of sullying conscience with 
malfeasance in office, when the banded slave owners 
thickened around him pressing on all sides, issued another 
edict to the slaves advising them to go back to their mas- 
ters with the treacherously perfidious supplement that he 
would stand between them and all harm. 

Struck down with horror, the poor wretches, feeling that 
in their surreptitious escape they had partly taken the 
initiative in procuring their own freedom and knowing 
the dreadful extent of vengeance which awaited them on 
their returning to the now exasperated masters, betook 
themselves as stated, to the citadel of the twins at the 
lakes of the Palikot. And well they might; if we may be- 
lieve the words of Florus who of all other writers had the 
least sympathy for the slaves in rebellion.” Yet Florus 


8 This atatem2nt is made on the strength of Dion Cassius (frag. 101), who ia- 
timates as much in speaking of the sums pooled by the slave owners. 

9 Diod. Sic. Billiotheea XXXVI, frag. ili. 2. as quoted in note 5, q. v, 

10 Florus, Epil. Rerum Romanorum, lib. 111. cap. XIX. S. 1, speaking of the 
tirst servile war says: Utcumque etsi cum sociis (netas!) cum liberis tamen et 
ingenuis dimigatum est. This word nefus characterizes the struggle as a 5188.’ 
puemy. ° 


THE SLAVES BREAK LOOSE. FIRST FIGHT, 251 


describes them as prisoners in chains. All over Sicily 
there existed prisons called in Latin ergastula, in Greek 
ergusteria, where slaves were kept in custody over night in 
irons. Some were forced to work in these dens; but 
most of them were marched out in the early morning to 
their grinding labors on the farms." During the servile 
war 20 years before, Kunus attacked these horrid slave- 
pens and set fully 60,000 of the manacled slaves at liberty.” 
These immediately joined his great army of revolution, 
swelling it to such an extent that the slaves were victori- 
ous in many battles. 

What took place at the asylum in the forest of Jupiter’s 
twins we are but imperfectly told. They conspired; ” 
though as in the case of every strike of the ancient slaves, 
so also here, our histories are riddled to fragments. But 
enough has been preserved from the ruthless vandal’s 
hand to make clear what we shall with confidence relate. 
A most bloody and devastating war soon burst forth, 
spreading, in a few days over nearly all of Sicily. 

There is a town now called Scillato but in those days 
the Sicilian Greeks knew the place by the name of Ancyle."* 
Here a massacre announced and kindled the first flames 
of war. Thirty slaves organized under a leader named 
Oarius, broke chains in the night, set upon their masters 
and murdered them in their sleep. Later in the same 
night, probably through the action of the first thirty, 200 
more slaves were delivered from their shackles, or at least 
from bondage, and the whole neighborhood was made 
hideous by scenes of terror which they enacted. It was 
at the slopes of the Nebrode heights not far from the town 
of Engyion. A fastness crowned the height which, like 

11 Flor. 19, ** Hic ad cultum agri frequenta ergastula, catenatique cultores.”’ 

12 Jdem. c. 6 ‘*Hoc miraculum primum duo millia ex obviis, mox jure belli 
refractis ergastulis, sexaginta amplius millium fecit exercitum.’”’ See war of 
Eunus chap. 1X. 

1s Diod. XXXVI. frag. ili. 3. Dind. says: Oi δ᾽ ἐν ἀξιώμασι συνδραμόντες 
παρεκάλουν Tov στρατηγὸν ἀποστῆναι ταύτης τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. ὋὉ δ᾽ εἴτε χρήμασι 
πεισθεὶς εἴτε χάριτι δουλεύσας, τῆς μὲν τῶν κριτηρίων τούτων σπουδῆς ἀπέστη, καὶ 
τοὺς προςιόντας ἐπὶ τῷ τυχεῖν τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐπιπλήττων εἰς τοὺς ἰδίους κυρίους 
προςέταττεν ἐπαναστρέφειν. Οἱ δὲ δοῦλοι συστραφέντες, καὶ τῶν Συρακουσῶν ἀπαλ- 
λαγέντες, καὶ καταφυγόντες εἰς τὸ τῶν Παλικῶν τέμενος, διελάλουν πρὸς ἀλλήλους 
ὑπὲρ ἀποστάσεως. Nothing however, can be clearer than this fragment of Dio- 
dorus. The slaves, screened from harm by the hospitable old temple, had lei- 
gure to organize their rebellion on a prodigious scale, which they accomplished 
with effect. 

M4 Sietert, Sicilische Sklavenaufstdnde, 8. 36, note eral to Cicero, Verres, 

‘die 


LIL. 45, who writes it ‘‘ Incivenges,” and concludes: ‘ Stadt ist saf dem Ne 
brodengebirge in der Nike von Kngyion zu suchen.” 


259 ATHENION. 


the asylum of the Po*?!-ci offered the slaves security. Here 
they foriiiied themselves, received allies. sent strong and 
fearless scouts to cut the bands and set their fellows free 
aud thus in a few days so augmented their force that by 
the time the Roman pretor made his appearance with an 
army to put down the emeut, they were strong enough to 
offer front. 

This iirst organized resistance of the slaves was how- 
ever, destined to meet with disaster through treachery. 
Aman named C. Titinius Gaddeus probably of Roman 
and possibly of noble stock, prowled, in those days, about 
this country, in tue capacity of a marauder. He was an 
escaped convict, having a considerable time before been 
condemped to deata for certain crimes, With a banditti 
of freebooters of his ilk, he stole about at night, hiding by 
day in the inaccessible fastnesses of the mountain and thus 
by robbery and deceit, gained a precarious living, always 
on the wert ior an opportunity and always destitute of 
conscieuce. The propreetor, Licinins Nerva who was the 
cause of the disailiection among the slaves, sought, and 
probably by promises of exoneration secured, the ‘alliance 
of this freebooter who subtly set about making the friend- 
ship of the slaves then watching an opportunity to de- 
stroy the militia which Nerva had levied to put down ihe 
trouble. Gaddzeus succeeded in decoying the slaves into™ 
an ambush and by arrangement turned the pocr wretches 
over to the Roman governor who crucified some of them 
and others he kilied by casting headlong from a high 
precipice to be dasied to jelly upon the rocks.” 

Nerva now believed the trouble to be over. He was 
even foolish enough to disband his forces, consisting 
mostly of militia whom he discharged from further ser- 
vice and sent to their homes. But the slaves seem to 
have been on the alert; perhaps encouraged by the utter 
want of generalship shown by Nerva. The question now 
arises in the mind of the reader how poor, enslaved, ignor- 
ant creatures many of whom were in fetters, could have been 
able to rebel at all; much less keep a correspondence with 
others sufficiently to know what was going on at different 
points. The answer must be, that they felt themselves in 


16 Diod. XXXVI. iti, 6, Sin. Dind. των δ᾽ ἀποστατῶν δι μὲν μαχόμενοι κατα- 
acy, ὃι δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀλσεως δεδιότες τιμωρίαν ἑαυτοὺς κατακρήμνισαν. 


THROWN HEADLONG FROM A PRECIPICE. 25: 


a desperate condition and combined their entire energy — 
and intelligence to greater effect than may be naturally 
imagined. Men engaged in such desperate adventures 
think nothing of turning night into day; and like the 
similar case with us in recent days, they may have had 
secret outposts and means of communication. 

At any rate, the Roman general had hardly disbanded 
his force when the war-cloud gathered in another part of 
the island. A rich Roman knight named P. Clonius,” 
who possessed estates, such as were celebrated in history 
as the latifundia, was murdered by his slaves near Hera- 
clea Minoa on the southeastern coast of Sicily. This mur- 
der was perpetrated by a band of 80 desperate men who 
concocted their conspiracy during the lull aid broke from 
the evgastula helping each other by signal, to free them- 
selves. ‘The number in the revolt rapidly, increased. The 
governor, Licinius Nerva, was now in a helpless condition, 
without an army. The slaves rushed in every direction, 
freeing each other, and pitched tent on the banks of the 
river Alaba™ coursing at the foot of the Mons Caprianus, 
to the number of over 2,000 men. This, however, occu- 
pied some time, during which Nerva succeeded in mus- 
tering a considerable force which he marched or trans- 
ported by water to the scene of war. 

The distance from Syracuse to Heraclea Minoa is not 
far from 95 miles in a straight line westward but follow- 
ing the road or the shortest route by sea around the 
Portus Odyssex and past Agrigentum, it could not be 
less than 130 miles.* Toconvey hisarmy and impedimenta 
thither and fix his headquarters at Heracleia, occupied so 
much time that it must have been toward the spring of 
B. C. 103, before anything serious transpired. 

On a favorable position, the two adversarics drew up 
in line of battle. The name of the Roman commander 
was M. Titinius,” whose forces summed up the largest 


16 Diod. XXXVI. fv. 1, init: “Τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα ἤθη ἀπολυ- 
θέντων. ἧκόν τινες ἀπαγγέλλοντες ὅτι Πόπλιον Ἀλόνιον, γενόμενον ἱππέα ᾿Ῥωμαίων, 
ἐπαναστάντες οἱ δοῦλοι κατέσφαξαν ὀγδοήκοντα ὄντες. καὶ ὅτι πλῆθος ἀγείρουσι. “ 

MDiod ΧΧΧΥῚ 4. “ἐφεξῆς δ᾽ εγέοντο τῶν δισχιλίων οὐκ ελαττους." This 


ἴοτοο of 2.000 men was collected within 7 days. 
18 τὸ zelation to Nerya’s ronte Diodorus says nothing. 
19 } - XXXVI. 4. 3. Wind. says: Mapxor Τιτινίοι. Nevertheless we ara 


constrained to think Titinius the same pereou who had betra syed them, ¢. 6, Titio 
tus Gedcw us 


254 ATHENION. 


number that the Roman pretor, with the addition of 600 
men drawn from the fortress of Enna, was able to muster. 
On the whole, relying on the superior armor and other 
equipments of his own men, compared with the destitute 
condition of the workingmen, who depended upon butch- 
er-knives, sickles, clubs, slings and whatever they could 
grasp, the Romans seem to have had the advantage. But 
the rebels besides being full of that courage which des- 
peration inspires and anxious to meet a hated foe, had 
also the most advantageous position. No details of this 
battle have come to us further than that it was a fierce 
and bloody encounter; the slaves fighting desperately fol- 
lowing charge with charge, dealing such ponderous blows 
against their adversary, composed partly of raw wilitia, 
that the latter gave way, or were killed on the spot. The 
rout of the Romans now became general. A panic seized 
them. They cast away their arms and ran for life. The 
slaves grasping their weapons, pursued and hacked those 
whom they could to pieces, scoring a signal victory, 

The strike which hitherto had manifested itself in mur- 
muring and an occasional outburst, now assumed warlike 
proportions. Section after section of the island broke 
away from their masters and joined the gathering army. 
The force under drill, soon after the battle at the Alaba 
river is reported to have been 6,000” strong; all well 
equipped with the best of arms which they had taken from 
the enemy. Greatly encouraged by this first victory, they 
set about organizing in earnest. More fetteredslaves who 
were working in chains were cut loose from the ergasiula 
or work-prisons. These glad to escape, joined the rank 
and file, and being the most desperate and brave made 
reliable soldiers in the insurrection. 

A mass meeting was now called for the election ofa 
leader. There was a certain character who had signalized 
himself asa man of great energy, named Salvius. This man 
had been the principal in the movement which had con- 
summated the assassination of the Roman knight Clonius, 
at Heracleia Minoa ending in the defeat of the propretor 


20 Diod, XXXVI. ἵν. 4: “Kai πολλῶν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀφισταμένων, σύντομον 
καὶ παράδοξον ἐλάμϑανον αὔξησιν, ὡς ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις πλείους γενέσϑαι τῶν 
ῥξακιςχιλίων. Ὅτε δὴ καὶ εἰς ἐκκλησίαν συνελϑόντες καὶ βουλῆς προτεϑείσης πρῶτον 
Lev εἵλαντο βασιλέα τὸν ὀνομαζόμενον Σαλούιον δοκοῦντα τῆς ἱεροσκοπίας ἔμπειρον 
ἵναι καὶ ταῖς γυναικείαις ϑέαις αὐλομανοῦντα.᾽ 


BATTLE OF THE ALABA. SALVIUS. 254 


Licinius™ Nerva at the battle of the Alaba river. Like 
Enunus, the slave-king of Enna in the war of the strikers, 
which had ended 29 years before, he was a prophet, a 
worker of incantations, a flute-player, and dispensed super- 
natural and wonderful doings among the credulous slaves 
and freedmen. A slave himself, of superior bearing and 
gift of command, he was elected by acclamation as king.” 
King Salvius immediately on assuming power, turned his 
attention to organization and order. He taught his wild 
and often gross-mannered men that success does not come 
from savagery and rapine nor from destruction of property 
by laying waste the country and its fruits; and brought 
them to understand that an unbridled career is danger- 
ous. The army was divided into three divisions, under 
his three picked warriors as commanders, and marched 
off at different angles into the country with the order to 
reunite at a given point, at a given time, bringing with 
them provisions. The plan succeeded exactly. At the 
appointed time and place the three divisions again united, 
having collected from the dairy and stock farms so large 
8. quantity of sheep, cattle, horses, grain and other sup- 
plies that the question of want for the army which had 
also greatly increased, was settled for a long time to come. 

Great numbers of horses had come into the hands of 
Salvius. A force of cavalry was organized 2,000 strong, 
undoubtedly well equipped. The army grew to the ma- 
jestic proportions of 20,000 foot besides the cavalry—in 
all 22,000 combatants.* With activity this force was 
drilled to discipline and fitted for receiving the approach- 
ing Roman army. King Salvius after completing prepa- 
rations for a campaign, set off on a march toward Mor- 
gantion situated on the coast of Sicily, near the mouth of 
the river Symethus, Morgantion wasa fortified city with 
a citadel; and had been the seat of a terrible conflict be- 
tween the slaves and the Romans in the war of Evnus.* 
The rebel chieftain hurriedly conveyed his large army 


1 Diodorns, IV. 4. characterizes Salvius as a Slave who knew the arts of 
prophecy and could play the fiute or horn. [ie was a favorite with worsen and 
possessed the mysterious arts of slight of hand. ‘See note 20, fin. 

55 Siefert, Sicilische Sklavenkeiege, 8.27, ‘ Indess zeigte Salvius d.ch eine 
grossere Befihigung fur seine Stellung. als sich nach seinem friiher=. Leben 
erwarten leigss.” 

35 Diod. XXXVI. frag. ivy, §§ 7, 7,8, Dind. 

“4 ee Chap. ix,,on the Servile war of Eunus. 


256 ATHENION. 


thither, a distance from Heracleia Minoa of about one 
hundred miles. 

The Roman pretor knowing that greater mischief was 
meant, had in the meantime collected an army, partly from 
Italy, partly from Sicily, as well as of stragglers who had 
survived the last disaster—in all, amounting to 10,000 
men. With this force he marched day and night in or- 
der to arrive at Morgantion before the rebels could reach 
the place. This he appears to have succeeded in doing 
but found nobody but the women and children of the 
slaves; for the men, aware of the near approach of Salvius 
and his army had escaped to a hiding haunt which they 
frequented, by a gate or other means of egress through the 
walls, during a dark night. Salvius now determined to 
give his enemy battle. Heled his troops in solid phalanx 
and good order against the preetorian army, making the 
attack with such a shock as to stagger him by the onset. 
Itappears from a remark made by Diodorus that the preetor 
must have had slavesas a part of his force; for Salvius, 
taking advantage of some opportunity, gave the soldiers 
of the Roman army to understand that they would be freed 
if they threw down their arms. As a result the Roman 
troops began to throw away their weapons and save them- 
selves by flight. A panic was thus created and the rout 
became general. Salvius pursued and succeeded in tak- 
ing 4,000 Italians and Sicilian Greeks, while 600 were 
killed on the spot.* Large quantities of arms fell into the 
hands of the again victorious rebels, together with all the 
munitions of war that were stored in the magazines. The 
victory before Morgantion was complete. Quantities of 
armor and campaign equipments were taken, together 
with provisions for maintaining the siege of the city itself. 
Certain it is, that after the battle, the Roman preetor re- 
tired within the fortress of Morgantion with his remain- 
ing troops, and by promising the slaves the boon of lib- 


45 Diod, XXXVI. iv. 7. “Ot δ᾽ ἀποστάται ἐξαίφνης avremdéuevoy, καὶ ὑπερ. 
δέξιον τὴν στάσιν ἔχοντες, φνης ἀντεπιϑέμενοι, καὶ ὑπερδέξιον τὴν στάσιν ἔχοντες, 
βιαίως τε ἐπιῤῥάξαντες, εὐϑὺς ἐπὶ προτερήματος ἧσαν" οἱ δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἐτράπησαν 
πρὸς φυγήν. Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως τῶν ἀποστατῶν κήρυγμα ποιησαμένον μηδένα κτείνειν 
τών τὰ ὅπλα ῥιπτούντων, οἱ πλεῖστοι ῥιπτοῦντες ἔφευγον. Καὶ τούτω τῷ τρόπῳ κα- 
ταστρατηγήσας τοὺς πολεμίους O Σαλούιος τήν τε παρεμβολὴν ἀνεκτήσατο καὶ ποριβό- 
τον νίκην απενεγκάμενος, πολλῶν ὅπλων ἐκυρίευσεν, ᾿Απέθανον δὲ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῶν 
᾿Ἰταλιωτῶν τε καὶ Σικελῶν οὐ πλείους ἑξακοσίων διὰ τὴν τοῦ κηρύγματος φιλανϑρωπίαν, 
ἑάχωσαν δὲ περὶ τετρακιςχιλίους.᾽" 


BATTLE BEFORE MORGANTION. 257 


erty, which indeed all those poor creatures were fighting 
for without really knowing how, inspired them to such 
valiant resistance against their fellow slaves outside, that 
for a long time no progress was made by alvius in get- 
ting possession of the city and Lr. Siefert is in doubt 
whether he accomplished it at all.* But this doubt pro- 
ceeds from a misunderstanding of the historical fragment 
of Diodorus, from the point of view of the actual genius 
of this theme. Diodorus who so long has been misun- 
derstood, knew perfectly well what he was saying when 
he told us that Salvius when his army had grown to be 
30,000 strong sacrificed, after the conquest of Morgantion, 
to the twin heroes—the very immortals who had protected 
him a short time before, at a short distance from there, in 
the Asylum of the poor and unprotected slaves. At their 
forest asylum, amid the roar of waters and the fumes of 
sulphur and gloom and loneliness, these twin sons of Ju- 
piter and Thalia had entertained and protected them with 
the wgis of divinity and it was now in order, at the mo- 
ment of conquest and victory to sacrifice to them in pur- 
ple and splendors, in repayment.” 

Another reason why the Roman pretor lost Morgan- 
tion is that he had been treacherous to the slaves under 
his command, promising them, as we have stated, that if 
they fought bravely against their fellows outside, they 
should have their freedom. This they did valiantly but 
the perfidious governor again lied them out of this much 
longed for and expected boon. Whereupon accepting the 
offer of Salvius to spare all who would throw down their 
arms, they joined their fellow rebels.* Thus again the 
Romans were forced to open their eyes and behold Sicily, 


26 Siefert, Sicilische Sklavenkriege, 8,27, ‘‘ Morgantion aber zn nehmen ge 
lang ihm vorerst doch nicht.” ‘Ob in Folge dessen die Stadt fiel, ist aus der er- 
haltenen Berichten night mit zuverlissigkeit ersichtlich,” 

21 Diod. XXXVI. vii. 1. Παλικοι. The exact words which seem to have 
been misunderstood, are; “Ὁ δέ τὴν Μοργαντίνην πολιορκήσας Σαλούιος, ἐπιδραμὼν 
τὴν χώραν μέχρι τοῦ Λεοντίνου πεδίου, ἤϑροισεν αὑτοῦ τὸ σύμπαν στράτευμα, 
ἐπιλέκτους ἅνδρας οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν τριςμυρίων. καὶ ϑύσας τοῖς Παλικοῖς Fpwos, 
τούτοις μὲν ἀνέϑηκε μίαν τῶν ἁλουργῶν περιπορφύρων στολὴν χαριστήρια τῆς νίκης; 
αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἀναγορεύσας ἑαυτὸν ασιλέα, Τρύφων μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστατῶν προςηγορεύετο. 
The lauguage isunmistakable. Still Dr.Siefert thus muses: ‘* Dochkounen sich 
diese Worte auch auf den Sieg iiber Licinius Nerva beziehen, und 80 jst e3 wohl, 
da πολιορκήσας nicht fiiglich fiir ἐκπολιορκήσας genommen werden kann,” But 
the whole phrase reads plainly that Salvius was master of the situation 

38 Siefert, Sicrlishe Sklavenkriege, S. 27. ‘‘ Unbegreiflicher Weise versagte 
der Przetor diesen Versprechen die Bestiitigung und trieb dadurch den grésstea 
Theil dieser Tapferen in das Lager der Aufriihrer.” 


258 . ATHENION. 


their “ granary of the world,” south and east, in the hands of 
surging, pitiless slaves in the terrible attitude of rebellion. 

Lilybeeum and Segesta or the old Aigesta stood on the 
Mediterranean sea; the former at the western extremity, 
the latter northward in the sinus Segestanus, 25 miles 
apart. This new scene of the slave rebellion opens 150 
miles or more from that of the battle grounds of Morgan- 
tion. No newspapers, no railroads, no telegraphs to con- 
vey news particulars or rumors of events. How then, 
ina reign of suppression and terror among maddened 
masters with their whips, chains, ergastula and crucifixion- 
gibbits and their optional use, could all the slaves of Sicily, 
even those of the farthest extreme, have known, under- 
stood, reciprocated with each other, midst these awful 
tumults of self-enfranchisement ὃ 

On one of those western farms of Sicily there writhed 
in the fetters of compulsory labor, a man named Athenion 
—a slave, yet born with all the proud and lofty impulses 
of manhood. Florus who, unlike Diodorus, spoils his his- 
tories with unkind allusions,” unmindful of the desperate 
acts he himself might have resorted to under similar treat- 
ment, speaks bitterly of him but in his words of vitupera- 
tion gives us valuable facts. This man’s name was Athe- 
nion. He was a Cilician by birth;* but having a supe- 
rior bearing and faculty of command, had charge of 200 
herdsmen on one of the great stock farms of that produc- 
tive region of Sicily. His family and those of his men and 
fellow slaves were kept at work in the slave pens or ergas- 
tula, as distinctly stated by Florus. Athenion and his 
men over whom he officiated as boss or overseer, feeling 
that a time had come to strike the blow for liberty and, 
as we are obliged to surmise, posted regarding the doings 
of King Salvius, far to the other extremity of Sicily, de- 
termined to make a desperate trial to obtain freedom from 
servility and degradation.” He imparted his plan toa 


29 Epitom III. 19, ‘‘ Athenfo pastor, interfecto domino, familiam ergastulo 
liberatam sub signis ordinat. Ipse veste purpurea, argenteoque baculo et regium 
in morem fronte redimita, non minorem, quam ille fanaticus prior, conflat exer- 
citum; acriusque multo, quasi et illum vindicaret, vicos, castella, oppida dirip!- 
ens, in dominos, in servos infestius, quasi in transfugas seeviebat.”’ 

30 “Athenio Cilex.” See Dind. paraphrase of Diod. XXXVI. v.1. Cilicia 
was on the borders of Syria in Asia Minor but a few mlies from Palestine. He 
hailed from near the stage of the greater movement 100 years later. 

81 Diod. XXXVI, v. 1-4. 


WARS KINDLE IN WEST SICILY. 


hue 


few of his men, The result was that at an appointed time 
the 200 slaves attacked their owners—two millionaire 
brothers—killed them, ran and cut the fetters from their 
families in the slave-prison, set them free, everywhere 
sounding the bugles of rebellion, and set about arming 
and drilling the men who came running into the quarters 
from all directions, begging for enrollment. In five days 
there were more than a thousand slaves under arms, with 
Athenion as leader. 

Athenion was another man of wonders, and he now be- 
gan to assume the unnatural powers of Messiah, king, for- 
tuneteller, star-gazer and prophet. The result of such 
mancuvres of course, was to confirm the ignorant slaves at 
his command, in the belief that he was initiated into the 
favors of the gods. They elected him king of the rebel 
government. Apparently aware of the methods of Kunus 
and of Salvius; and judging in his own way the errors of 
their plans, Athenion blocked out a plan of his own, 
unique and farsighted. He refused to except all the slaves 
who came flocking into his army, mad with the delirium 
of revenge, desperate in risks, and eager for war to the 
knife. He examined them and accepted only those whom 
he judged most powerful, obedient and fearless. All the 
rest he sent back to their old employment with orders to 
cultivate the land and multiply the stock and other land 
products,” lest there come a famine which would be more 
destructive to the army than an enemy from Rome. He 
set himself up as a star-gazer and proclaimed to his men 
that he read in the stars how he was to be the king over 
allthe Sicilians. Uz der these auspices the army had swol- 
len to 10,000 men. Weare distinctly informed that he 
Was vain enough to strut about considerably, with fine 
purple and sporting a silver cane ;* but the kind-hearted 
reader, in view of the shrewd policy of this conduct, may 
see fit to forgive a poor branded slave, whose only clothes 
probably had hitherto been his naked skin.* 

The first campaign of Athenion was against the forti- 


82 Many of these farms however were now entirely in their own hands, the 
owners having been killed. 

82 Flor., Epitom. II. 19, ‘‘Ipse vesta pupurea, argenteoque baculo ” 

84 Diod. XXXIV. frag. ii. 38, tells the story of the slaves of Sicily branded 
to ue bone, whipped because they dared ask for a few rags to protect them from 
winter. 


260 ATITENITON. 


fied city of Lilybaeum which he attaeked with his 10,000 
men. The siege continued for some time without suc- 
cess; and he concluded, with much wisdom, Dr. Siefert 
says,” to raise the siege, saying that the gods were so un- 
favorable to the taking vf Liuybaeum that a disaster was 
about as certainas a victory. ‘The wisdom of thus desist- 
ing trom this attempt to carry the city by siege, Dr. Siefert 
does not state. Still it is self-evident, resting upon Athe- 
nion’s probable information of the arrival from Mauritania 
of a large detachment of men which king Bocchus, a de- 
pendent of Kome, had dispatched to the rescue of Lily- 
beeum. Even as it was, the shrewd slave-king with all his 
efforts to vacate did not succeed without his being attacked 
on the night of their landing, by the Moors and suffering 
considerably. Athenion who seems to have depended 
upon his gifts of imbibing counsel from supernatural 
‘sources, did not expect so much from the fortified cities 
as did Hunus and Cieon, whose terrible starvation when 
hemined in and besieged by the Romans at Morgantion 
and Inna, was still fresh inthe memory of many. Here 
he seems to have been wise. He afterwards found that 
those fortresses if left to themselves, conquered them- 
selves, as it were, by strifes and turmoils of the citizens 
with their slaves who were potting to get away and join 
the insurgests under arms. In econsequence, the rebels 
had no fear of the cities joimne the Roman forces; since 
they had all they could attend to, keeping mischicf in quell 
at home. The whole country, however, was soon in pos- 
session of the strikers. 

A new source of the insurgents’ strength now devel- 


35 Sie‘ert, Sicilische Shlavenkriege, S. 27-28: © Der Sterndeuterei kundig, 
fiatie οὐ in den Sternen ge‘esen dass er Konig tiber gunz Siciiien sein werde: 
deshalb suchte er den geoidacten Zustand aul der Insel, die er schon als sein 
Higenthum ansah, aufrecht zu erhalien Ein Angriff auf das feste Lilybaeon_ 
den er mit zehntausend Mann unternahm gelany zwar nicht, diente aber doch 
dazu, den-Glanbeon an seine Seherzabe zu bestirken. Als ernadmilico init groszer 
KiInghei: die Bbelagerung aufzuzemen beschloss, unter dew Vorgeb n, cen δὺς 
tern se alle diese Unternehmung nicht und man k6énnte eine Nicderlage nur 
dureh raschen Abzug vermeiden, trat schon dus Verkiindete ein. tin Korpe 
maurischer Hiilfstruppen, welches der neue Bundesgenosse der Romer, Konig 
Bocchus yon sia.retanien. unter Anfitihrang des (.omon den bedringten Lily 
Ποία θ᾽ ἢ Zugesendet hatte, machte sofort nach seiner Landung einen nuchtlichen 
Averill und tugte den schon im Abmarsch begriffenen Truppen des Athenior 
nich: uibedeutenden Sckaden zu.” 

80 OF. Bucher. Arfsidnde der Unfreinen Arbeiter,S. 78. ‘ Man darf sich dis 
S3chwievigkeiten, welche den Fibrer einer Sklavenbeweguug erwarteten, ja nicht 
als gering vorstellen.”’ 


CHEAP LABOR, TRAMPS, VIOLENCE. 56] 


oped itself. The poor free people, whose condition was 
oftentimes worse than that of the slaves themselves, came 
in great numbers and joined the phalanx of the slaves.” 
They were ground to powder between the masters and 
the slaves. Not unfrequently their miserable condition 
was such that they resorted to violence of themselves; and 
many being organized in unions as we have shown, they 
were a source of turmoil.” Thus these combined sources 
of power made up a large army which Dr. Siefert, shrewdly 
catching a most important statement of Florus and care- 
fully paraphrasing the torn fragments of Diodorus and Dion 
Cassius, sets aside the contradictory statement of Cicero, 
thus resuscitating and making tangible what must clearly 
have been two terrible battles involving the acknowledged 
overthrow of two Roman pretors, one after the other. 


87 Diod. XXXVI frag. vi. Dind. There is materital extant snfMcient for an 
interesting and instructive essay on the ancient tramps of Sicily and other coun- 
tries. So interesting is this account of the ancient tramps that we present Din- 
dorf’s paraphrase of Diodorus in [ull on the tramp question: ‘ Ingens vero tum 
rerum confusio, et malorum quod dicitur. Ilias siciliam universam occu)arat, 
Non enim servi tantum, sed etiam ex liberis egestate afflicti omne rapinarum et 
flagitiorum genus committebant, et quicunque offerrentur, servi ant ingenui, ne 
quia perditam illorum malitiam enuntiaret omnesimpudenter truciddbant. Ideo 
quotquot in urbibus se continebant, vix illa qu intra pomeria essent, pro suis 
habebant: qu vero extra. aliena exlegique violenti# mancipata judicabant. 
Multa insuper alia a multis contra normam @&quitatis et hnmanitatis per Siciliam 
audacter peragebantur.” But this historian does not stop here. Thetramps who 
were freedmen who. on account of the newly imported cheap labor of the slaves, 
were suffering from want of means, unable longer to find employment, had grown 
desperate to the iast degree, and iearfully dangerous. Fragment xi. continues the 
description of those terrible days and desperate men as follows: ‘Non enim 
servi dumtaxat rebelles Siciliam vastabant, sed etiam ingenni, qnotquot nec pra- 
dia uec azros possidebant, ad latrocinia et rapinas conversi, catervatim per re- 
gionem discursabant, et, paupertate simul et mala mente impnisi, armenta et 
pe ora abigebant, fruges in villis conditas diripiebant, et obvium quemque nulio 
discrimine, servum an iugenum, obtruncabant ne quis esset qui eorum furorem 
ac facinora indicaret. Quumgne in Sicilia justitum esset eo quod nulius preetor 

opuli Romani jus dicebat, cuncti liberrimam licentiam nacti impune debaccha- 
Fantats proinde nulius non locus infamis erat rapinis ac latrociniis ac vi perdito- 
ram hominum in ditissimi cujusque fortunas secure invadentium, At ii, qui p».uilo 
ante fama atque opibus clarissimi inter cives suos fuerant. tune fortuna sulito 
commutata non modo a fagitivis per summam contumeliam compilabant ur, - «ἃ 
piatera injurias et insolentiam hominum ingenuorum perferre ceg>bantur. 
Quocirea universi vix illa. que intra pomeerium erant, pro suis habebant: quia- 
cunque vero extra urbium muros erant posita, ea aliena et predonum violentie 
od :oxia existimabant Denique per singulas urbes atque oppida ingens contn- 
gio ac perturbatio juris judiciorumque erat. Nam perduelles, qaum agrum oi- 
n2m agminibus suls occuparent infensi dominis suis atqua inexplebili cupiditate 
flayrantes, itinera omnia intercludebant. Qui vero in urbibus supererani δα τις 
servi, eri ac defectionem animis spirantes, terrori dominis erant.”’ 

88 Siefert. idem, ὅ5.. 28: ‘* Diese besitzlosen freien iibten oft nach drgere Ge- 
waltthaten aus als die Sklaven. Es herschte cine masslose Verwirrung und 
Gesetzlosigkeit eine Kaxwy IAcas, wie Diodor sagt.” See Diod. XXXVI. frag 
αὖ, init.: also our note 37 above. 

89 Cicero, Verres, 1]. 54, gives it as follows: ‘‘ Athenionem qui nullum oppi- 
dom cepit.” Of ccurse: for he had determined wisely from the start, not to 
molest the towns Siefert however, idem, S. 36, remarke in note 76: * Bei 


262 ATHENION. 


The truth as to the lost histories of this bloody war is 
made up by a short but clear statement in Florus’ Epitome 
of Roman history, and for perfect fairness we propose to 
use the old recensio and notes of Fischer and Duker. 
FJorus, being an aristocrat of an exalted gens family, either 
of the proud Julian or of the Anngean stock, enjoying the 
family prestige of the Cesars, whose instincts, true to the 
genius of the Pagan world could muster no sympathy and 
hardly a contemptuous pity for so mean and degraded a 
creature as a slave, would surely not have confessed, in 
writing his epigrammatical story of Athenion, to more 
than the truth. His sense of humiliation as he confesses 
the terrible flagellations which his country received dur- 
ing the servile wars, comes repeatedly to the surface in 
his pages, betraying the feelings of moral nausea; and he 
confesses no more humiliations of his family and race than 
truth compels. Yet Florus distinctly tells us that Athe- 
nion utterly destroyed two Roman pretors, or at least 
their armies and camps.” This is perfectly consistent 
with the general contour of the story. A Roman leader 
possibly Lucullus, who afterwards fought Salvius, with a 

robable force of Moors under some commander sent out 

y King Bocchus, had arrived in time to save Lilybeum 
from the assault of Athenion. When their fleet unex- 
pectedly appeared, Athenion retired at night but was at- 
tacked and somewhat damaged before making good his 
escape. The rebel commander now prepared himself for 
a general engagement with the allied armies of Lucullus 
and Bocchas. 

It is, therefore, not until after the battle of Triocala that 
we can apply the statement of Florus regarding Athenion: 
Cicero ist der Zweck der Erwiihnung wobl ins Auge zu fassen.” See Supra. 

40 Florus, Epit. Rerum Romanarnm, lib 1Π1. cap. 19, 8. 11. ‘‘ Athenio pastor 
ΑΝ βεθυϊθ δαί. Ab hoc, quoque Pretorii exercitus cewsl, ae Servilli cas- 
tra, capta Luculli” (castra). In note h. Fischer explains as follows: ‘* Servilit 
Castra, Capta Luculit. Alios Annales habuit florus; nam ex nostris, C. Servilil 
et Ὁ. Licinii Luculli castra non modo non capia fuisse, contra vero, et a Lucullo 
victore semel, et 8 Servilio tantum non repressos fuisse servos manifestum est.” 
This is as we surmised Florus had at his command at the time he wrote, works 
of history which at present do not exist at all. asheresuggested by Fischer. By 
the defeats of A\thenion are only meant those occurring at Triocala and the pre- 
vious repulse though not a defeat which he had suffered on his withdrawal from 
Lilybeum. We now turn to the Duker comments §. 11. p. 919 Delphine clas- 
sics. and this: **Ab hoe quoque Diodorus, lib. XXXVI. tribuit heec Salvio cui- 
dam, cui Athenio, velut imperator rigi, audiens iuerit.” True, Diodorus says 
Salvius wae victorious over a praetor but it was on the extreme east coast. and 
the preetor was neither Servis nor Luen!lus but tbe )roprestor, P. Licinius 
Serva. Nothing is suier tlan to iollow Siefert, Q. ¥. Scile δ, 


Ul 


SALVIUS AND ATHENION MEET. 265 


“This man putting on raiment of purple, sporting a silver 
cane, his forehead coronated in the manner of kings, not 
less fanatical than the fellow Eunus before him, inflamed 
his army and melted together their sympathies so that 
they were even far more bitter; and then, as if to vindi- 
cate this predecessor’s actions, raved over towns, castles, 
villages, tearing them to pieces, inciting the slaves against 
their masters and causing them to turn traitors and join 
his hordes. Thus he met and captured the camps of Ser- 
vilius and likewise those of Lucullus.” These are the 
lain words of Florus, who though whimsically proud, was 
onest. Accepting them we proceed; for he framed this 
statement from historical sources now not extant. 

We now return to the movements of Salvius, the slave- 
king of Sicily, whom we left after the battle before Mor- 
gantion, in possession of the whole country, having beaten 
the propretor, Licinius Nerva, and consummated a great 
sacrificial solemnity to the honor of the twins of Jupiter 
in whose asylum they had from the first been protected. 
This worthy flute-player, Messiah and prophet, had in the 
meantime not been idle. The army of picked men was 
now augmented to a force of 30,000, and by direction of 
Salvius, concentrated into one solid army-corps. The 
union of these men was effected at or in the vicinity of 
Leontini, in the fruitful valley of one of the many beau- 
tiful rivers which fall into the Mediterranean from the 
mountains. Here on the occasion of another ovation in 
thanks and honor to the Palikoi or twins, for propitiating 
the victories, the slave-king assumed the robes of royalty 
and the more resounding name of Tryphon;“ ordering 
that henceforth he should be known by that name. The 
next thing was to select a situation whereat to establish 
himself. With this intention he now resumed his march 
back to the spot where the first decisive battle had been 
won. 

Salvius, alias Triphon, appeared at the stronghold of 
Triocala on the upper waters of the Alaba river where 
were combined sweet waters, fruit, wine, oil and all the 
profusion of vegetable and animal plentitude. Here wag 
improvised for him a palace. Athenion, the rival slave- 


41 Bich. Aufst S. 78, says his real name was Diodotus Tryphon and cites 
Wesseling. 


264 ATHENION. 


king was summoned to appear, and brought with him 

3,000 men, leaving 7,000 or more in the field, under proper 

leaders. Siefert thinks the object of Tryphon in sending 

for Athenion was to put him in chains through impulses” 
of jealousy.” Atany rate, Athenion was arrested and for 
this treachery Tryphon afterwards paid with bitterness; 

for retribution was at hand. Nevertheless, the fortifica: 

tions which had been designed went on to completion. 

The place was surrounded by a wall and dykes 5,000 feet 

in length and became a large market place. Triphon chose 

for himself a council and lictors in the manner of the 

Romans. These strode about on guard with their bun- 

‘dles of whips and their hatchets in hand, attired in jewels 

and purple.” While this was going on Athenion, the bray- 

est and wisest of the two slave-kings, lay in chains, waiting 

for his opportunity. It came. 

The year B. C. 103 witnessed in Rome the fitting out 
of the propretor L. Licinius Lucullus who with an army 
of Romans and Italians 14,000 strong arrived in Sicily. 
On landing the force was augmented by 800 Bithynians, 
Thessalians and Acarnanians, 600 Lucanians led by the 
bold Cleptius and 600 others of different extraction. This 
formed a total of 16,000 men. But it must by no means 
be reasoned from this statement that there was no con- 
siderable army of the defeated and scattered ranks of 
Nerva and the Moors, to be collected by Lucullas where- 
with largely to augment his army in Sicily itself. Un- 
doubtedly the combined army of Lucullus when in readi- 
ness for the great battle which we are going to recount, 
numbered 25,000, many of whom were experienced veter- 
ans, With this large army, many of whom were Romans, 
the governor boldly marched across to within a mile and 
a half from Triocala which he intended to besiege and take 
by storm. Like Rupillius before, he was pr ovided with 
thongs and gibbet-makers, to crucify the slaves who should 
fall into his hands 


Δ Siefert, Sictlische Sklavenkriege,S. 29  ‘‘Welche Grunde ihn hierzu be- 
wogen hatten. ist nicht klar; sicher jedoch, dass Triphon in ihm eiven heim‘ichen 
Nebenbuhler sah den er sobald 510] eine gunstige Gelegenheit bot, verhaften 
aud in Gewahrsam bringen leiss.’ 

43 Diod. idem, Vii. 4; ᾿Εξελέξατο δὲ καὶ τῶν φρονήσει διαφερόντων ἀνδρῶν τοὺς 
ἱκανούς. ods ἁποδείξας συμβούλους ἐ ἐχρῆτο συνέδροις αὐτοῖς" τήβεννάν τε περιπόρφυρον 
περιεβά AAETO καὶ πλατύσημον ἔδυ χιτῶνα κατὰ τοὺς χρηματισμούς, καὶ ῥαβδούχους εἶχε 
μετὰ πελέκεων τοὺς προηγουμένους, καὶ τἄλλα πάντα ὅσα ποιοῦσί τα καὶ ἑπικοσμου- 
σιν ἐπετήδευε βασιλείαν. 


BATTLE OF SCIRTH@A. 265 


But Tryphon whom we left in a fit of narrow jealousy 
putting Athenion, the best of the rebel generals, in chains 
and behind bars, hearing through scouts of the near ap- 
proach of a great army of Romans and their allies, made 
haste to consult this rival king and ascertain his views. 
Athenion advised him not to risk a siege but to confront 
the Roman in the open field and offer battle. 

Tryphon who well knew the judgment of Athenion as 
a commander and the great influences he possessed over 
his troops, of whom he had in his own right fully 10,000, 
acquiesced; and the combined armies of the two kings, 
in all 40,000 men, marched northward to a place called 
Scirthza “ and there pitched in line of battle. Opposite 
at a distance of a mile and a half lay the Roman legions. 
The offer of battle seems mutually to have been accepted; 
but which of the two antagonists gave the onset cannot be 
clearly ascertained. Here stood on the one hand, a 

reat army of 40,000 desperate slaves, flushed with half a 

ozen victories, burning with the memory of their previ- 
ous sufferings and anxiousfor revenge. Their command- 
ers had a sufficient taste of the luxuries of freedom to 
make them desperate and they were not wanting in the 
certain knowledge of the terrible fate which awaited de- 
feat. To them and their braves alike, this murderous con- 
flict meant liberty and continued luxury, or else death in 
the battle-field or upon the ignominious cross. On the 
side of the Romans, every man knew that defeat by a base 
legion of runaway slaves was of itself a scandal which re- 
flected alike upon the general and the soldier. The proud 
senate made it dangerous for him who could not return 
to the capital with the blood and, as it were, the scaly of 
the last slave who had dared to defy its arrogant and 
overbearing prowess. Besides this, there yet reimain 
untold the incentives for the pretorsto enrich themselves 
by plunder—a boon which defeat would deprive them of. 

With these contrasting urgents, involving hopes aid 
plans which were to furnish the foundations of history of 
progress or retrogression for the human race, the two 
great armies fell into mortal grapple. After a certain 
amount of sparring and skirmish between the outskirts, 


- 4 Died, XXXVI. frag. vili. 2, 8, 4 «πὰ ὅ. Paragraphs 3 and 4 contain the 
description of jhe battle as we give it. q. \ 


266 ATHENION. 


the main body of each army closed in with an unwavering 
clash of arms under which the combatants fell in thous- 
ands.“ Amid the battle, while the terrible plunges of 
maddened men with thrusts and din were at their height 
of fury, Athenion, mounted on a prancing steed, rushed, 
at the head of a detachment of his cavalry 200 strong, with 
a certain frenzy which sometimes characterizes life ener- 
gies when wrought to a tension of reckless excitement. He 
lunged into the enemy’s center, suiking down everything 
before him. No doubt this was arash action, however 
magnificent it may seem to tie critic of military exploits ; 
for although he made his hated foe tremble with the shock, 
he received three blows so stunning, though not fatal, that 
his fellow-slaves on seeing him fall, feeling that in him as 
in agod, resides alone the genius of victory, fell into a panic. 
When the soldiers of Athenion shrank back the cry of vic- 
tory must have been raised by the Romans; for Diodorus 
tells us that half the slaves, in number 20,000, were either 
killed or taken prisoners, but that the remaining 20,000 fled 
back to their defences at Triokala under command of Try- 
phon who survived. Siefert’s suggestion that the rebels 
lost courage scarcely appears well founded. We not only 
find the slaves again in possessing of their fortress of Trio- 
cala with Try phon, but we are told that the rebels kept it; 
and we are without assurances that they were either cap- 
tured or driven away. Nor was the gallant Athenion lost 
to them; for after the catastrophe which may have closed 
with the sunset, on this great and bloody battle, this hero, 
taking shelter from harm under cover of night, arose and 
so far returned to reason and strength that he crawled safely 
back to the fortress of Triocala with the rest. Thus, con- 
sideriug the severe punishment suffered by the Romans, 
the fact that they did not pursue, that it was nine days be- 
fore they arrived before the fortifications of Tryphon and 
Athenion, and ventured, battered and shattered up to the 


45 Nacn einigem Geplinkel kam es zum geordneten Angriff, dessen Erfolg 
lange heriiber und hinuber schwankte.” Diodorus, XXXVI, frag, 8 3, says, 
“Τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἐγίνοντο συνεχεῖς ἀκροβολισμοί. etc.” This skirmishing with 
igh: armed troops introduced the general battle. 

' Siefert, Ilalisch. Sklavenkvriege, S. 29: ‘Da uwnternahm Athenion mit zwei- 
hundert auserwihiten Keitern einen Angriff, durch den er Alles vor sich nieder- 
warf. Unvgliicklicherweise aber wurde er mitten in diesem Erfolge durch drei 
Wunden kampfrntihig gemacht worauf die Sklaven,muthlos gemacht, flohen,” 
Dicd XXXVi. frag. vii. 4, whe °o:ms 18 that Athenion when etrack down 
feicned death until night, when le ©-capcd, 


BATTLE Of TRIOCALA, 267 


gates of the rebel fortress, in fine, that they failed altogether 
of taking the place and experienced thereafter nothing but 
defeat, is strong circumstantial evidence that Scirthza was 
a drawn battle on both sides. 

Nine days after the Battle of Scirthea the army of Lu- 
cullus appeared in front of the town of Triocala. How 
many men his army now mustered or how many of the 
former officers like Cleptius still adorned his ranks, is not 
definitely given. But they had within the nine days so far 
recovered from the severe punishment they had received, 
as to be at least endowed with the boldness to altogether 
underrate thé strength and spirit of their adversary.“ 

Meanwhile Athenion was rapidly recovering from his in- 
juice received at the battle of Scirthzea and was, as we are 
ed to understand by the evidence left us, so far restored 
that he appeared with all his former valor and vigor. Dr. 
Siefert who talks about the lost courage of the working 
men,“ naturally enough catching the idea from Florus, says 
that they now mustered courage to attack the Romans.” 
Our opinion is, reasoning from appearances which confirm 
the valiant fighting force, such as must appear to every 
candid, unbiased reasoner, shows the rebels to have crippled 
the Romans at the great battle of Scirthea 9 days before; 
and that they did not lose courage, but doggedly held their 
own throughout. Certain it is that another obstinate battle 
was fought before the fortifications of Triocala. The Rom- 
ans made the first attack bnt were received apparently 
in open field by the rebels. A conflict followed in which 
the entire strength of both armies was brought to bear. 
The loss on both sides was very serious. But in this second 
scene of blood the victory was with the workingmen. Lu- 
cullus was completely driven from the field, his camps taken 
by storm™ and his army so scattered from place to place 
that he seems never to have recovered, but fell to plunder- 
ing like the slaves and freedmen themselves, appropriating 


47 Diod. frag, viii. 5. 

48 We can no longer say slaves. A large proportion of the rebel army was 
now composed of freeimen, meckar‘es, laborers, etc. 

49 siefert, Sicilisehe Skc/iveskriege, S. 29. * Als Lucullus endlich 9 Tage 
ach der Schlacht zur Belagecung der Veste schritt, war der ershiitterte Muth 
echon wieder be'estigt.” 

50 Florus, ltb, Ill. cap. XIX. ‘‘ Lucullo capta castra—vicos, oppida, castella 
diripiens,” referring te Athenion. Siefert, S.29, speaking of Lucullus, says; 
“418 sein J ager soil soger von den Sklaven erstiirmt worden sein ”’ See note 76 
where eferg icfers 10 Cis, Very. 11. £2; *Athenionem oxinullum op.dum 

ap * yeaarks: © Pai Οἴοστο is de Zweck ins Auge za fasgen,” 


208 ATHENION, 


the funds entrusted to him, to his own use and with defeat, 
avarice and demoralization was rendered hors de combat al- 
together. 

What had in the mean time been going on between the 
two rival slave-kings, Tryphon and Athenion, no one can 
tell. We only know that the former, after the battle of Tri- 
ocala had died“ and that Athenion had been elected king 
over all the rebels, including slaves and treedmen. Per- 
haps a dark deed of revenge or of jealousy may have been 
committed; more humanely let us foster the conjecture that 
Tryphon had lost his life in some valorous charge which 
secured the victory to the slaves, inthe desperate battle we 
have just recounted. 

The year B. C. 102 had thus roiled by and not only was 
another large preetorean army of the Romans annihilated 
but the rebels with Athenion, their veteran general at their 
head, were complete masters of Sicily, 

Rome under this extraordinary condition of things, sent 
Ο Servilius, B. C. 102, with another preetorian army under 
orders from the senate to leave no means untried whereby 
to stamp out the rebellion. This Roman commander and 
preetor must have landed bis army at Massana on the so- 
called Htruscum fretum, now the Straits of Messina; and 
judging from appearances the first battle may not have oe- 
curred at a long distance from there. Itis not certain but that 
the Romans marched in a southwesterly direction for many 
miles into the interior before the two armies met. We 
only know that the combatants souztit and found cach 
other and that there was another encounter; of course, one 
of those fierce and internecine struggies in which great 
numbers of brave men are occasionaliy mowed down, but 
whose numbers, memory and place are, fur shame, pitched 
into the dark grottoes of oblivion, Fiorus shuffles the fact 
over to posterity with language provokingly crisp and in- 
dicative of mortification and distaste; Cicero denies; "ἢ 
Dion Cassius® is in tatters at the Vatican; Diodorus lies 


δι Diod, XXXVI.1. “" Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Τρύφωνος, διάδοχος τῆς ἀρχῆς δ᾽ Αθη- 
νιων καϑίσταται, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν πόλεις ἐπολιόρκει,᾽᾽ CLC. 

i 85 Flor. Epitom. Populi Romani, 111. 19. ‘‘ Aihenio—vicogs, oppida, casteila 
iripiens ” 

τ Οἷς. Verres, 11.54. ‘Athenion qui πα oppidum cepit.” This how- 
ever, we think innocently refers to the fact that Athenion’s policy was trom the 
first, not to take the fortified towns: since Hunus and Cleonin taking this course 
had lost their cause. 


BATTLE OF FLORUS. 269 


contorted into the tell-tale mutterings of his fragments; ™ 
Livy leaves only the paltry exordium of his epitomies.* 
But enough of these is still extant, together with the cir- 
cumstantial evidence such as the disgrace by the Roman 
Senate, of the defeated pretors and their exile for life, and 
continued ravages of the war for years; all these verified 
facts prove the words of Florus, to the effect that Servilius 
and Athenion met in some undescribed and mortal fray; 
that the proud slave-king won a complete victory; and that 
labor from its points of irascibility and vengeance was once 
more vindicated. Such is not only our own rendering of 
the real meaning of the vague words left us but they are 
as conscientiously read by others.” 

After this important and probably great battle which 
was the fifth in number since the outbreak of the war and 
which from our authority we may call the battle of Florus, 
the Roman general, either disheartened or prone to enrich 
himself like his predecessors, with plunder and malfeasance, 
or still more probably, being utterly annihilated, left the 
strikers with Athenion at their head, complete masters of 
the field. They ravaged and laid waste the country on 
every side, destroying castles, towns and cities. Athenion 
next turned bis wrath toward Messana. Reaching it by 
forced marches, he stea!thily at night surprised the inhabit- 
ants of that city as they were engaged in its outskirts cele- 
brating the sacrifices to their gods, and cut them to pieces, 
taking quantities of plunder which he made off with. But 
he steered shy of the city itself, keeping apparently in mind 
the danger of being hemmed in, and the dreadful results 
which, in the previous rebellion under Eunns, had caused 
the great catastrophe. 

Athenion after marching through the northeastern portions 
of Sicily” gathering weaith by plunder, struck a westerly 
tack and the next we hear from him, is at the ancient walled 

δὲ Dion Cassius, excerpt, 101. Peiresc; Diod. XXXVI. ix. 1 and 2. 

55 Livy, Epitome, LXIX. fin. “Μ. Aquillius proconsul excitatum confecit.” 

56 Siefert, Jtalische Sklavenkriege, 8. 30. ‘‘ Athenion, der nach dem inzwischen 
erfolgten Tode des Tryphon, Kénig der Sklaven geworden war, tratiim (Servilius) 
mit grosser Kihnheit entgegen und schlug ihn aus dem Felde; nachdem auch 
das Lager des Servilius einmal genommen war, wagte diesersich nicht mehr zum 
Kampfe hervor, und Athenion konnte nungehindert das land durchstreifen, kast- 
elle und kleinere Stidte einnehmen.”” 

δ᾽ Much obscurity enshrouds both tue history and topography of this place 
Livy, lib. XXVI. 51, speaks of the place as being obscure. ‘‘Secut#e defectionem 


earum Hyhbla «* Maceila sunt ignublioresque queedam alia.’”’” This mention 
fers to B.C j 


270 ATHENION. - 


town of Macella supplied with a castle or citadel. It ix 
situated southeastward of Segesta and not more than 40 
miles to the eastward of Lilybeum. Here he established 
and fortified himself, B. C. 101, the third year of the war; 
supplying his army with the products of the fruitful country 
around him.” 

During this time C. Marius and M. Aquillius had been 
elected consuls at Rome, and it was resolved to send a full 
consular army to Sicily and thus put an end to the war at 
once. Accordingly Aquillius, during the year 101, arrived 
in the island with a consular army consisting of a large force 
of veteran Romans and other soldiers. The terrible hand- 
ling which the people of Sicily who had remained hostile 
to Athenion, had received, made them eager to grasp this 
new offer of succor; and it cannot be doubted that large 
numbers of the defeated fragments of the armies of Lucullus 
and Servilius were mustered in, swelling the consular army 
toa host. Aquillius proved, for the first time, a match for 
the redoubtable strikers. 

Whether the Romaas landed at Messana or at the port of 
AXgesta in the vicinity of Macella where the army of Athe- 
nion lay, is not easy to determine. The distance from the 
Ostia or port of Rome by water, direct to Aigesta, or to 
Messana is by fifty miles in favor of a landing at Aigesta; 
and to have gone by way of Messana would have cost the 
consul a march of 150 miles from there to Macella, on the 
head waters of the Scamander, over a country already laid 
waste by the army of his foe. We cannot but assume that 
these two desperate generals met at, or near Macella; for 
Diodorus tells us that Athenion, true to his old resolution 
never to let the Romans hem him into a walled town, 
marched out in full force to meet him,” 

A great battle was fought. When the two chiefs espied 
each other, they rushed togetherin mortal duel.” Athenion, 

68 Ptolemy the ancient geographer mentions it as beingin the interior of the 
island. See Universal Geography, 111. 4,14. Whereas Polybius, I. 24: κατά re τὴν 
ἐκ τῆς Αἰγέστης ἀναχώρησιν Μάκελλαν πόλιν κατά κράτος eiAov. This puts the 
place far to the west near Athenion’s possible birthplace; Dion Cassius, ἔσο. 104; 
Xwpiov δέ τι Μάκελλαν εὐερκὲς τειχισάμενος, etc. Siefert imagines this to refer 
to the town in the neighborhood of Messana. Polybius is however right; in proof 
οἵ which we refer the critic to Arrowsmith’s Orbis Terrarum Veterum Descriptio, 
cases eugene stellte sich dem Aquillius in offener Feldschlacht entgegen.” 
Siefert, 5. 30. Florus, 117. 19, but he may have referred to the successtul sieges 


by Aquillius, of the fugitives after their defeat. 
60 Dion Cassius, frag. 104. 


BATTLE OF MACELLA. ais | 


almost exactly like Spartacus at his last and great battle of 
Silarus, struck out for his illustrious antagonist, deter:nined 
with his own hand, to wreak vengeance and thus cross out 
accounts with Rome’s highest and proudest source of power. 
The men were equally brave and gifted in the sabre’s use. 
How long the duel lasted is not told; but we are distinctly 
informed that this time it was the slave-king’s turn to re- 
ceive the mortal thrust." Adquillius was a tiger in combat 
and though he received heavy blows on the head and in his 
breast he was the fortunate of the two combatants.” Athe- 
nion, pierced and dying, fell bleeding at the consul’s feet. 
Again, as at the battle of Scirthzea, the warriors of Athe- 
nion lost courage at the fall of their beloved leader, who 
this time was finished and never rose to their rescue as be- 
fore. All but a fragment of 20,000 workingmen were killed 
or taken prisoners. These fled to the mountains close at 
hand, but were followed by Aquillius with so much energy 
that in two years time they were nearly exterminated. 
Manius Aquillius afterwards wrote at Capua an inscrip- 
tion which is still extant and quoted in the archeological 
collection of Orelli, to the effect that when he was preetor 
in Sicily he had busied himself hunting down runaway 
slaves and had returned to their masters as many as 917 of 
them.” This very interesting inscription sheds a flame of 
corroboratory light upon that immense uprising and sub- 
siantiates the history of the affair, as we have extracted it 
from the fragments. It also adds to history the statement 
that the Sicilian slaves had reinforcements from Italy. 
The awful scenes of crucifixion ® as in the case of the re- 

6 Diod., XXXVI.x. 1, which corresponds with Siefert. 5. 30, “‘ Athenion stellte 
sich dem Aquillius in offener Feldschlacht eutgegen, fielaber in derselben durch 
die Hand des Consuls, der selbst an Kopf und Brust verwundet warde.” 

62 Diod. XXXVI. x. 1. Kai πρὸς αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν βασιλὲα τῶν ἀποστατῶν ᾿Αθηνίωνα 
συμβαλών, ἡρωικὸν ἀγῶνα σννετήσατο. Καὶ ταῦτον μεν ἀνεῖλεν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ εἰς τὴν 
κεφαλὴν τρωθεὶς ἐθεραπεύθη. 

08 Orellius, Inscriptionum Latinarwm Collectio, No. 8, 808, ‘“‘ Kidem preetor in 
Sicilia fugivos Italicorum conque@isivei redideique dominis DCCCCXVI.”’ 

64 Shortly after this war another broke out in Italy which lasted some time; 
but although it was of 80 much importance that several of the historians wrote 
valuable descriptions of it in their books, the vandals succeeded in destroying 
the pages and we have only some fragments left in an almost illegible form. We 
have however, in chapter viii. succeeded in picking out many of the prominent 
events of the Italian slave and freedmen or tramp war of this era, q. v. 

65 The evidences for this are indeed vague except by inference. Florus, IIL. 
19, says Supplicium,” which with him and Livy always implies the worst. But 
that almost every one of the captured rebels was crucified, must, by implication 
be accepted even almost without evidence, other than the well-known, implaca- 


ble, inexorable Roman law, which hung such maletactora of the servile race 
upon the ignominious cross. 


979 ATHENION. 


bellion 30 years before, were now rehearsed and many a 
captured slave perished on the cross, 

But there still remained at least one strong man named 
Satyros who, with the other bold lientenants of Athenion, 
fell to marauding and in spite of the efforts of the procen- 
sul prolonged the struggle® for two years. Satyros and 
his men were however, in B. C. 99, all captured and taken 
to Rome, under the promise solemnly conferred by the 
Roman general, that as a condition of capitulation they 
should be exempt from punishment and treated with honor 
as prisoners of war. ‘The perfidious wretch had no sooner 
gotten the prisoners in safety to Rome, than he offered them 
to the aristocracy as the basis of a great triumph or ovation 
which he claimed, as an honor to the hero who had sup- 

ressed the rebellion. The poor creatures were dragged 
into the arena on a given day, and told that instead of lib- 
erty, their horrible doom was to amuse the ladies of Rome 
and others, who for love of show frequented the amphi- 
theatre to view the bloody contests of gladiators. Not 
only were they destined to this but they must fight wild 
beasts like slaves. The great auditorium was crowded with 
spectators, among whom beat true hearts for humanity and 
fairness. A characteristic of the great gladiatorial games 
always had been and still was at that time, that of demo- 
eracy. All classes, rich, poor, the eminent and the lowly 
alike had seats; and as there was at that moment a fierce 
war of tactics raging between the labor organizations and 
the aristocracy and as a strong partisanship existed against 
Aquillius and every one of the prators who had been sent 
out against the slaves and freedmen fighting for liberty in 
Sicily, it was very natural that such a party would numer- 
ously attend the great ovation, if for nothing more than to 
pick up points against this aristocrat whom they hated. 

When the convicts arrived in chains, trembling with 
disappointment and broken hearts and like the wild lions, 
tigers and hyenas they were to fight, found themselves 


68 Livy, LXIX. Hpit. ad fin. “Με Aquillius proconsul in Sicilia bellum civile 
excitatum confecit. Marius was one of the consuls of this year, and Diodorus 
tells us that Aquillius was the other. This looks doubtful. Rome was at that 
moment involved in the fierce agrarian agitations: Cf. id, ‘et cum legem agra 
ciam per vim tullisset,” etc. True, Livy may refer to his proconsulship as being 
the extension of his service in Sicily through the next two years, (B.C. $9), as 
the war did not close for 2 years aiter the battle. Again this max rectily the 
discrepancy in Aquillius’ inscription, See note 61. 


LAST BATTLE IN THE AMPHITHEATRE, 273 


thrust loose and suddenly given knives and other weapons, 
they all mutually, in presence of the great throng frenzied 
with wine, nervously betting, many in anticipation of behold- 
ing blood spurting from their naked forms, solemnly agreed 
to become each others’ mutual exterminators. 

Satyros led the mutual fratricide. Seizing their weapons 
they rushed upon each other with all the fury to which they 
had for 5 years been wont, The audience were thrilled 
and astonished. The heroic fellows, one after another, 
fell, gashed and pierced with their own daggers; while 
the remaining warriors, girding their courage by the ex- 
citement and din, drove the knife deep into each others’ 
brave hearts. All had fallen and lay gasping, the hot blood 
draining their bodies of both spirit and vitality. Satyros, 
the powerful Greek, was still upon his feet. Without fal- 
tering he drove his weapon deep into his own breast and thus 
triumphantly expired. 

This magnificent stroke of courage recoiled badly against 
the perfidious Aquillius who had treacherously lied them 
out of their lives. The word rang out that the glory of 
these brave men’s fall was infinitely grander than that of 
the wretch whose vanity was to be puffed by an ovation.” 
A reaction then and there set in against the fellow and one 
L. Fufius, soon afterwards brought suit against him for ex- 
tortion and malfeasance which was so energetically pressed 
that the great orator Antonius had to be engaged to save 
his life. He was retained for the trial and succeeded only 
by seizing Aquillius, and tearing open his clothing during 
an impassioned gush of eloquence, and exhibiting to the peo- 
ple the wounds which he had actually received in the duel 
with Athenion at the battle before Macella.“ But even this 
did not save the fellow’s life; for where there lurks an enemy 
in public opinion there also lurks a means. Aquillius who 
afterwards fell a prisoner to Mithridates was taken to Per- 
gamus and in a horrible manuer was tied back down upon 
a stone and held there while the gold melters poured a la- 
dle full of melted gold down his throat.® 


67 Viele meinten, grosser sel der Ruhm der Gefallenen als der Ruhm dee 
iberlebenden Siegers.” Sicilische Sklaveniriege, S. 31. 

% Livy, Epitome to book LXX. ‘Cum M. Aquillits de pecaniis repetundis 
cauam diceret,ipse judices rogare noluit. M. Antonius, qui pro eo perorabat, 
tunicam a pectore ejus discidit, ut honestas cicatrices ostenderet, indubitantur 
absolutis est.” 

69 Pliny, Nat. Hist. XXXIII.14. “Nec jam Quiritium aliquo, sed univers 
nomine Romano iniami, rex Mithridates Aquilio duci capto. anrum in os ind 


214 ATHENION. 


Lucullus and Servilius, the pretors whom Athenion had 
defeated and driven from Sicily, as we have related, were 
also both accused of robbery and malfeasance in office and 
banished from Rome into perpetual exile.” 


70 It is hardly to be wondered at that early commentators misunderstand the 
true principles involved in this great war, or that they misapuly the true facta 
in the case. Both Granier and O’Brien fail to comprehend at all that there ex- 
isted a socialistic enlt of great but secret influence which had a powertul effect 
upon the minds of the men involved in all those troubles. Granier, Histoire des 
Classes Ouvrizres, Ὁ. 496, characterizes them as “ bandits,” as follows: ‘‘ Un trait 
fort ceractéristique, et qui fut commun ἃ Kunus et 4 Athénion, ¢’est qu’en se ré- 
voltant ils n’eurent ni l’un nil’autre l’'idée d abolir l’esclavage et d’établir l’égalité. 
A peine au milieu de leurs armées, ils se hatérent d’oublier qu’ils avaient le cou 
pelé par la chaine, et de gouter avec délices les prérogatives de la seigneurie, 
D’abord, ce qui est facile ἃ croire, les chateaux, les villages, les villes, furent mig 
au pillage.” So Mr. James Bronterre O’Brien, am honest and kind-hearted writer 
who devoted his life to his ‘ellow-men, amid persecutions, likewise misunder- 
stands the ancients. He says (Rise, Progress and Phuses of Human Slavery, p. 31), 
speaking of upholding the dignity οὐ human nature, that in these conflicts “ there 
was nothing of the sort. The barsh conduct of masters and the violation of 
workhouse rules were the motive power of each revolt.” The fact is that the 
workhouses he mentions were, as we have shown, dungeons, often underground 
and intolerable hells; and those poor people were chained down in them, and 
in the morning marched in chains to the fields. The systematized workhouses 
with which these writ2rs become con‘ounded, were those of the later Augustan 
age. To get into the ergastulum of Sicily or Italy before the emperors, was 4 ser- 
ious thing, and we know Oi no rules whatever in Sicily restricting the master’s 
will. He could kiil his slave or keep him without rule. Mr. O’Brien and M, 
Granier de Cassagnac are both entirely wrong in saying that there was neither 
premeditation nor purpose in these gteat revolts. They charge against Kunus 
and Athenion that “ they began forthwilh to aye the pomp and the circumstance 
of their oppressors.’”’ Every action of Eunus and of Athenion on the contrary, 
was incontestably pre-det-riiimed; an! the fire-spitting prestigiation of Eunus 
and Satyros, as well as the purple and silver staff οἵ Athenion, were indispensa- 
ble to inspire their uncouth, uperstitions soldiers with feelings of awe and rev: 
erence, necessary to order vid Uiscipline. Im tact this was the key to their sue 
0688. 


CHAPTER ΧΙ]. 


SPARTACUS. 


THE IRASCIBLE PLAN TESTED ON AN 
ENORMOUS SCALE. 


Risx, Viorssitupes and Fall of a Great General—The Strike of 
the Gladiators—Grievances that led to the Trouble—Growth 
of Slavery through Usurpation of the Land by the arrogant 
Optimates—What is known of Spartacus before being Sold 
into Slavery—Bolt of the 78 Gladiators from the Hrgastulum 
of Lentulus at Capua—Escape of the Ranaways—How they 
seized Weapons— V esuvius—First Battle—Battle of the Cliffs 
—Rout of Clodius—Second Battle—Destruction of a Preeto- 
rian Army—Battle of the Mineral Baths—Great Increase of 
the Rebel Force—From a petty Strike it assumes the Propor- 
tions of Revolution—Fourth Battle; Hilt to Hilt with Va- 
rinius—Destruction of the Main Army of the Romans—Win- 
ter Quarters of Spartacus at Metapontem—Honor, Discipline 
and Temperance of the Workingmen—Proofs by Pliny and 
Plutarch—Coalition with the Organized Laborers of ltaly— 
Uses of Gold and other Ornaments Forbidden--Wine Ban- 
ished—Great Numbers Employed in the Armuries of Sparta- 
cus—Fifth Battle—Battle of Mt. Garganus—Ambuscade of 
Arrius—Overthrow and Death of Crixus—Sixth Battle— 
Spartacus Destroys the Consular Army of Poplicola—Sev- 
enth Battle—Great Conflict of the River Peo—Overthrow of 
Cassius and Defeat of the 10,000 Romans—Spartacus, now 
Master, assumes the Offensive—Eighth Battle—Lentulus De- 
feated; Great Army nearly annihilated—Mortification and 
Terror of the Romans—Ninth Battle—Mutina—Proconsul 
Cassius again Routed in a Disastrous Oonfict with the wary 
Gladiator—Spartacus now obliged to contend with the De- 
mon of Insubordination—Crassus elected Consu!—Reverses 
Begin—On downto Rhegium—Sedition, Treachery, Betrayal 
—Workingmen’s own Jvalousies, Insubordination and Lack 


210 SPARTACUS. 


of Diplomacy cause their final Ruin—Tenth Battle—Scaling 
of the Six-Mile Ramparts by Spartacuas—Battle of Croton— 
Destruction of the Seceders, Granicus and Castus—Obstinate 
Fighting—Spartacus arrives and checks the Carnage—Pe- 
telia, the Eleventh Battle—Victory—Twelfth Battle; Silarus 
—Last and most Bloody Encounter—Spartacus, stabbing his 
Horse, Rushes sword drawn, in search of Crassus—Heaps 
of the slain—Dying like ἃ King—End of the War—The great 
Supplicium—Pompey and Crassus, emulous of meagre Hon- 
ors—Inhuman Oruelties—Awful Wreaking of Vengeance on 
the Cross—Dangling Bodies of 6,000 Crucified Workingmen 
along the Appian Way—Thousands of Others crucified—Ut- 
ter Failure of the Irascible Plan of Deliverance. 


As physical science informs us of convulsions in nature 
called by geologists, the Permian age which brought the 
paleozoic era to an end and left, after its prodigious up- 
heavals, the calm in which we live, so historical fragments 
and paleoeraphs inform us of great social cataclysms im- 
mediately preceding the immense calm that began to en- 
velop human society during the reign of Augustus, rooted 
into it by the visit andlabors of Jesus. The desperate so- 
cial upheaval here referred to—the last in the line—was 
that of the gladiators under Spartacus, B, C. 74-70. 

In introducing this mighty conflict of Spartacus—the 
greatest and last of all the ancient struggles coming into 
our categories of the “irascible” against the “ concupis- 
cent,” and undertaken by labor, in its plan of salvation 
from the horrors of slavery and suffering—we find it nec- 
essary to sketch an outline of the condition which matters 
were in during the century preceding the advent of Jesus, 
who was the next reformer in chronological order. 

Of all the methods of systematic cruelty practiced upon 
the ancient lowly, that of the gladiatorial games excelled ; 
and it is our duty, in order that the reader may see the 
whole truth laid bare, which actuated this rebellion, to 
quote a few specimen descriptions of that ferocious 
amusement, from the authors and the slabs. Athenseus, 
quoting the lost work of Nicolaus Damascenus, describes 
in unmistakable language, the horrible custom common 
at that time. He says it was a common thing for rich 
men to invite guests to dinner and after the wine and 
other intoxicating stimulants began to madden them, to 


HORRORS OF THE AMPHITHEATRE. 277 


introduce gladiators into some ring or private amphithe- 
atre. As these poor creatures, driven by the foreman to 
fight, cut each others’ throats, boisterous applause and 
laughter at the scene were indulged in. Sometimes beau- 
tiful women were thus forced to attack and butcher 
each other in the same manner as the men. Large 
sums of money were paid for these innocent victims, for 
no other purpose than to toy with this inhuman passion 
in the male and female guests, for beholding atrocities of 
this ghastly nature while they wallowed in inebriate and 
lascivious beastliness. Often small children were driven 
naked into the arena, given knives, and forced, for the 
amusement of these truculent nobles, to struggle in the 
ywful qualms of danger and death until the little innocents, 
one or more, fell dying in their bath of blood.’ 
Gladiatorial games, as we have shown in our chapter, 
on amusements, were the real origin of wakes; and of this 
we possess the evidence of Valerius Maximus. Some 264 
years before Christ, two brothers named Marcus and 
Decimus Brutus, on the death of their father, a lord of a 
gens, possessing slaves, held in his honor and at his fun- 
eral, a gladiatorial combat. There being no amphitheatre 
at that early date, the Forum Boarium was used, and a 
permit was granted by the city. Appius Claudius and 
M., Fulvius were the consuls.?, One need not wonder that 
a license was granted to butcher workingmen by a mons- 
ser like Appius Claudius. He hated them and was strug- 
1 Schambach, Der Italische Sclavenaufsland, 85. 7-8, quotes in proof of this, 
Nicolaus Damascenus, indirectly as follows: “ [ἢ dem gewaltigen Geschichte 
werke des Nicolaus Damascenus wurde der Sklavenkrieg in 110, Buche gehan- 
delt, aus dem uns bei Athen, IV, pag. 153 F. (fragm. 84 bei Miller fragm. hist. 
graec. III, pag. 417) ein Fragment erhalten ist, welchesin der von M, gegebenen 
teinischen Uebersetzung, die ich der Ailgemainverstindlichkeit wegen statt des 
riechischen Textes hier gebe, folgendermassen lautet: Nicolaus Daimascenus, 
’eripateticae sectae philosophus, libro historiarum decimo supra centesinum 
Romanos scribit inter coenandum gladiatorum paria committere solitos, his ver- 
bis: gladiatorum autem spectacula non solum in publicis conventibus et amphi- 
theatris edunt Romani, invecto ab Etruscis more, sed etiam inter epulas. Itaque 
amicos ad coenam invitant interdum, tum ut alia, tum ut dno triave gialiatorum 
paria dimicantia iis exhibeant. Igitur postquam vino ac dapibus sese ingurvita- 
runt. introduci jubent gladiatores; quorum ubi quis jugulatur, universi convivaa 
lau lunt eo spectaculo exhilarati. Quidem etiam in testameuto jussit mulierca 
Ortuoes8, quas emerat, ferro inter se dimicare; alius item pueros inpubcres, 
4008 in deliciia habuerat. Sed populus cam atrocitatem detestatus testaiietum 
eorum irritnim esse jussit, Jas Ganze macht den Hindruck, als habe es aur \.0- 
tivirung des Aufstandes gedient.”’ 
2 Valerius Maxima, Ve Spoctaculis, 7; “ Gladiatorium munns primum Rois 
datum est in foro boario, Ap. {'andio, M. Fulvio Coss. dederant Δ, & Ὁ. Bruti, 


funebri memoria patris cjneiés icnorsnde. Athletarum certamenaM Scat 
Yactum est munilicentia. 


27 SPARTACUS. 


gling to suppress them and their unions even at that early 
time. Thyse, who arranged the Lugdunum edition of 
Valerius Maximus, adds that slaves were sacrificed on fu- 
neral occasions of such men.’ The origin then is fetish 
and belongs to, and must, like many other inhuman rites, 
and practices, be charged to religion. 

As an instance that gladiators were the game of priests 
and priestcraft not only at Rome, but even in North 
America among the less ancient Aztecs, we may cite Ban- 
croft, on the Nahuas. He says, speaking of the feast of 
Xipe: “The next day another batch of prisoners called 
oavanti, whose top hair had been shaved, were brought 
out for sacrifice. In the meantime a number of young 
men also named tototecti, began a gladiatorial game, a bur- 
lesque on the real combat to follow, dressing themselves 
in the skins of the flayed (human) victims.” 

The story of these victims is told on the preceding page 
as follows: “Let us now proceed with the feast of Xipe. 
We left a part of the doomed victims on their way to 
death. Arrived at the summit of the temple each one is 
led in turn to the alter of sacrifice, seized by the grim, 
merciless priests, and thrown upon the stone; the high- 
priest draws near, the knife is lifted, there is one great 
ery of agony, a shufile of feet as the assistants are swayed 
to and fro by the death-struggles of their victim, then all 
is silent save the mutterings of the high-priest as high in 
air he holds the smoking heart, while from far down be- 
neath comes a low hum of admiration from the thousands 
of upturned faces. ”* 

This picture almost exactly corresponds with the glad- 
iaforial horrors of the time of Spartacus at Rome, Capua 
_ 8 Vhysii, Recensionova Lugd,. Batavorum, 1651; “Gladiatorum munus. Origo 
Gladiatorum a re funebri: exempium ab Hetruscis, At fortasse Hetrnsci ipsi ἃ 
Griecis. Undecunqueexemplum, causa tamen and origo funus. Nam quoniem 
olim animas defunctorum hurmano sanguine projitiarl creditum erat, captivos 
vel alto ingenio servos mercati in exsequiis immojabant. Postea placuit impie- 
tatem voiuptate adumbrare: itaque duos paraverant, armis quibus tnne et qual- 
iter poterant eruditos, mox edicto die feriarum, apud tumulos erogabant. ite 
muneris origo. Atque Gladiatores illi ἃ busti cineribus Bustuarii dicti, Lipsius 
Gladiatorium munus. Vulgo, gladiatorum, quod gladiatorium Livio aliisque di- 


citur , non enim gladiatorum muuus illud erat, sed ejus qui gladiatores pugnantes 
populo exhibebat.”” pp. 170-171. 

4 Bancroft, Native Races. Vol. Il, pp. 358-359. These horrors were cxiracted 
from the histories of Las Casas, Clavigero, Gomorra and others, The Christiana 
were furious against tke practice and broke it up, for which they have been 
muligned. There seems indeed no doubt that in breaking it up they committed 
faults: but the great anti-slavery movement of Las Casas, which ~yarred against 
every cruelty, freed Mexico from these two pests long ayo. 


WAKING THE DEAD WITH BLOOD. 279 


and hundreds of provincia! towns all over Italy. Where 
history fails the inscriptions come to the front with their 
irrepressible language, making up the gaps. These are 
seemingly innumerable. A peculiar character resembling 
the Greek theta expresses the violent death of the gladia- 
tor mentioned onthe slab. Orelli’s catalogue entitled Res 
Scenica teems with them.’ Asa rule they may be consid- 
ered epitaphs; for after the dead gladiator had been 
dragged off the sands his body was generally given up to 
his friends, some of whom were organized in the numer- 
ous unions, and hence the occasional laudatory words on 
his character, his affection for his family, his skill in the 
use of weapons, 

But nothing is more certain than that these poor peo- 
ple had a mutual or reciprocatory terror of these scenes 
which were almost sure to terminate only with their lives. 

When M. Valerius Levinus died B. C, 200, his sons 
forced fifty of the old man’s slaves to begore his grave 
with their blood. Flaminius, 25 years later, on the occa- 
sion of his father’s death, caused 74 gladiators who had 
been hired for the service, to balm with their blood his 
ghost about to be deposited under the sacred hearth. The 
emperor Trajau once ordered a vast gladiatorial orgie 
lasting 123 days, Not less than 10,000 gladiators were 


5 Orellius, Inscriplionum Latinarium Selectarum Collectio, Nos. 2,551. “ Poet- 
eliug, Syrus Ianista ad Aram Forinarum ...... ubi negotiatorem familia 
ladiatori# habes; 2,552 is a slab on waoich are lettered certain data about one 
ornelius Frontin ; how he won liberty at the great games and liberty for his 
ehildren. It was found on the Appian Way and catalogued by Mur. No. 620, 4; 
2,554; 2,555 is one of which considerable mention has been made; “ Inscrip- 
tiones gladiatoriz in Opere musive Roms xsservato apud Marini, Aéti. 1, p. 
165.” It is two inscriptions in one, recording the death by the steel of both. 
“Astianax. vicit. Kalendio death), Astianax, Kalendio (death or killed). Quibus 
pugnantibus Simmachus ferrum Maternus habilis misit.” So No. 2,556, remark- 
able inscriptions discovered at Pompeii, showing that gladiators fought with 
wild beasts Romenelli, Viaggio a Pompeii. Rome, I,p. 82. Another (No. 2,545), 
tells in the words of an epitaph, more than a cliapter of history. A gladiator had 
fought eight times in these games before he fell, and so skillfully had he des- 
patched his fellow adversaries whom the ctters had pitted against him that he 
received floral decorations and much applause. But we have not space to men- 
tion more than a few οἵ the extremely numerous specimens. As to the average 
years which gladiators lived we find these data carefully figured by Schambach 
from the inscriptions of Orellias follows: ** Ueber sein Alter ’’ (meaning the age 
of Spartacus) ‘ist uns zwar von den Alten nichts berichtet; trotzdem macht 
dieser Punct noch nicht die grézten Schwierigkeiten. Das man zu Fechtern 
vorwiegend Leute in jungen oder mittleren Lebensjahren wihlte, ist natirlich; 
die erhaltenen Sepulcralinschriften auf gefallenen Fechter bestitigen dies. Wit 
finden in den Inscr. lat. ed Hagenb, et Orelli folgende Todesjahre verzeichnet ; 
22 (nr. 2,572), 27 (nr. 2,592), 80 (nr. 2.571), 46 (nr. 2,590). und schwerlich 
wird das zuletzt angegebene Lebensjahr offers (berschritten sein Wir werden 
also nicht weit fehl gehen, wenn wir uns fpariacus als einen Mann zwischen 
30 und 40 vorstellen.” Italischer Sklavenaufsiand, 8. 15-16, 


280 SPARTACUS. 


obliged to fight and die in the combat for the worse than 
beastly gratification of that degenerate humanity. 

At Capua, Pompeii, Preneste, Ravenna, Alexandria in 
upper Etruria, even in Gaul and among the Germans, 
these games of gladiatorial carnage were fashionable. 
Commodus upheld them, Domitian extended them, and 
finally, and to their shame be it said, even the Christians 
themselves left the noble principles and precepts of their 
master and for the paltry baubles of adulation and of im- 
perial favor, fell back into the ghastly heathenism of the 
amphitheatre.* But fortunately for future civilization, 
this did not occur until the cult of the so-called early 
Christians had firmly taken root among workingmen, the 
terrible system’s victims; and even to this day it is this 
element that alone ismanfully fighting and resisting cruelty. 

De Quincey, in his characteristic language, tells the 
story of Caligula who took delight in feeding the wild ani- 
mals of the amphitheatres with the quivering flesh of hu- 
man beings. He brings his story in, incidentally, as an 
instance as follows: 

“On some occasionit happened that a dearth prevailed, 
either generally of cattle, or of such cattle as were used 
for feeding the wild beasts reserved for the hloody exhibi- 
tions of the amphitheatre. Food could be had and per- 
haps at no very exorbitant price, but on terms somewhat 
higher than the ordinary market price. A slight excuse 
served with Caligula for acts the most monstrous. In- 
stantly repairing to the public jails and causing all the 
prisoners to pass in review before him custodiarum seriem 
recognoscens, he pointed to two bald-headed men, and or- 
dered that the whole file of the intermediate persons should 
be marched off to the dens of the wild beasts. ‘Tell them 
off’ said he, ‘from the bald man to the bald man.’ Yet 
these were prisoners committed, not for punishment, but 
trial.”" 

From the earliest times of which history gives any record, 
brigandage or marauding was not only common but in 
many countries quite popular.’ It was the netural outcome 


6 Guhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 554-586, 
7 De Quincy, Ancient Histories and Antiquities, ΒΡ 88-9, 
8 Carey, Le of Social Science, Vol. I Ρ. 139. Rentis original brigand- 
age differentiated by refinement. ‘ Opportunity makes the robbs, and the most 
saring among them becomes the leader of the band. One by une, the peop ia 


THE FIRST BRIGANDS. 281 


of the competitive system, forcing the patricians or gene 
families of high-born rank, to co-operate with each other, 
and in Greece, to form interprotective fratries, in Rome, 
curies,° which may be regarded as first evidences of that 
differentiation that made nations out of isolated families.” 
Much of this marauding spirit was the result of their 
abuse practiced against slaves whose intelligent sensibili- 
ties to maltreatment they little understood. Although 
those slaves had neither social or political liberty they 
had minds and strong physical vitality." These they of- 
ten used in self defense. It was not uncommon for them 
to take control of their own lives, escape into the mount- 
ains whose caverns and jungles. afforded them protection, 
and organize nightly expeditions against those whom they 
considered their common foe. Some of them became bold 
and chivalrous bandits. Only on extremely rare occasions 
does their history appear in the writings of the chroni- 
clers of their times probably because of the contempt for 
them as being mere property, which was entertained by 
the ruling society, whose interests the historians were of- 
ten forced to serve. 

Historians were mostly of the aristocratic or noble 
stock; because, as their business was to record the deeds 
of heroes, the laboring race was considered too insignifi- 
cant to do that work. So in earlier times soldiers were 
of nobler stock than workingmen, for the same reason 
Thus we find in almost every instance, that historians 
were of noble blood, while sculptors, architects, poets and 
teachers were descendants from the slaves.” 


who desire to live by their own Iabor are plundered; and thus are they who pre- 
fer the work of plunder enabled to pass their time in dissipation. The leader 
divides the spoil, ana with its help is enabled to augment the number of his fol- 
lowers, and thus to enlarge the sphere orhis depredations. With the gradual in- 
crease of the little community, he is led, however, to commute with them fora 
certain share of their produce, which he calls rent, or tax or taille.” 

9 For an interesting discussion of the gentes or gentiles which we designate 
the gens families, see Morgan’s Ancient Society, Chapter IJ, pp. 62-70, 

10 Florus, lib. IIT, cap. 20. §1, (Fisher) denies this, unable to understand the 
possibility of equality by merit, ‘* Nam etsi ipsi (meaning slaves as cor.pared 
with gladiators) per fortunam in omnia obnoxii; tamen quasi secundum homi- 
num genus sunt.” ‘Note C). 

 Fustel de Coulanges, La Cité Antique, p. 118, chap. X. “Τὰ signification 
vrale de familia est propriété: elle désigne le champ, Ja maison, l’argent. les es- 


ciaves, etc.” The word thus developed politicaliy and covered cities and nations 
lz Granier, Histovre des Classes Ouvrivres, chap. XVI. Also chap. XI, pp. 243- 
244; Lucian, Somnium, §. 6-9: Consult Drumanns remarks Arbeiter und Com- 


munisten in Griechenland und Rom,, 8. 29-30, Miller, Origin of Ranks, chap. VI, 
τι 243; ‘The ancient institution by which every one who is able to bear arms 


289 SPARTACUS. 


Among the most remarkable of the workingmen of an- 
cient days whose genius revolted into rebellion against 
the servile condition, was Spartacus. Judging from piece- 
meal evidence, scantily, and we might also say, stingily 
announced by the historians of his time, the deeds of 
Spartacus, for valor, for success, for magnitude, and for 
the terror they struck into the hearts of the proud Rom- 
ans, were equal if not superior to those of Hannibal. The 
more our investigation of the darkened facts reveals the 
sagacity and purity of this man, the more profound be- 
comes the respect and the more intense the admiration 
for him by all true lovers of gallantry and freedom. In 
fact, there are interests astir in the human breast which 
must lead to a more searching acquaintance with the 
fountains at the social penetralia of the times, that bubbled 
forth under his terrible hand and shook the social and po- 
litical world from center to surface, paling the senators 
and tribunes at Rome. 

Spartacus was, in all respects a workingman. He had 
no ornamental initials attached to his name, such as be- 
token any claim to privileged ancestry, It was simply 
Spartacus.” 


is required to appear in the field at his own charge.” This of itself precludes 
the lowly who have no such economical means, from being soldiers, and shows 
She entire absence in the early ages, of the now prevailing socialistic mode of 
*evying and supporting armies by the state. See also Guhl and Koner, Life of 
the Greeks and Romans: “ΤΠ contempt against trades expressed by Cicero is fur- 
ther illustrated by the fact of tradesmen being with few exceptions debarred from 
serving in the legions; ’’ Drumann, Idem Rémischer Abschnitt, S. 106, 4; Dichter, 
condirms the statements that poets, artists and other workers were of the lowly 
class. 
18 Flor., III, 20,1. ‘“Bellum Spartaco duce concitatum quo nomine appel- 
lem nescio.” Mommseen, History of Rome, vol. IV, p. 102, Harpers’ ed., tries, 
because his deeds were of so prodigious a magnitude, to make him a member of 
a noble family of the Spartocids; but the name he trumps up to serve this silly 
conceit is not Spartacus all; it was Spardokos, and the family was far from the 
home of our hero while the time of their career was equally distant. Mommsen’s 
exact words translated are: ‘‘Spartacus, perhaps a scion of the noble family of 
the Spartocids which attained even to royal honors in its Thracian home and in 
Panticapzeum, had served among the Thracian auxiliaries in the Roman army, 
had deserted and gone as a brigand to the mountains, and had been there reca 
Sured and destined for the gladiatorial games.” Schambach makes this vaguely 
conjectural, and succeeds only in repeating the well-known fact that in Thrace 
the name Sportox, Sportokos and Spardokas was about as common as our name 
Smith. Hegays, (Italische Sklavenaufstand, 8. 15): ** Dass Spartacus von Geburt 
ein Thraker gewesen, darin stimmen alle Nachrichten tiberein; Plutarch figt 
noch hinzu, er habe einem Nomadenstamme angehort., Hine thrakische Stadt 
peichen Namens wird von Stephanus von Byzanz, ΕΒ. v. erwihnt; aus Thue. II, 

ΟἹ lernen wir einen Glied des odrystschen K6nighauses kennen, das den Namen 
Σπάρδοκος fiihrt. Durch Inschriften und Miinzen ist uns bezeugt, das in dem 
bogporanischen Herrscherhause der name Σπάρτοκος Oftersvorkam. Vgl. Béckh 
corp. ioscr. gr. IT, 91. Mdéglich, das auch unser Spartacus in seiner Heimat dex 
Kang eines Hduptlings schon bekleidet hat.’ 


CAUSES LEADING TO THE REVOLT, 283 


Like all other prominent persons without the prestige 
of high rank to build from, Spartacus rose by his own 
genius, He arose amongst his fellow slaves in the year 
74 before Christ. This was precisely the time correspond- 
ing with the movement of the Roman Senate to suppress 
the right of organization ;™ and serves as additional evi- 
dence that the suppression of organization among work- 
ing people was followed by a great struggle. The first ap- 
pearance of Spartacus appears to have ‘been sixteen years 
before the law was passed suppressing the ancient right 
of organization.” It seems evident, that threats against 
the Jus coeundi, or law permitting free organization, were, 
at the time Spartacus makes his appearance, being pushed, 
with great fury by the nobility, on the slim pretext that 
they were corrupting the politics as well as the general 
morals of Rome.” But we know from the accounts of 
the Gracchi that a furious dissention was all along, rag: 
ing against the unions and in favor of the suppression of 
the law engraved upon the Twelve Tables which permitted 
free organization; and the fierce hatred of the patrician 
minority of the Roman people, who were assuming and 
monopolizing the public lands contrary to the Licinian 
law—a dead letter—had by no means died out.” The 
fact is, that although this great social feud had not 
sropped out in the time of the appearance of Spartacus so 
as to be much mentioned in any record of the time, yet 


14 See account of this suppression together with the efforts of Clodius and 
Cicero for and against it, in chapter xiii. Trade Unions. 

16 Mommeen, De Collegius οἱ Sodalictis Romanorum, Ὁ. 18. De legibus contra 
collega latis. ‘*Usque ad finem szculi septimi liberum jus coenndi mansit.” 
The year Ab Urle Condita 700. Seculum septimum, was B. C, 58. 

16 Mommsen says that Asconicus refers to the year 66 before Christ in the 
following words: “Frequenter tum etiam ccetus factiosorum lominum sins 
publica auctoritate malo publico flebant..... ἦ propter quod postea collegia 
pluribus legibus sublata sunt,” Of course these “societies of pretentious men 
without authority ’ to which Asconius refers, are the trade and other labor 
unions. (Asvou., dn Cornel. Ὁ. 75.) 

17 Centralization of wealth upon individuals was at this time about ai {ts 
highest pitch. Formerly even the lords sometimes worked on these far*is, 
Pliny can hardiy believe it, though he enumerates many, Nat. Hist. XVID, ὃ. 
Plutarch, Solon, also speaks of it. But working with one’s own hands in Agri- 
culture had dis: appeared by the time of Spartacus and everything was now dene 
by slaves and freedmen. See Wallace, Number of Mankind, yp. y23, reterriny to 
Plutarch, Solon, Solon finding that the very poorvst ireedmen who, if they tid 
not get work, were seized and sold, took their part and must thevefore be clas sed 
among the earliest labor reformers on record. Not only Spartacus but g eat 
i bers at his time and before were seized and gold into slavery. see Encyclo. 
poesia Brilannica, Vol. XX7. p. 653, 9th edition. Agathocles tyrant of Syrecure 
aiter murdering 10,000 of the people of Segesta had sold the - oat into tlavery. B. 
0. 391, Schambasach, 8. 1-2, Zahl der Sklaven. 


284 SPARTACUS. 


it was there, ready to be kindled into flame at any mo- 
ment and by any daring adventurer. 

The most terrible enemy of the plebeians, or, as we 
prefer to call them, the working classes, was Cicero,” 
whose sense of justice was confined to his own interpre- 
tation of laws favoring the privileged class, or gens fami- 
lies. Strange to say, in the year 70 B. C., he was in the 
act of prosecuting Verres, the pretor of Sicily, for acts of 
rapacity which it was feared would again cause the ser- 
vile war to flame forth in that island; a subject concern- 
ing which we shall soon have more to say; but a short 
time afterwards we find him violently lampooning the 
workingmen at Rome in his defense of the laws restrict- 
ing their organization. We also find him slurring Clodius, 
whose powerful eloquence succeeded in vindicating them 
for a time and in bringing odium upon his name. Study- 
ing the causes of the servile war of this period from a 
consultation of the changes which occurred in the Roman 
law, and bearing, at the same time, a close scrutiny of the 
chronicled events such as are sparingly afforded by his- 
torians, together with such as we find engraved on the 
tablets of the unions before and after the promulgation 
of the restrictions to labor organizations, we cannot but 
see that the wide-spread disaffection called the servile war 
of Spartacus’® must have been largely caused by the law 
prohibiting and threatening to prohibit free right of com- 
bination. 

Though little is known of the birth of Spartacus, the 
legend goes that his father whom he much loved was also 
a captive slave; and that the young son of 15 years, as he 
held the head of his dying parent, chained and nailed to 
the trunk of a tree, is conjured by the old man to avenge his 
death” and that, like Hannibal, he then and there vowed 
vengeance upon his powerful enemies,” and in consequence 
his terrible spring at Rome in riper years was in obedi- 
ence to promise. All this must, for want of proof, be re- 

18 As evidence that Cicero hated the plebeians we have in many places, quoted 
hia own words in our copious annotations, 4. v. in chapters on 7rade Unions. 

; 19 Florus, ΠῚ, 20, init, ennobles it with the appellation, ‘‘ Bellu Sparta- 
he Vela, the Italian sculptor executed a group of statues portraying this scene 
which was set up in London in 1862, Dictionnaire Universel, Art. Spartacus. 

21“*Serment de Spartacus: groupe de marbre de M. Barrias, Solon de 1872. 


Spartacus ainé euchainé et cloné 4 un trone darbre viert d@expirer eto.” See 
Dictiornaire Wniversel, Art Spartacus, 


DESCRIPTION OF THE GREAT GLADIATOR. 285 


garded as romance. But we come tothe recital of more 
solid facts, 

Spartacus, in the year B. C. 74, was a man of giant frame, 
handsome, of white complexion with an abundance of 
dark ringlets, and possessed of an affable bearing, win- 
ning and yet severe in its magnetic aptitude for com- 
mand. He was young for one of his experience, knowl- 
edge and judgment of the world. He had been a shep- 
herd on his native plains in Thracian Greece.” While 
engaged at this bucolic calling he made companionship 
with other young men unfitted for this dreamy life. They 
attached themselves to habits of the numerous mountain- 
eers who sallied from their cabins at convenient times and 
attacked Roman soldiers who often marched through the 
country during those days of war and invasion. At any 
rate, we first find him at Capua, a city situated about 
twenty miles north from Naples. We also have evidence™ 
that he had been captured in Thrace, taken forcibly to 
Capua as a prisoner and on account of his powerful phy- 
sique and peculiarly fine appearance, was trained in a 
school of gladiators by the master teacher of athletic 
games, Lentulus Batiatus. Capua was then a consider- 
able city of Italy. It was celebrated for its extravagance 
and luxury. In the heart of an exceedingly fertile re 
gion, its indolent patrician inhabitants had usurped the 
ager publicus which during the happier days of the gol- 
den age of Rome had been farmed by labor unions or 
colleges under the celebrated provisions of Numa Pom- 
pilius andSolon.* ‘The ager publicus was the public land. 
It was property in common which belonged to the State.* 
The Licinian Law, or the memory of the defunct statute 
having this title, was at that moment a bone of conien- 
tion. Spurius Cassiuslong before the Twelve Tables were 
engraved or the decemvirate created, had made a strong 
effort in behalf of the unions, or order of the united la- 


22 See International Encyclopedia; La Rousse, Dictionaire Universel, Articles, 
«« Spartacus; " Schambach, /talische sktavenaufstand, V.15. ‘ Dass Spartacus von 
Geburt ein Thraker gewesen, darin stimmen alle Nachrichten uberein.” Con- 
sult og Florus, II, 20; Appian, 1. 116-121. Orosius, Historiarum Adversus Pag- 
anos, [ 

23 Plutarch, Crassus, 8. 

24 Digest, lib. xvii, tit. 22, leg. 4, and the law of the Twelve Tables there 
spoken of by Plut., Numa, xviii. 

35 See Licinian law and the Acrarian conflicts, Plut., Titus Gracchus. Alsa 
the Encyclopedias, Art. Agrarian Law 


286 SPARTACUS. 


borers, one of the great branches of that labor organiza- 
tion indirectly provided for by Nama. The co-operators 
or amalgamated societies for victualing the inhabitants of 
Rome were necessary to the life of the state.* Their 
business had been to attend to the farming of the ager 
publicus or lands belonging to the state. It isan unhappy 
characteristic of individual wealth, however, to love the 
boasted social gulf separating them from labor; and as 
certain individuals grew enormously rich and politically 
powerful they committed encroachments upon the ancient 
system of supplying the people with provisions as it were, 
by communistic means. The trade unionists or socialists 
were gradually encroached upon by these wealthy gentes, 
or patricians who pushed slaves out upon the ager pub- 
licus, driving off the unionists and their system by slow 
degrees, substituting for them abject and degraded toil, 
and maddening the collegia or unions who took advantage 
of their organizations to discuss this grievance, a political 
as well as a social one.” There were at Rome good men 
as well as bad among the rulers in power. At all times 
these are to be seen in Roman history. Spurius Cassius, 
a consul, got a law passed restoring these lands, which 
had been arbitrarily taken possession of, because he found 
that the wrong had already begun, in his early time to 
produce poverty. But the patricians arrogantly ignored 
the measure, or rather fought it down. Great estates 
manned by slaves appeared on the public domain to which 
the optimates had no right whatever, except that of su- 
perior force, prestige and tact. Thus, on the one hand, 
in many places, especially in the particular territory south 

36 See “ Victualers,” in chap. xvi, pp. 889-400. Also consult Granier, Histoire 
des Classes Ouvritres, chap. xii, explaining how the trade unions were employed 
by the Roman government. 

27 In addition to our own copious figures on the importation of slave—in 
other words cheap labor, we quote Schambach as follows: ‘‘ Von diesen ruck- 
weisen Ueberschwemmung mit frischen Menschenkraften abgesehen, wurde der 
regelmiszige Bedarf auf dem Wege des Handels gedeckt. Fort und fort 
wurden aug dem Norden, aus den Gegenden am schwarzen Meere, aus Syrien 
und Libyen eine Menge von Sklaven durch Handler nach Italien importirt. 
Lange Zeit war Delos der Haupsitz dieses Handels; zur Zeit der hochsten- 
Blite (um 100 v. Chr.) sollen an einem Tage oft 10,000 Sklaven hier abgesetz sein. 
Selbstverstiindlich war auch Rom ein wichtiger Platz fiir den Sklavenhandel. 
Auf welche Weise der Hiindler in dem besitz seiner Waare gekommen, darnach 
fragte man nicht; Menschenraub zu Wasser und zu Lande, selbst Menschenjag- 
dén, wie sie heutzutage noch in Afrika an der Tagesordnung sind, waren nichts 
Ungewéhniches, wenn auch die grosze Masse gebrachten, als ein Opier heimi- 


echer Fehden, durch Tausch oder Kau.in dem Besitz ihrer derzeitigen Herren 
gekomunsy sein mockten.” Der Liuiische Sklavenay/stand, 8 κα, 


IMPORTED CHEAP LABOR THE CAUSE 287 


and east of Rome, of which Capua was a fruitful center, 
the ancient collegia or labor organizations were gradually 
driven together into cities, and the slaves of conquest 
and slaves of birth from the gens who were everywhere 
numerous, were forced * to delve for rapacious masters, 
without remuneration, under the tyrannical lash of foreign 
mercenary drivers.” 

The same state of things continued until the time of 
Appius Claudius, one of the Roman decemvirs, whose 
business as a decemvir was, per se to carry out the law of 
Cassius, restoring the public domain to the people. What 
was this decemvirate created for? History is exceedingly 
explicit and unanimous in stating the functions of the de- 
cemvirate—decemviri iegibus scribendis.” They were cre- 
ated for the express purpose of carrying out the law of 
the Twelve Tables, one special provision in which was to 
encourage the organization of the free labor element ; 
which organization, as a business compact, was to till the 
ager publicus on shares and furnish the people food and 
other necessities therefrom. 

Appius Claudius must, especially from a standpoint of 
sociology, ever be regarded as one of those black and 
morally nauseating buzzards at which an occasional 
glimpse is had by the disgusted sensibilities of the vir- 
tuous as they climb down tlie ladder of time. He was, 
in a most strangely surreptitious manner, the arch enemy 
of the very measure he was elected to defend! In war, 
his best soldiers the mercenarii, forsook him. In morals, 
he was a cruel and villainous libertine and his rape of 
Virginia,” under pretense that she was one of the “ mis- 
erable proletaries”” who bore the taint of labor and that 
therefore, the laws of chivalry and of common decency 
did not reach her case, together with the terrible death 
of the poor girl at her father’s hand, ended in bringing 
the tryant to prison and a violent end.” 


28 Consult Strabo, VI. p. 250, see also Liiders’ Dionysische Kinstler: ** Der von 
den Tarentinern gegen die Rémer zu Hilfe gerufene Pyrrhus hatte, um den ver- 
weichlichten Burgern anzuhelfen, nichts Hiligeres zu thun als die Syssiten in 
zuuntt zu verbieten, (page 12). Also Schambach’s Jtalischer Sklavenaufstand, VI, 

bd Wir 

29 For accounts of the enormous slave populations of different eras, see 
Schambach, Jtalischer Sklavenaufstand, 1, 1-4. Biicher, Aufstdnde der Leer Ar- 
beiter, 8. 26, 36, 65, 84, Drumann, Arbeiter und Communisten, 8. 24, 166, 64 and 
our own chapters. 

30 Livy, 111. 23. 81 Livy, ΤΙΤ, 55, 56,57. Dionys. of Harlicarn, 

82 Livy, Libri Histortarum, ΤΙ1, 67, “ΕΛ illi carcerem sedificatum esse, quod 


288 2 SPARTACUS. 


The inimical inroads upon the ager publicus, and the 
consequent ruin of the common people instigated by Ap- 
pius Claudius and his band of patrician adherents created 
80 great a defection among the plebeians that in B. C. 
366, the famous Licinian law, de modo agri was called into 
being by Stolo a low-born himself. It was, in reality, a 
regulation instituting a system of small holdings; for un- 
der it one of the consuls was to be a man of the people 
and no one rich or poor could be allowed more than 500 
acres of the public land. This celebrated law, of Licinius 
Stolo, a plebeian, which may be regarded as one of the 
primitive causes of those great social wars and agrarian 
contentions such as brought Rome to her phenomenal de- 
cline, was also doomed to defeat. By the time of the re- 
volt of Spartacus we find, on every side of the metropolis, 
the grandees occupying the land, living in luxury, while 
the land which for many centuries had been cultivated 
by the comparatively free laborers or freedmen, was now 
laboriously worked by degraded slaves, ready to revolt 
and watching their opportunities for revenge. 

We are now prepared to resume the thread of our nar- 
rative. Young Spartacus,a workingman, in every sense,” 
by birth from an earth-born family, by accident of capture 
and by sale as a slave, was assigned to the exciting and 
dangerous labors of a gladiator. His task was the revolt- 
ing one of amusing the non-laboring grandees, their la- 
dies and fashionable pets, the indolent and proud, who 
languidly sought in the game, the wager, the bagnio, the 
amphitheatre and its bloody combats, a gratification of 
their passion for these scenes of ancient life. The ruins of 
the great marble-faced amphitheatre of Capua where Spar- 
tacus is supposed to have killed many of his own comrades 
in misfortune, are still an object of attraction to travelers.“ 
Capua was at that time a large city. It lay on the Vol- 
turnus, a beautiful river of Campania flowing from the 
Samnian Appenines westward into the Mediterranean 
lomiciliam plebis Romang vocare sit solitus. Proinde, ut ille iterum ac saepius 
provocet, sic se iterum ac sacpius iudicem illi ferre, ni vindicias ab libertate in 
ervitutem dederit: si ad indicem non eat, pro damnato in vincula duci iubere. 
σὲ haud quoquam improbante sic magno motu animorum, quum tanti viri sup- 
plicio suamet plebi iam nimia libertas videretur, in carcerem est coniectus,” 

83 Dr. Schambach’s effort to prove him to have had a recognized family, ts 


without foundation in fact. 
#4 See Rinaldo, Memoria Istoriche Della Citta di Capua. 


CAPUAN SCHOOL OF GLADIATORS. 


through mountain gorges, valleys and plains, watering 
some of the most fruitful lands of that magnificent penin- 
sula, These delightful and fruitful fields had been the 
ager publicus since 363 years before Christ; but like many 
of the vast estates of the republic, had by the time of our 
hero, become private manorial grounds tilled by slaves. 
Spartacus had previously had some military experience 
of a low order;* for it is certain that he was a prisoner, 
having deserted the alliance in which he was treated as a 
servant—a humiliation his spirit was too proud to bear— 
and being recaptured, was sold into slavery. 
There was at Capua, in addition to the amphitheatre, 
a school, probably of importance enough to secure for its 
enterprising proprietor, Lentulus Batiatus, a considera- 
ble income. Plutarch expressly states that most of the 
gladiators were Thracian Gauls, and further exonerates 
Spartacus from having come to this fate, by any crimes 
he had committed. He was forced there by the injus- 
tice of his master. It seems to have been the opinion of 
Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, that Roman gladiators were 
superior to the Gaul or other imported contestants at the 
Pompeian, and of course, the Capuan amphitheatres ; and 
we are to infer from him that Roman vigor and strength 
were superior to all other even at the metropolis of Rome. 
But we must ever bear in mind that this Roman blood 
was native; that although it was servile by heredity through 
long generations from plebeian parentage as the element 
of outcasts, yet it was actually Roman blood; while the 
Thracian element was actually of Greek blood, and that 
in consequence a gladiatorial fight between a Thracian 
Greek and a Roman stirred up the Roman spirit of emu- 
lation on grounds of national pride; since they fancied 
85 ‘Tl avait servi dans les légions comme auxiliaire, mais trop fler pour ao- 
cepter une servitude déguisée sous le nom d’alliance, il avait déserté 41a téte d’ 
une troupe de ses conpatriots, mais repris et yendu son courage et sa force 
étaient employés en qualité de gladiateur.” La Rousse, Dictionnaire Untversel. 
86 Plutarch, Marcus Crassus, 8; “Δέντυλον τινὸς Βατιάτου μονομάχους ἐν 
Καπύῃ τρέφοντος, ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ Ῥαλάται καὶ Θρᾷκες ἧσαν. Florus Annales, II. 20: 
-..+.+. “*quippe cum servi militaverint, gladiatores imperaverint, 111 infima 
sortis homines, hi pessime, auxere ludibrio calamitatem.”” So also Schambach, 
Ttalische Sklavenaufstand, V1, 8. 18-19, who puts the proportion one third Thraci- 
ans and two-thirds Gauls in the armies of Spartacus; ‘‘ Zum Oberantihrer wahl- 
ten sie jetzt den Thraker Spartacus, zu Unterant{iihrern die beiden Gallier Crixus 
und (Enomaus. Mit grosser Walrscheinlichkeit diirfen wir aus diesen Wahlen 
in Bezug auf die Zusammensetzung des Hatifeus den Schluss ziehen, das etwa 


ein-drittel Thraker zwei-drittel Galliern gegeniiberstanden, ein Verhiltnis, wek 
ches sich anch in weiteren Verlauf der Ereignisse nicht wesentlich dndert,” 


200 SPARTACUS. 


they beheld in the bloody duel a recapitulation of the 
more serious conflicts with Pyrrhus or Mithridates. We 
know that on occasions of the games at the amphitheatres, 
when Romans were to meet Gauls or Greeks, the adver- 
tisements were more pronounced and the betting ran 
ruinously high among the rich frequenters of the ring. 
Undoubtedly Spartacus, who spoke Greek and Latin with 
facility, was aware of this. He had, as a scholar under 
Lentulus Batiatus, either in the open functions or at re- 
hearsals, severely punished, by his giant muscular force 
and mastership of the art of swordsmanship and pugilism, 
many wretches whose lot like his own was to measure 
strength and science alike with friend and foe. 

But although of prodigious courage, aptness and phys- 
ical energy, Spartacus was humane and generous; and 
his nature revolted against the hideous character of his 
employment. He loved the memory of his native hills 
and valleys. His central desire was to reach home and 
spend in quiet the remainder of his eventful life. Be- 
sides, his wife, also a Thracian Greek, was ever at his side 
with her loving tones of encouragement. Plutarch says 
that she was possessed of the gift of divination. He relates 
that Spartacus when taken prisoner was first brought to 
Rome to be sold. While there, a serpent was once, as 
he slumbered, discovered twinning caressingly about his 
head and locks ; whereupon on inquiry by superstitious 
people, as to the import of this strange action of the 
gods, she answered in her public capacity as retainer to 
the orgies of Bacchus, that this conduct of the friendly 
reptile betokened that her husband would rise to be great 
and formidable, and die happy! ** Unfortunately for the 
Romans he rose to be formidable to say the least. 

37 Plutarch, Marcus Crassus, 8; “Τὸ is said when he was first brought to Rome 
to be sold, a serpent was seen twisted about his face 88 he slept. His wife, wha 
was of the same tribe, having the gift of divination, and being a retainer besides 
to the orgies of Bacchus, said, it was a sign that he would rise to something 
very great and formidable, the result of which would be happy. This woman 
still hyed with him, and was the companion of his flight.’’ According to Taci- 
tus, however, she was a German; for in his Germaniz, a curious chapter occurs 
in her praise setting her forth ag an example of the héroism of the ancient Ger- 
man women. We quote the excellent statement of Scham- 
bach on this point; Jtalische Sktavenaufstand, V,S.16; ‘‘Was des Spartacus 
friihere Lebensschicksale anlangt, so steht test, dass er eine Zeit lang unter den 
Hilfstruppen im rémischen Solde gestanden hat, vielleicht in dem Heere des 
Proconsul P. Claudius, der die noch freien Stimme der makedonischen Thraker 


unterwerlen sollte. Hier hat er sich wahrscheinlich jene genaue Kenntniss des 
romischen Herrwesens erworben, welche die uuerlissliche Vorbedingung zu 


~ THE CAPUAN “BUTCHER-MASTER.” 291 


But whatever the vicissitudes of Spartacus at Rome, it 
is certainly at Capua, many miles from the eternal city, 
that we must introduce him. He must have been sent to 
the Capuan school of gladiators to be trained in the 
science of those ferocious combats with an object of being 
sent back to Rome prepared ad gladium or ad ludum,” 
for the amphitheatre which afterwards, at the Coliseum 
became the scenes of brutalities and abominations, such 
as the world has seldom witnessed. Neither are we pre- 
pared to state whether Batiatus the /anista ΟΥ̓Κ butcher- 
master” of Capua, was to prepare him for the full-armor 
games of the hoplomachi or for the deadly Thracian dag- 
ger duels “ to promote the pleasure of gentlemen.” But 
for whatever exact purpose he was designed at the arena 
they were doomed to disappointment. 

At Capua there was at that moment an organization of 
the waguentaru*” who furnished, it is said, all Italy with 
perfumes of the richest quality and who in carrying on 
this trade under the rules of their collegiwm or labor union 
realized, so long as the ancient law applied in their case, 
a good living as wage earners. Considering the amount 


seinen zukiiftigen Siegen war. Nach Florus ist er sodann desertirt u. Strassen- 
riaber geworden, als solcher getangen und unter die Gladiatoren verurtheilt. 
Mit dieser Ueberlieferung stimmte indessen Appian I, 116, ἐκ δὲ αἰχμαλωσίας καὶ 
πράσεως ἐν τοῖς μονομάχοις wy Hicht iiberein, und auch ein Fragment Varro’s bei 
Charis. I, p. 108, Innocente Varro de rebus urbanis tertio, Spartaco innocente 
conjecto ad gladinm spricht gegen Florys. Dass er mehrmals seinen Herrn ge- 
wechselt, ehe er in des Cn. Lentulus Batiatus Fechterschule nach Capua kam, 
scheint aus Plut. Crass. 8; ore πρῶτον εἰς Ῥώμην ὥνιος ἤχϑη hervorzugehen. Plu- 
tarch erzahlt auch noch die Sage, dass nach seiner Ankunft in Rom sich eine 
Schlange im Schlaf um sein Haupt gewunden und dass eine thrakische Wahr- 
sagerin dies dahin gedeutet habe, ‘er werde gross und furchtbar und bis an sein 
angitickliches Ende gliicklich sein,’ eine Prophezeiung, die in ihrem letzten 
Theile an Allgemeinheit nichts zu wiinschen tibrig lasst. 

38 To be killed by decree of law, or to be saved after three years of service, 
in successful competitive fights. Very few ad ludum gladiators, ever came out 
alive. 

39 Florus, Annales, III, 20, §8; ‘‘ Nec abnuit, 1116 de stipendario Thracw miles, 
de milite desertor; inde latro, dein in honore virorum gladiator.” 

40 Unguentarii; see chapter xix, on Trade Unions, Capua is also the seat of the 
curious historical inscription of Aquillius, (Orelli, /nscriptionum Latinarwum Collec. 
tio, No. 3, 303), which speaks of the 917 runaway slaves restored by him to their 
masters, during the great Sicilian Slave war (chap. xi., Athenion), which could 
not have been inscribed more than about 17 years before. We therefore quote 
the inscription entire as it furnishes evidence of what must have been the state 
of feeling with working people at the time the war with Spartacus broke out at 
Capua: “Μ Aquillius, Μ. F. Gailus. procos viam fecei ab regio ad Capuam et in 
ea via Ponteis omneis meiliarios tabellariosque poseiuei hince sunt Nouceriam 
meilia Captuam XXCIII, Muranum IXXI1I cosentiam CXXIII Valentiam CLXXX. 
ad Fretum ad statuam CCXXXI regium CCXXXVII, suma Af Capua regium 
meihaCCCXXI. Et eidem praetorin Sicilia fugiteivos. Italicorum conquaesiuei 
redeique homines DCCCCXVII eidemque primus fecei. Ut de agro poblico ara 
toribus cederent paastores forum aedisque poblicas heic fecei.” 


siete SPARTACUS. 


of demand for such an article in the most extravagant 
and luxurious era of Roman wealth, we must infer that 
the business employed a large number of people. But 
just at this moment the senate at Rome was seriously 
contemplating the suppression of the trade unions. We 
know that this contemplated suppression was desperately 
resisted both by the unions and some of the tribunes of 
the people and other men of power; and if we are to sup- 
pose that the men were as keenly on the alert in those 
days as they now are, we cannot but imagine that their 
influence if not their numbers, were lent toward kindling 
this servile war. For this reason if for no other, it is 
highly important that we should know this story. 

The auspices were all favorable to Spartacus while at 
Capua, who, together with 200 of the Thracian, Gallic and 
Roman gladiators, plotted a measure for escape. The 
plan was to stealthily secure the knives and other arti- 
cles to be found in the kitchens and eating rooms of the 
institution, and with these, make a rush in a body for the 
principal doorway which was guarded by Roman sol- 
diers.” Just before the appointed moment arrived, how- 
ever, a certain person enrolled in the conspiracy let his 
courage forsake him; or it may be, was bribed by secret 
detectives to reveal the truth. However this may have 
been, a dash by the officers of the law was suddenly made 
for the arrest of the insurrectionists, which would have 
succeeded had not Spartacus put his utmost efforts forth 
to prevent it—being actually ahead of time. As it was, 
78 of the most trustworthy and daring burst through 
the door into the street and thence out of town. The 78 
men“ had succeeded in providing themselves with long 


41 Appian, Historia Romano. 1.116; “Τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρόνου περὶ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν 
οονομάχων ἐς ϑέας ἐν Καπύῃ τρεφομένων, Σπάρτακος Θρᾷξ ἀνήρ. ἐστρατευμένος ποτὲ 
Ῥωμαίοις, ἐκ δὲ αἰχμαλωσίας καὶ πράσεως ἐν τοῖς μονομάχοις ὧν, ἔπεισεν αὐτῶν ἐς 
ἑβδομήκοντα ἄνδρας μάλιστα κινδυνεῦσαι περὶ ἐλευϑερίας μᾶλλον ἣ ϑέας ἐπιδείξεως, 
καὶ βιασάμενος, σὺν αὐτοὶς τοὺς φυλάσσοντας ἐξέδραμε, καὶ τινῶν ὁδοιπόρων ξύλοις 
καὶ διφιδίοις ὁπλισάμενος ἐς τὸ Βέσβιον ὄρος ἀνέφυγεν." Plutarch, Crassus, 8, 
(Langhorne,) says.. “OneLentulus Batiatus kept at Capua a number of giedi- 
tors, the greatest part of which were Gauls and Thracians; men not reduced to 
that employment for any crimes they hadcommitted, but forced upon it by their 
master. Two hundred of them, therefore, agreed to make theirescape. Though 
the plot was discovered, threescore andei-hteen of them, by their extreme vig- 
ijlance, were beforehand with their master, and sallied out of town, having first 
seized all the long knives and spits in a cook’s shop.” 

42 Florus, Annales, 111. 20, puts it at 30: ‘Cum triginta hand amplivs 
ejusdem fortune viris, erumperunt €apua.” Plutarch says 78; and this best 
agrees with others. 


FIRST BATTLE. 298 


knives and any other things they could lay hands on 
which could be used as weapons.“ 

The first battle was fought with the troops of the gar- 
rison at Capua, and if we are to credit the hints of Plu- 
tarch the conilict must be considered both the opening 
battle and victory of Spartacus. The Capuan troops, af- 
ter the escape of the seventy-four, attacked them, as they 
gained the gates and passages into the open road; but 
by some dexterous charge were defeated by the gladia- 
tors and compelled to return empty-handed to the gar- 
rison. They took the main road, presumably the Appian 
Way, which, leading from Rome through the city of 
Capua, joins the Via Aquilia about five miles to the south 
of this place. The Via Aquilia, parting from the Appian 
Way to the right, leads almost directly to the foot of 
Mount Vesuvius, a distance from Capua of nineteen or 
twenty miles. It wason this march that the fugitives met 
some wagons loaded with a quantity of daggers, swords 
and knives which they were taking to the city. These 
weapons were to be used by gladiators in the arena; and 
it is not unlikely that they were intended for these fugi- 
tives’ own use at the Capuan amphitheatre. Implements 
so much needed were, oi course, instantly seized, though 
not without a fight. Thus equipped they reached a 
mountain ledge in safety. On personal inspection of the 
place we are inclined to conjecture that Spartacus and 
his friends first reached the northeasterly base of Vesu- 
vius, or that part which is now the fragment of the voleano“ 
and known as the “Somma,” whose separate peak five 
miles eastward from the crater is called the “Punta del 
Nasone” and is nearly 4,000 feet above the sea which 15 
visible to the westward. At that time, before the erup- 
tion, it must have been 5,000 or 6,000 feet high. 


48 Plutarch, Marcus Crassus, 9,in relating these things speaks very bitterly 
against them, as being mere barbarians: “ Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς ἐκ Καπύης ἐλθόν- 
τας ὠσάμενοι, καὶ πολλῶν ὅπλων ἐπιλαβόμενοι πολεμιστηρίων, ἄσμενοι ταῦτα μετε- 
λάμβανον, ἀποῤῥίψαντες, ὡς ἄτιμα καὶ βάρβαρα, τὰ τῶν μονομάχων." Florus and 
Cicero put the number of the first gladiators down as low as possible: ‘‘Cum 
Spartaco minus multi prima fuerunt. Quid tandem isti mali in tam tenera in- 
sula non fecissent? Uicero, Ad Atlicum, Liber VL. Epistola, ἃ. Florus, Annales, 
Til. 20, §. 1, declares there were scarcely more than 30 who escaped with Sparta~- 
cus: “Spartacus, Crixus, Asnomaus, eifracto Lentuli ludo, cum triginta haud 
aiuplius ejusdem fortune viris eruperunt Capua.” Consult also Frontin, LXXIV. 
1, 5, 21; Veilejus Paterculus, IT, 30, 6. 

4s Vesuvius was not known to have ever had an eruption at that time. Ap. 
pian, Historia Romana, 1.116, only says: “ἐν τὸ Βέσβιον ὄρος avépuyev.”? Plutarch 


294 SPARTACUS. 


Here the fugitives took refuge among the crags and 
wild vines that overhung the mountain side. It was ata 
point where there was but one approach, that they fixed 
their firstresting place. This was a projecting table-rock 
which shelved forward over a craggy precipice embowered 
in the foliage of wild grape vines.“ Here, on a crag ris- 
ing perpendicularly over an immense chasm, the little 
band pitched their tents. They helda council of war and 
elected Spartacus commander-in-chief and Crixus and 
(£nomaus,* his lieutenants. Spartacus, now in full com- 
mand, immediately began to exercise those gifts of genius, 
foresight and power which have covered one of the most 
brilliant military pages in the history of either ancient or 
modern times.“ 

As might be expected, the people of Capua were filled 
with terror at the escape of the gladiators.“ There was 
a feeling of shame and humiliation based upon the fact 
that the rebels were slaves. To combat with equals had 
ever been the pride of Rome; but to bring her noble arms 
to bear against a thing so low and hateful in the scale of 
being as a servile revolt was, from a social point of view, & 
national degradation and a diserace. 

Nevertheless, the report reached Rome that the gladia- 
tors under Spartacus, the prophetic giant, had revolted 
and escaped to the mountains, and a large detachment of 
troops, who were probably stationed at Capua, was sent 


who must have borrowed from Sallust (See Schambach, 8. 9), is our principal 
source for these details 

45 La Rousse, Dictionnatre Universel, Art. Spartacus, see also Plutarch, Marces 
Crassus, VIIL, IX. 

46 Flor., I, 20,§.1. ‘Spartacus, Crixus, @nomens, éffracto Lentuli ludo, 
cum triginta haud amplius ejusdem tortune viris,” 

41 Schambach, Der Italische Sklavenaufstand, V. 8.15: “Plutarch sagt im 
Leben des Crassus cap. 8: οἱ πολλοὶ Σπαρτάκειον πόλεμον ὀνομάζουσι und Florua, 
der die sicilischen Sklavenkriege ‘bellum servile’ nennt, setzt uber das zwaw 
zigste Capital des dritten Buches die Ueberschrift ‘ bellum Spartactum,’ bringt den 
italischen Si:lavenkrieg also in eine Katagorie mit den andern grossen Kriegen 
(wie dem bellum Hannibalicum, Sertorianum Mithridaticum), in denen ea 
Mann so vorwiegend als die Seele des Kamfes erscheint, dass dieser nach iim 
benannt zu werden verdient. Zwar finden wir bei den rémischen Autoren vor- 
wiegend andere Bezeichnungen, z. Β. bellum servile (Augustin de σ. d. ΠῚ, 28, 
Ampel 96. 41, 45), servilis tumultus (Caes. Ὁ. G. 1, 40), bellum fngitivorom 
(Front), ‘hoe fugitivorum et ut verius dicam gladiatorum belium’ (Urvs.); abet 
allen diesen Benennungen liegt die Absicht zu Grunde, den verbassten Fihrer 
der Aufstiindischen nicht wider Willen za Nachruhm zu verhelfen.” 

48 In further proof that originally the paterfamilias had the right to aneiave 
or even kill his children, see Canon Lightfoot, on Tie Collossians, p. 312, quoting 
the Digest, i. 6. ‘In potestate sunt servi Gominorum; quae quidem potestes 
juris geutium est: nam apud omnes peraeque gentes animadvertere possimus 
dominis in servos vituc necisque potestatem iuisse.’ 


SECOND BATTLE. 295 


out under the command of the Roman preter, Clodius 
Glaber, to subdue them.‘’ One account gives the number 
of this force at just 3,000 men. Clodius appeared at the 
base of the precipice during the day, knowing that the 
rebels were on the height above him, The army, how. 
ever, took up its quarters at one side of the acclivity tc 
the ascent of which there was but one approach. This 
they guarded to prevent the gladiators from escape in the 
night. 

Now was the time for the wily Spartacus, whose band 
was without suitable arms for a contest. The duel was 
to consist in the measure of comparative wit. When 
evening came Spartacus and his men who during the day 
had taken vines and of them woven ladders sufficiently 
strong to hold the heaviest man and long enough to reach 
the foot of the overhanging precipice back of whose cap- 
stone the band lay intrenched, let themselves down in 
such silence as not to awaken the suspicion of the slum- 
bering army. All descended the ladder empty-handed 
in this manner, except one man who remained to lower 
the arms; after which he also climbed down and thus all 
succeeded uninjured, in reaching the plain below, ata 
point least suspected by the Romans,” Profound silence 
reigned. The proud prietor and his 3,000 men were now 
but a few steps from where stood those desperate slaves 
who well knew that one slip or false action might end 
their lives. 

Spartacus, ranged his men in a manner to surround 
the Roman encampment. When all was ready the start- 
ling whoop of onset was given and the gladiators centering 
in, apparently in large numbers, with their terrifying war- 
cry and death-dealing weapons, completely routed those 
whom they did not kill upon the spot. The rout of the 
Romans was complete and the rebels remained wasters 
of their baggage and arms, 74 Roman cohorts being killed 
on the spot.” 


49 Compare Florus, UI. 20, 4,“ Clodio Glabro, per fauces montis vitigineas,” 
Bee Schambach, Jtalischer Sklavenaufstand, VI. 8.19. Also International Encye 
Art. Spartacus, Livy, Epitome, XCV., gives the name οἱ the Roman legate as 
Claudius Pulcher.” Appian says Varinius Glabrus, 1. 116... . “xai πρῶτος én’ 
αὐτὸν ἐκπεμφϑεὶς "Ovapivios PAaSpos.”? But he gives us very little of this first 
strategical manceivre and battle, and pagyses on to the greater conflicts which 
followed, 

50 Plutarch, Marcus Crassus. 8; Frontinus, I. 5, 22. 

 Pronuuus, 1. 5,21. “Oohories gladiatoribus quatuor et Sepiuaginta ces- 


SPARTACUS. 


The result of this second success was electrifying. On 
the part of the Romans, public sentiment was filled with 
humiliation and disgust. Arrangements were immedi- 
ately made at Rome to send a powerful force, under a 
leader in whom they had confidence; and Publius Varinius, 
a pretor, was sent south at the command of a large body 
of troops ably supported by two lieutenants, Furius and 
Cossinius. The pretor had so much faith in Cossinius 
that he made him his assistant and chief counselor. 

Spartacus, who had gained this decisive victory at the 
precipice of Vesuvius, was cool and calm, full of the sense 
of his responsibility and still unwavering in the child-like 
desire to reach safely his native home, far to the north- 
ward, across the Adriatic. He had the ripe judgment to 
foreknow that the Romans when aronsed were invincible. 

But resolutely suiting the opportunity to the circum- 
stances, he issued a proclamation of emancipation and pro- 
tection to all the slaves who should join his force. Mul- 
titudes of cattle-drivers, shepherds, herdsmen and others 
whose condition had been degraded by the land-holders 
to slavery, appeared before him offering their allegi- 
ance. They were accepted and armed with impiements 
wrested from Clodius, at the ambuscade of Vesuvius. 
The entire force under Clodius Glaber, being only given 
at 3,000 there could not have been arms enough for more 
than that number, unless some of the volunteers furnished 
their own weapons. This might have been the case; but 
to offset the argument that the servile auxiliaries used 
other than the dignified military armor, we have a passage 
in Plutarch, declaring that at the first skirmish against a 
detachment from Capua where the gladiators were victor- 
ious they threw away their knives as things “ disgraceful, 
dishonorable and barbarous.” 

His wish was constantly to secure arms, and naturally; 
for immediately on the defeat of Clodius Glaber, the ren- 
egade force of 78 gladiators from Capua swelled into an 


aorint:” See also Flor., WI. 20: “Nihil tale opinantis ducis, subito impetu cas 
tra rapuere.” Schambach, Jtalischer Sklavenkrteg, 8.20, says: ‘‘ Alle Nachrich- 
ten stimmen nemlich darin tiberein, dass die Fechter an Zahl unendlich vicl ge 
ringer waren, Frontin I, δ, 21 gibt sogar an, es seien noch die 74 allein gewesen: 
yerum etiam ex alio latere Clodium ita terruit, ut aliquot cohortes gladiatoribus 
quatuor et septuaginta cesserint. Der Angriff gelang volistiindig, die rémischen 
“milites tumultnarii’ riumten fliehend das Feld und liessen ihr Lager mit allem 
Gepiick im Stich, das eine Beute der Emporer wurde,” 


THIRD AND FOURTH BATTLES. 29% 


army of 10,000 “ men of great vigor and very swift run- 
ners.” and Spartacus “ covered them with armor, some 
heavy, some light for picket duty.”"" As the cities of 
Herculaneum and Pompeii were but a few miles distant 
to the south and west, it is quite possible that he realized 
not only arms but many volunteers from that quarter. 
The indomitable rebel now set himself about drilling his 
men into military service. The wretched ergasiuli were 
changed into free men who assumed military dignity,” 
from the moment of their desertion from their masters thus 
realizing immediate participation, without having to linger 
upon the anticipations of promise. With 10,000 desperate 
soldiers under rigid drill he soon felt himself capable to 
cope with a pretorian army. Nor had he long to wait. 
The Roman pretor, Publius Varinius, as already stated, 
was in the same year, B. C. 74, sent with a large army to 
ut an end to the trouble.“ He had two leutenants, 
‘urius and Cossinius. Varinius placed much confidence 
ia Cossinius as a man of uncommon judgment. But the 
combined wisdom of both was not enough to induce the 
Roman army to keep together; for Furius was sent with 
a strong detachment of 2,000 men against the “common 
rebber.”* Spartacus, perceiving the Roman army divided 
into two columns, fell upon the weakest line, that of Fu- 


8 Plutarch, Marcus Crassus; Florus, III. 20, 3, also speaks of the 10,000 as fol- 
hows: ‘‘Servisque ad vexillum vocatis, cum statim decem amplius millia cois- 
gent hominum.” Plutarch, Marcus Crassus, correctly applies this estimate after 
rather than before the battle of the ambuscade, 

68 Smith’s Diclionatry of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Art. Spartacus, The 
ronaways resorted to all sorts of expedients to obtain arms and munitions. See 
Florus, ITI. 20, 6. ‘*Afftuentibusin diem copiis, quum jam egset justus exercitus 
6 viminibus pecodumque tegumentis, inconditos sibi clipeos; e !erro ergastulo- 
rum recocto gladiog ac tela tecerunt.’’ So also Appian, De Bellis Civilibus, 1. 
116-117: “ Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο Σπαρτάκῳ μὲν ETL μᾶλλον πολλοὶ συνέϑεον, Kal ἑπτὰ μυριά- 
δὲς ἦσαν ἤδη στρατοῦ, καὶ ὅπλα ἐχάλκευε, καὶ παρασκενὴν συνέλεγεν οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ἄστει 
τοὺς ὑπάτους ἐξέπεμπον μετὰ δύο τελῶν. 

“Appian, De Bellis Civilibus, 1. 116, “4 Μεριζομένῳ δ᾽ αὑτῷ τὰ κέρδη κατ 
ἐσομοιρίαν ταχὺ πλῆϑος ἣν ἀνδρῶν, καὶ πρῶτος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκπεμφϑεὶς ᾿Ονυαρίνιος Γλάβ- 
ρος, ἐπὶ δ' ἐκείνῳ Πύπλιος ᾿Οναλέριος, οὐ πολιτικὴν στρατιὰν ἄγοντες ἀλλ ὅσους ἐν 
σπουδῇ καὶ παρόδῳ τυνέλεξαν (οὐ γάρ πω Ῥωμαῖοι πόλεμον, ἀλλ’ ἐπιδρομην τινα καὶ 
λῃστηρίῳ τὸ ἐργον ὅμοιον ἡγοῦντο εἶναι), συμβαλόντες ἡττῶντο. "Ovapiviou δὲ καὶ τὸν 
στον αὐτὸς Σπάρτακος περέσπασε' παρὰ τὸσοῦτον ἦλϑε κινδύνον ᾿Ῥωμαιων ὁ στρα- 
Fyyes αὐτὺς αἰχμάλωτος ὑπὸ μονομάχου γενέσϑαι." 

® Horace, Carmina, liber Ii]. Carmez:. 14, lines 18-20; 

“ἘΠ᾿ cadem Marsi memorem cuaslli, 
Spartacum si qoz potuit yagaritom 
. Fallere testa.” 
Cornelius Tacitas, Annales, lib. III. cap. 73, speals of the successes of Spartacus 


as shame‘ul applying the epithets “rolbarand deserter.” ‘* Non alias magis 
sua populique Romani contumelia indoluisse : aesavem ferunt, quam quod de- 
éertor et praedo hostium mure ageret, ne Svartaco quidem post tot consularium 


exercituum clades inuliam Italiaiu nrenti.” 


298 SPARTACUS. 


rius, and with an impetous dash, broke throngh his main 
body, routing and destroying nearly the entire detach- 
ment. The larger force however remained, commanded 
by Cossinius, the legate and confidential adviser of the 
commander-in-chief. That worthy, doubtless, incredulous 
regarding the abilities of the man he was to cope with, so 
far forgot the rigorous vigilance of war as to indulge in 
the tempting baths of Salene. The eagle-eye of Sparta- 
cus bent upon the prey. While the Roman was thus 
luxuriating, the gladiators rushed with fierce rapidity and 
like a thunderbolt. struck the spot, and very nearly suc- 
ceeded in seizing Cossinusin the bath. He escaped, how- 
ever, with precipitation, but his army was attacked by 
surprise, routed, large numbers killed and Cossinus him- 
self in attempting to restore order was slain in battle 
which covered the field with the dead. The conquering 
legions followed up the victory and made themselves mas- 
ters of the camps of the Roman army. 

The report of this victory at the Baths of Sulenz spread 
like wildfire through the land. Slaves rushed into the 
camp of the rebels, offering their services in exchange 
for freedom. The newly gotten arms were transferred 
from the Romans to the sun-baked and brawny hands of 
the rebels. ‘The drill and military manceuvre went rigor- 
ously and w%h great system forward in their camp; and 
while the hopes of the unsophisticated bondmen beat 
high the pride of the Roman nobility and citizens was 
mortified and crushed. 

Varinius ® with the remnant of his army, consisting of 
the greater fraction of the original force, was in the vicin- 
ity, or at least, not very far from the scene of the last dis- 
aster in which Cossinius met his fate. There are no data 
extant which give the full accounts ofthis encounter. To 
the student of sociology it must ἢ announced with keca 
regrets that the entire three books of Livy covering the 
space of time betwcen 74 and 71 B. C., are, with the ex- 
ception of the epitome of books, XCV., XCVI. and 
XCVIL, complete:y lost. A discovery of the lost author- 
ities would indeed be a rich i-gacy to the science cf sc- 
ciology. Exactly similar isthe fate of the great libri His- 


66 Publius Varinius according to Plutarcu, althougb Appian saye Varinioa 
iglabros, 


PERT BAT ας ARENTOS DEFEATED. 209 


toriarum, οἱ Sallust.** Of all writers on ancient history, 
Sallust and Livy rank among the most plain-spoken and 
manly. By the epitomies and fragments still extant we 
know that these missing histories of the servile war were 
elaborately written; and judging from the careful study 
and insertion of figures, speeches and other literary con- 
diments which spice their narrations we should, had they 
not perished, be supp'ied with a flood of new details re- 
garding this servile war. ‘Those inestimable jewels are, 
however, lost, unless some Niebubr arises to rescue them 
from their dusty shadows. The triumphs of Spartacus 
were an unendurable stigma upon the Roman name, and 
the shame which the successes of gladiators and slaves 
intlicted, though it could not be effaced from memory, 
could be expunged or obliterated by destroying the books 
and by acts as barbarous as that which afterwards lined 
the drives for miles both sides of the Appian Way with 
the crucified followers of this general. 

Spartacus soon after made a formidable onset upon 
Varinius, who was overthrown, showing this to have been 
a great battle. Much obscurity hangs over this engage- 
ment.” Could the whole truth be revealed we should 
perhaps be presented with one of the world’s bloodiest 
struggles; for we are informed by Plutarch that about 
this time the army of Spartacus had greatly swollen, and 
Appian declares it to have reached 70,000 men. The 
Roman general was overthrown. He lost all his troops, 
his horses, baggage, and his preetorian fasces. In fact he 
was annihilated; for we hear no more of him. 


67 See Schambach’s Jtalischer Sklavenaufstand, 11. 8,6. This keen observer 
and critic congiders Sallust’s history to bave been far the most authentic and 
complete ofall. He says: ‘‘Am meisten zu bedauern haben wir den Verlust 
des gréssten Werkes des Salustius, welches den Titel fiihrte libri bistoriarum 
populi Romani. Salustius war von den romischen Autoren, die eine yeschichte 
jeunes Krieges gegeben haben, derjenige, welcher den Ereignissen selbst nicht 
nur Zeitlich am nichsten stand, sondern auch die meiste historische Gla bwir- 
digkeit hat. Vermdge seiner Stellung im Staate und seiner weitreichenden Ver- 
bindungen war er im Stande die besten Nachrichten zu geben, und mit einer an- 
ziehenden charakteristischen Darstelluug verband er Methode und Kritik. Seine 
Historien waren seblr ausiiihrlich.” 

58 Dans un combat desastreux il ( Varinius) perdit ses troupes, ses baggages, 
gon cheval, et jusqu’ aux faisceaux prétoriens ” (La Rousse, Art, Spartacus). See 
slso Michaud, Bibliographie Universelle, Vol. 40, pp. 18-21, wherein we are re- 
minded of the extraordinary allusion by Tacitus (Germanie, cap, 8), of the wife 
οἱ Spartacus having been a ‘ortune-teller. She accompanied her husband 
through iis remarkable career. Her πάλη was Aurinia and Tacitus supposes 
her to have been ἃ Gerinan. Sve /nfra,; , 313 note 73 Appian, 116, fin., con- 
firms the statment that Varinius lust mauy of Lis troops and lis colors, 


5 


800 SPARTACUS. 


Spartacus from this time was adorned with the reenlar 
accompaniments of a Roman pro-consul. With a great 
army he overran the territory of Campania, ravaging and 
sacking Nola, Nuceria and Cora; then crossing the Sam- 
nian line into the province of Hirpinius he seized what he 
wanted from Compsa on the Via Numicia. Crossing the 
Appenines he marched his army southward into the rich 
peninsular division of Lucania. Here in the great fertile 
plains, between the mountains and the Tarantine Gulf, he 
was absolute master. His arms extended still farther 
southward over the domain of Bruttium in Magna Gre- 
cia.” In fact the destruction of the Varinian army had 
placed the rebels in complete possession of this whole 
portion of Italy. Here were pitched the winter quarters, 
B. C. 74-73. 

But Spartacus well knew that he must not follow the 
voluptuous plan® of Hannibal who, one hundred and forty 
years before at Capua, among the same valleys of which 
he was now master, and after the strikingly similar bat- 
tle of Canne, had allowed his Carthagenian braves to be 
spoiled by luxury and wealth. Fixing his quarters at or 
not far from the city of Metapontum,” which lay on the 
Tarantine gulf between the rivers Acalandrus and Casu- 
entus, where the alluvial bottoms filled those parts of Italy 
with harvests of the cereals and the vine, Spartacus estab- 


59 Appian, Historia Romana, J. 117, ft. 4“ Τὰ δ᾽ ὄρη τὰ περι Θουρίους καὶ τὴν 
πόλιν αὐτὴν κατέλαβε, καὶ χρυσὸν μὲν ἢ ἄργυρον τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἐσφέρειν ἐκώλυς, καὶ 
κεκτῆσϑαι τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ, μόνον δὲ σίδηρον καὶ χαλκὸν ἐωνοῦντο πολλοῦ, καὶ τοὺς 
ἐσφέροντας οὐκ ἠδίκουν. ὅϑεν ἀϑρόας ὕλης εὑπορήσαντες εὖ παρεσκενασαντο καὶ 
ϑαμίνὰ ἐπὶ λεηλασίας ἐξήεσαν, Ρωμαίοις τε πάλιν σννενεχϑέντες ἐς χεῖρας ἐκρά- 
τουν καὶ τότε, καὶ λείας πολλῆς γέμοντεη ἐπανήεσαν. 

60 Schambach, Jtalischer Sklavenaufstand, Ili, 8. 13, makes the war to have 
commenced in the summer of B. C. 74, which we fo ee Idem, 8. 20, Schambach 
draws from the Vatican fragments of Sallust as follows; “ Nachdem Spartacus 
alle Elemente der emporung, welche Campanien darbot, ansich gezogen wandte 
er sich in andere gegenden. Leider sind wir uber die Route, die er einscilug, 
nicht genau unterrichtet; doch durfen wir an der Hand der vatikanischen lrag- 
mente des Salust mit denen Orosius ibersinstimmt, annehmen, dass er sich zu- 
niichst quer durch die Halbinsel an die Kiisten des adriatischen Meeres wandte, 
vou wo er danu die Richtung nach Siiden einschlug und nach Lukanien gelangte. 
Wenigstens berechtigen uns die Fragmente des Salust zu der Annahme, dasa 
Varinius, von dem weiterhin die kede sein wird, in Picenum den Aufstandischen 
gege niiber gestanden habe. Auf diesen Marsche eroberten sie Annii Forum und 
Vielleicht auch Avellae, dessen Einwohnerschaft sich ihnen wenigstens zgnm 
Schutze ihrer Mark entgegenstellte. Dass auch hier die Sklaven ihren Weg mit 
Mord und Brand bezeichnet haben, iet wohl gewiss.’ 

61 Plutarch, Marcus Crassus, 9-10, Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Bio- 
graphy. Art. Spartacus, Sallust, Fragm. Historiarum, 111, tdem, Gerlach ed. , p. 254 
Pliny Nat. Hist,, XXXII. 14. ’ 

(20° Τὴ Rousse, Dictionnatre Uninersel, according +9 which the ca:np of 


Sp. vlacus was near Thurium, q, ν᾽, 
͵ 


SPARTACUS AND THE COMMUNES $01 


lished himself for the winter, astonishing his historians 
by an ordeal of tactics and a discretion which the wisest 
and most virtuous might follow at the present day. 

As explained in our account of the Roman collegia or 
social organizations, all Italy was at this period covered 
with social societies of protection, of resistance and for 
convivial and burial purposes.“ To make coincidence 
more striking to the student of sociology, it may be ex- 
plained that it was at just this critical moment that the 
Roman politicians who for centuries had been invidiously 
watching the rise and progress of the social movement 
under the law of Numa Pompilius, were busily discussing 
a measure for the wholesale suppression of the great so- 
cial movement, root and branch. This law for their sup- 
pression did not succeed, on account of the powerful in- 
terference of the tribune Clodius, until the year 58 B. C. 
But we are not without evidence that everywhere the 
unions of labor were all this time on the alert, expecting 
the calamity and preparing forrevolt. These unions were 
innumerable.“ Italy and Greece were honeycombed with 
them.® Another proof® that this remarkable conquest 
of Spartacus in the industrial centers of Italy peieaued 
revived the organizations or turned their membership to 
his use, is seen from a slur in Cicero, the bitter hater of 
ever ybody who was too poor to live without manual toil. 
Speaking of them he says: . . . . “not only those ancient 
labor unions have had their right of organization restored 
to them, but, by one gladiator, innumerable others, and 
new ones, have been instituted.” These words from such 
high authority, shed a blaze of light upon our conjecture 
that Spartacus was working in collusion with the disaf- 
fected labor unions which had either been suppressed or 
their existence threatened, as is plainly proved, at that 
time.” Thus Cicero becomes our most valuable and re- 

63 Cf, chaps xiii, to xix., infra, on Trade and other labor organizations among 
the ancients. . 

64 Cicero who was incensed at the success of Clodius whose eloquence re- 
stored the right of organization to the workingmen, says: ‘‘ Collegia non ¢a so. 
lum que senatus sustulerat restituta, sed innumerabilia quedam Dova ex omni 
feece Urbis ac servitio concitata.” Cic. In Pisonem, 4,9. 

65 "6 1, Julio C. Mario Coss, quos et ipsi Cicero memoravit SCto coniegia sub- 
lata gunt,” Cf. Mommsen, De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum, Ὁ. 18. 

 Cic., Pro Sesto, 25, 55. “ Ut colle »oja non modo illa vetera restiturentar sed 
ab uno gladiatore innumerabilia alJia nova constituerenter,” This inimitable 


satire, was, in all probability flung at Spartacus who bad then been dead only a 
few yeara. 


δὲ, SPARTACUS. 


liable historian by his utterances at the bar, in the senate 
and his epistles. We must make the importance of this 
matter excuse prolixity and repetition. Speaking of these 
very times but apparently not suspecting the extraordi- 
nary concatenation of circumstances which we use in evi- 
dence of our conjecture, the great archeologist Momm- 
sen, explicitly states, concerning the ancient conspiracy 
laws of this period which we conjecture contributed much 
to the so-called servile wars, that they were of two sorts. 
“Thus I have two points to note here: In the first, I do 
not think that the Clodian trade unions contained slaves 
as members; for I think the pure trade organization of 
skilled workmen did not admit slaves. They were socie- 
ites for religious purposes.” Then the law of Clodius 
must be looked upon as touching only the city of Rome; 
as Cicero says: ‘ex wrbis faece’-—out of the slums of the 
city of Rome. It was of such that Clodius would con- 
scribe and classify. The fact is, innumerable unions of 
the servile race, as their relics show, were scattered over 
all Italy, derived from ancient times, under the protection 
of the provincial cities.” ® 

We are told that the young general after fixing his 
quarters snugly for the winter, instituted a rigorous drill 
of his troops. According to Pliny he denied them the 
use of gold and silver lest they should become demoral- 
ized by handling these vitiating treasures.” 

One thing is certain during his sojourn in Lucania: he 
set all the slaves free and declared such work to be his 
mission." He also garrisoned the cities, although it is 
claimed that some of them he plundered. He committed 
no acts of brutality. He forced his soldiers to abstain 
from intemperance." He was humane to his prisoners. 

% See Ascon, L. C., speaking of Clodius: ‘‘ De collegiis restituendis novisque 
institnendis que ait ex servitiorum fece constituta.” 

6 Here Mommsen is mistaken, and he later on admits that they used relig- 
fon as a cloak to screen them from the rigid laws. 

60 Mommeen, De Collegiis et Solaliciis Romanorum, pp. 77-78. The text is as 
follows: ‘* Qua ratione conscriptio instituta sit et ad quaenam collegia haec lex 
maxime pertinuerit, iam exposui. Itaque duo tantum habeo adhuc adnotanda; 
primum Cum servi in collegiis Clodianis essent, non esse cogitandum de collegiis 
opificum, quae servos admisisse non arbitror, sed de sacris tantum; deinde 
Clodii legem ad Urbem tantum spectavisse, cum Cicero cellegia et ex urbis faece 
constituta dicat et Clodium in foro conscripsisse et decuriavisse.” . 

τὸ ** Quibus deliciis veneunt tam aurea quam aurata, cum sciamus interdixisse 
castris suis Spartacum, ne quis anrum haberet aut argentum. Tanto fuit plus 


snimi fugitivis nostris.” Pliny, Nat. Hist, XXXIII. 14. 
τὶ Cf. Internaiional Encyclopaedia, Art. Spartacus, 


FAITHFUL WIFE OF SPARTACUS. 808 


For once we have a record of a skillful soldier, a loving 
husband, a humble workingman and a gentleman. 

We are in possession of several very reliable evidences 
that Spartacus was married and that his wife shared his 
prison and military life. Plutarch is our authority for 
the first and Cornelius Tacitus for the latter. Not only 
was she faithful to him but she certainly became a cele- 
brated pattern of fidelity, making herself by deeds of a 
true heroine, an object of praise to so great an extent 
that Tacitus holds her up as an example of the heroic 
character of German women. Her name was Varinia.” 
“The most terrible guerilla chieftain recorded in history 
was unstained by the vices of his conquerors.” “ 

Spartacus had among his men, a large number of 
skilled workmen who belonged to unions. Among them 
were members of the Fabricenses,” armor makers; of the 
Castrensiarit, sutlers who took contracts under the old 
rule of Numa to supply the soldiers with provisions; fabri, 
workers in hard metals; caligularii, soldiers’ boot makers 
or army cobblers and many other mechanics whom he en- 
gaged and employed in the manufacture of arms and 
other details of supplying hisarmy, There was the great 
order of the Vectigalarw™ which had been created by 
Numa, upheld by the Twelve Tables, and for 500 years 
employed by the Roman government and all the Muni- 
cipia of Italy as collectors of the revenues from the in- 
comes of the public domain, but which had lost their em- 
ployment through the usurpation of the ager publicus by 
land monopolists and their system of slave labor. 

72 Plutarch, Marcus Crassus, (Langhorne,) says: “ But they (meaning the ob- 
stinate slaves against the orders of Spartacus) relying upon their numbers, and 
elated with success, would not listen to his proposal. Instead of that, they laid 
Italy waste as they traversed it.” 

18 Tacitus, Germaniew, 8, ‘‘Memoriae proditur quasdam acies inclinatas iam 
et labantes a feminis restitutas constantia precum et objectu pectorum et mon- 
strata comminus captivitate, quam longe impatientius feminarum suarum nomine 
timent, adeo ut efficacius obligentur animi civitatum, quibus inter obsides puel- 
lae quoque nobiles imperantur inesse quin etiam sanctum aliquid et providum 
putant, nec aut consilla earnm aspernanttr aut responsa ΠΡΕΙΘΕΤΒΕ vidimus sub 
divo Vespasiano Veledam diu apud plerosque numinis loco habitam, sed et olim 
Auriniam et compluris alias yenerati sunt, non adulatione, neque tamquam 
Tacerent deas.”” It is said that this ‘‘Aurinia ” was the wife of Spartacus. 

14. Smith’s Diclionary of Roman Biography, Art, Spartacus. 

75 Orell., Inscriptionem Latinarum Collectio, Nos. 4,079, 4,083, and infra Arm 
orers, chapter XV. pp. 372-88, Trade wnwns. There are many inecriptions show- 
ing that the blacksmiths, armorers and other iron and metal workers existed ai 
that time in lower Italy, under the collegia or trade organizations. 


16 Orell., Inscr, Lat Collectio, Υ οἱ. 11. of Collegia, Corpora, Sodalicia et cet, pp. 
227 246 Also index, Vo). 111. 


80) SPARTACUS. 


These he furnished with work and wages, by sending 
them en revanche, to collect from the rich who had usurped 
the lands, the provisions and money for his army and iis 
expenses. Thus Spartacus, in the granary of Italy be- 
came the master workman of all the secret unions of 
trades and laborers; and we have no evidence disproy- 
ing the immense popularity to which he unquestionably 
arose among the wage earners. 

The army by this time, which must have been the early 
spring of B. C. 73, was swollen to 120,000" men, armed 
and well equipped, in readiness to battle with the mighti- 
est force Rome could muster. With this splendid force 
he now meditated a daring attempt on Rome. 

But one great misfortune now began insidiously to ex- 
hibit itself. His army, especially that division of the 
Gauls under Crixus, his hitherto faithful lieutenant, began 
to show signs of jealousy. Of all the fratricidal passions 
that curse and wither the hopes and career of the organ- 
izations of labor, jealousy is the most venomous and 
deadly. Born of the human spirit, it runs in lurid juices 
as of the cobra’s fangs, and strikes death under cover of 
fascination. With the adder’s blindness it envenoms the 
atmosphere by pufis, mistaken for zephyrs and balm, and 
to the innocent like Spartacus it throttles the spirit with 
the dark moral shadows of doom. 

Had this insidious spectre not appeared, the army of 
the gladiators and workingmen might perhaps have suc- 
ceeded, to some exient, in a desperate march on Rome 
and thereby—although its conquest was out of the ques- 
tion—some wise negotiation might have succeeded in 
much permanent good to the proletaries. But the exact 
opposite was in the end the result. The plan of this 
campaign was not carried out. 

The camp at Metapontum was constantly visited by 

τ Cf. Smith’s Dictionary ef Roman Biography, Art. Spartacus; Schambach, Der 
Ttalische Sklavenaufstand. Appian makes it to have been120,000; and Spartacus 
Beriously contemplated an invasion of Rome, he says, cap. 117, lib. 1: ‘0 δὲ 
Σπάρτακος τριακοσίους Ῥωμαίων αἰχμαλώτους evayioas Kpigéw, δώϑεκα μυριάσι 
πεζῶν ἐς Ῥώμην ἠπείγετο, τά ἄχρηστα τῶν σκευῶν κατακαύσας καὶ τοὺς αἱχμιαλώτους 
πάντας ἀνελὼν καὶ ἐπισφάξας τὰ ὑποζύγια, ἵνα κοῦφος εἴη" αὐτομόλων τε πολλῶν 
αὐτῷ προσιόντων οὐδένα προσίετο. καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων αὐτόν αὖϑις περὶ τὴν Πικηνίτιδα 

ἣν ὑποστάντων, μέγας ἀγὼν ἕτερος ὅδε γίγνεται, καὶ μεγάλη καὶ τότε ἧσσα Ῥωμαίων." 
his was after the battle of Garganos and the death of Crixus. Seeinfra. So 
Julius Ohsequens, vide Lycosthens, De Prodigiis, 118: ‘‘Armorum horrendo ¢clam- 


ore” (from Capua) “centum millia hominum eonsumpta Italico civilique belle 
teiato est,” 


MODESTY OF HIS AMBITIONS. 305 


merchants who purchased brass and iron and other goods 
on a large scale. We are told that it presented the spec- 
tacle of a great fair. 

Spring came and it was learned that three consular 
armies, fully equipped, were on their way to meet the 
forces of the rebels; and Spartacus took up his line of 
march northward, keeping the shores of the Adriatic. 
The object of this movement was to reach the Alps, cross 
them and disperse the army at the point where the Gauls 
might return in safety to their homes to the northward 
and the Thracians might take to the right and thus reach 
their homes in Thrace.” It appears that Crixus and 
Ginomans had remained with Spartacus at the winter 
quarters but that there was a quarrel, The evidences 


78 No writer disagrees from the main statement that the central and longing 
idea of Spartacus was to reach his native home and again enjoy the occupations 
of peace. Plutarch, Marcus Crassus, 9, says; ‘‘ By this time he (Spartacus) was 
become great and formidable. Nevertheless his views were moderate, He had too 
much understanding to hope the conquest of the Romans, and therefore led his 
army to the Alps, with an intention to cross them, and then dismiss his troops, 
that they might retire to their respective countries, some to Thrace and some to 
Gaul.” Granier, next to Florus and the English Encyclopzdists, the most mer- 
cilezs of the commentators, says: Histoire des Classes Ouvrizres et des Classes Bour- 
geoises: "" Spartacua, qui était un homme doni le coeur valait mieux que la condi- 
tion, n’avait qu’une idée; il vonlait qu’on franchit les Alpes, qu’on gagnat les 
Gaales, et qu’une fois la, chacun reprit le chemin de son pays. La stratégie des 
consuls et la mutinerie de ses compagnons l’empéchérent de réaliser son projet. 
Schambach defends Spartacus against the generally accepted libels and sland- 
ers afloat in Rome and which acted as a palliative subduing the galling fact that 
the haughty nation was humbled by a low-lived gladiator: ᾿ς Hilt es doch Florus 
fir néthig sich mit den Worten ‘magnitudo cladium facit, ut meminerimus’ zu 
entschaidigen, alser den Namen des Anfihrers in einem der sicilischen Anf- 
stinde anfubrt! Aber mit der ansicht, den Mann einfach todt zu schweigen, 
begniigte man sich nicht; man befleckte sein Andenken durch erfundene Ver- 
brechen und machte seinen Namen zu einem Schimpfworte, und selbst Manner 
wie Cicero und der altere Plinius haben sich von den stimmen deg grogsen Haut: 
es hierin nicht zu emancipiren vermocht. Uns, die wir keinen Grund haben, 
Spartacus ale grimmigen Feind zu verabscheuen, licgt die Verpflichtung ob, 
Beine Person in das Hieutige Licht zu stellen und gegen unverdienten Tadel zu 
vertheidigen,” (Schambach, Der Italische Sklavenaufstand,S.16, Dr. Drumann 
ip Vol. IV. 5, 74, aq. of his great History of Rome (Rémische Geschichte) gives 
Spartacus this just tribute; ‘Die Natur hatte ihn zum Helden und Herrscher 
geschaffen, durch klugheit, Muth. Freiheitsliebe und Miassigung raste er iiber 
seine Gefaihrten hervor; er brachte das allmiichtige Rom zum Zittern. als er die 
Ketten zerbrach, und begehrte auch jetzt nichts, als frei zu sein: die Grausam- 
keiten seiner ziigellosen Schaaren kommen nicht auf seine Rechnung, gofern sie 
nicht gegen die Unterdricker gerichtet waren: nur gegen die Romer, in deren 
Spiclen er sich und die Menschheit entehrt fiihite, die ihm nicht einmal die 
Fiucht gestatteten, ihn und die Uebrigen einzufangen suchten, um sie an das 
Kreuz zu nageln, kannte er kein Erbarmen. Auch auf einer Hohe, wo Alles um 
{hn her den Schwindel befiel, blieb er besonnen ; er wollte Rom nicht zerstoren, 
weil er nichts Unmdgliches wollte; die Vorhersagungen seiner thrakischen Gatlin 
fiber die ihm beschiedene Grosse verblendeten ihn uicht; aber die Sklaven ver- 
wirrten und vereitelten seinen Plan” ‘The inquisitive student of Spartacus maj 
al-o consult a fragment of Varro, Charis. I. Ὁ. 108: ‘Spartaco innocente con- 
jecto ad gladium.” American Encyclopedia, Vol. KIV. p. 829, acknowledges 
that: ““ΗἰΒ own desire was to secure the freedom of the slaves by taking them 
beyond the Alps; but they, eager for plunder, refused to leave Italy.”’ 


306 SPARTACUS. 


also tend to prove that Crixus and a large detachment of 
the Gauls separated from the main army on the march 
northward. Qnomans also had a falling out; for it 
seems he undertook an expedition to the westward of the 
main army under Spartacus on the march through Pice- 
num near the Adriatic Sea. This expedition of Ginomaus 
was undertaken contrary to the wishes of Spartacus and 
to gratify a desire for plunder.- This lieutenant was met 
by Gellius “ commanding one of the three consular arm- 
ies sent out by the Romans, and in the battle which fol- 
lowed, he was killed, his army routed and those soldiers 
who escaped were glad to get safely back to their general-_ 
in-chief who never ventured a battle without knowing 
beforehand that he had some chances in his favor. 

But Crixus who was weak enough to be jealous in such 
a dangerous emergency was too weak to be victorious 
over the Romans. He rashly ventured a battle at the 
foot of Mount Garganus in Picenum, with his large de- 
tachment of the army, amounting to 35,000 men.” It is 
likely that he was drawn into an ambuscade by Arrius 
who commanded the third consular army of the Romans. 
Crixus in his speech to the soldiers before the battle 
braced his men with assurance that it was “ better to die 
manfully in the attempt of freedom than to be butchered 


79 Orosius, Historiarum Adversus Paganos Libri, V. **‘@nomaus enim jam 
superiore belio fuerat occisus.” Schambach, Jtalischer Sklavenaufstand, 8. 19, 
acknowledges the obscurity in which the facts regarding this lieutenant of Spar- 
tacus are enveloped; “.Jener @inomaus muss bald gcfallen sein; Crixus, der ala 
der erste nach Spartacus erscheint, spielte seine Rolle linger.” 

80 Livy, Liber, XCVI. Epitome, gives the number destroyed at 20,000 includ- 
ing Crixus. ‘‘Q. Arrius, praetor Crixum fugitivorum ducem cum viginti mili- 
bus hominum cecidit.’”’ Appian, Historia Romana, 117, mit. “ Kai τούτων ὑπὸ 
μὲν ϑατέρου Kpléos, ἡγούμενος τρίσμυρίων ἀνδρῶν, περὶ τὸ Γάργανον ὄρος ἡττᾶτο, 
καί δύο μέρη TOV στρατοῦ καὶ αὐτὸς συναπώλετο αὐτοῖς: Σπάρτακον δὲ διὰ τῶν 
᾿Απεννίνων ὀρῶν ἐπί τὰ Λλπεια καὶ ἐς Κελτοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ᾿Αλπείων ἐπειγόμενον ὃ ἕτερος 
ὕπατος προλαβὼν ἐκώλυε τῆς φυγῆς, καὶ ὃ ἕτερος ἐδίωκεν. ὅ δὲ Eh’ ἑκάτερον αὐτῶν 
ἐπιστρεφόμενος παρὰ μέρος ἐνίκα. καὶ οἱ μὲν σὺν ϑορύβῳ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ὑπεχώρουν" 
Sallust, Frag, Historiarwm. We quote the following fragment to snow the des- 
perate fighting of the slaves presumbly at this battle with Crixus—‘*ingre, tante 
setui debacchoratur, nefandum in modum perverso vulnere εὖ interdum lacerum 
corpus scmianimum omittentes, alii in tecta jaciebant ignes, multique ex loco 
servi, ques ingenium socios debat, abdita ἃ dominis aut ipsog trahebant ex oc- 
culto, neque sanctum aut nefandum quicquam fuit irze burbarorum ac_ servili 
ingenio: que Spartacus nequiens prohibere, multis precibus cum oraret, celeri- 
tate nuutios.” In the next fragment we sce the plans of Spartacus thwarted and 
Crixus on the eve of his overthrow and death: ‘Aliquot dies contra morem fidus 
cia augeri nostris caepit, et promi lingua. Qua Varinius contra spectatam rem 
Incaute motus novos incognitosque et aliorum casibus percussos milites jam, 
neque tam magnifice fumentes preelium, quam postulaverant. Atque illi certa- 
mini conscii inter se juxta seditionem erant. Crixo et geutis ejusdem Gallis at 
que Germanis obyiam ire et wtro offerre pugnam cupientibus contra Sparta- 
wn,” 


BATTLE OF GARGANUS. DEATH OF CRIXUS, 207 


for a Roman holiday.” The unfortunate Crixus, less dis- 
creet than intrepid rushed into the din of strife and in a 
furious battle which occupied the day was siain and his 
army defeated with great loss. 

~The routed soldiers, however, had one comfort. They 
could go back to their general better qualified through 
the lesson, with confidence in their sagacious chieftain 
whom they had deserted. Even this rebuke did not en- 
tirely quell the terribly revolutionary character of his in- 
subordinate troops. 

Spartacus now started over the Appennines in forced 
marches northward toward the river Vo, dogged every 
inch of the route by the large consular armies of Rome 
under C. Cornelius Lentulus and Gellius Poplicola, the 
two consuls and . Arrius the pretor, who commanded 
the third consular army. But he sustained no losses, 
Every time the enemy ventured a battle he was sure to 
be hacked and punished by the terrible columns of the 
now veteran proletaries.” 

Spartacus appears to have bent every energy toward 
making a permanent escape from Italy. In tie struggle 
to make headway, the sallies of the enemy in flank and 
rear were always met by the wary gladiator with a shock 
Which stupefied and annihilated them; and in this man- 

er he contested every attack, watching with a judicious 
eye every movement of the several Roman armies, for op- 
portunities to inflict the heaviest blows. 

At last, in one of his wily manceuvres he succeeded in 
alluring Poplicola and his large army into a place suita- 
ble, as he believed, to make a general attack. Weare a 
little undecided as to where this bloody battle took place. 
There are data to the effect that Spartacus now had 70- 
000 men in solid column.” But mosi of the great histor- 
ies being lost, the lesser writers of those times perhaps 

81 Flor., 111. 20,10. ‘Inde jam conaniares quoque aggressus, in Appenino 
Lentuli exercitum percecidit: apud Mutinam Cail Cassii castra delevit.’’ 

82. It is probable that the rebel force was still stronger than this; for Appian 
puts it at 120,000 while yetin Thuria, Valiejus Paterculus, however, seems to 
carry the idea that it was less: ‘‘ quorum numerus in tantam adolevit utque ul- 
timo dimicavere acie XL millia homimim se Romano exercitui opposuerint.” 
But his scho!jast edition flnds fault with these figures, as absurd and refers to 
Eutropiug who says 6) 00. Orosius and Livy, who make the rebel iorce about 
thie time to have been a medium between 15. 3.000 (.\ ppian’sstatement) and 40, 
000 (that of Valiejus), concluding that the “ C.’’ of the later author must have 
been changed in vicissitndes of so niany ages into an * L,” and that it originally 
read XC, willia or 90,000, 


£08 SPARTACUS. 


ashamed of what they considered a humiliation and dis- 
grace, rush over the less prominent events, mentioning 
only in an obscure manner, certain points. 

The tactics of Poplicola were to harass the flank while 
Lentulus kept his army in the front of Spartacus who 
took no further notice of the latter than to keep him from 
doing mischief. When at last, Spartacus saw his oppor- 
tunity, burning with a desire to avenge Crixus, who had 
fallen at Mt. Garganus, he gave his men the long coveted 
order of attack. 

A great aud bloody battle wasfought. All day the glitter 
of helmets and the clash of swords told the horrid tale of 
death. Itwasarencounter of Greek and Gauland Roman 
—representatives of the bravest lands of ancient days. 

Phalanx by phalanx, the proud army of Poplicola gave 
way betore the intrepid assaults of the laborers. No 
sooner did the Romans begin to weaken and bend than 
the carnage redoubled. Spartacus made good every op- 
ciel and crashed upon the now broken columns of 

is adversary. Thousands of the Romans fell dead and 
dying. A few escaped. Night brought the slaughter to 
a sullen close.“ The victorious legions of Spartacus re- 
turned to their tents torest. Large numbers of prisoners 
had fallen into their hands, among whom were many 
haughty Roman knighis. Spartacus with bitter irony 
soon afterwards forced them to fight as gladiators in the 
funeral games which he celebrated with pomp to the 
manes of Crixus.” 

Thus we have an account of the fifth battle won by this 


88 Florus, III, 20, 12, is greatly grieved at this humiliation; “a quo pulsi, 
fugatique (pudet dicere) hostes in extrema Italiw refugerunt.” 

84. “ Sur la route il rencontra et écrasa deux armées consulaires, deux autres 
prétoriennes et arriva enfin tout combatant et toujours victorieux sur les rives 
du Po, dont les eaux débordées lui barrérent le chemin.” La Rousse, Art. Spar- 
iacus, Plutarch, Crassus, tr. Langhorne, IX. says: ‘*Lentulus, the other con- 
sul, endeavoured to surround Spartacus, with his forces, which were very con- 
siderable. Spartacus met him fairly in the field, beat his lieutenants, and 
stripped them of their baggage.” Scraps from the earliest and best authors serve 
where the thread of the story is lost; and indicate the truthiulness of the his- 
tory. Sallust has one as follows, which though badly mangled, seems to relate 
to this severe contest: * * * ‘*M or Trequii preter s r ciem necessariam haud 
muito secus quam ferro noceri poterat. At Varinius, dum hec aguntur a fugi- 
tivis, @gra parte militum autumni gravitate, neque ex postrema fuga, Cum se- 
vero edicto juberentur, ullis ad signa redeuntibus, et qui relinqui erant per 
summa figitiadetrectantibus militiam. Queestorem suum C. Thoranium ex quo 
presente vera tacilime noscerunt, * * * commiserant, et tamen interim quum 
volentibus numero quatuor.” 

86 Plorus, Ill. 20. ‘‘ Qui defunctorum quoque prelio ducum funera impera 


FIFTH BATTLE. RETALIATION. 30 


=) 


extraordinary genius. The episode of his avenging the 
death of Crixus by forcing the proud Roman leaders te 
descend to the debasing ergastulum and meet in gladia- 
torial combat and with the weapons of dishonor they had 
previously forced Crixus and Spartacus to wear, bears at 
once a tinge of melancholy and perhaps of gratification 
even to the most enlarged minds. 

Not only the consuls but also two pretorian armies 
were completely routed by the tiger-like springs of Spar- 
tacus “ during this phenomenal march northward in quest 
of his boyhood’s home. It is indeed interesting to know 
that his wife accompanied him in his wanderings.“ There 
seems to be a simplicity and tenderness which contrasts 
with the magnitude and the ferocity of his adventurers; 
something unique and almost enchanting is felt as one 
follows him step by step along his thorny path. 

After routing and annihilating these pretorian armies,” 
we next find him face to face with the large army of Len- 
tulus near the river Po. 

Spartacus seems now to have assumed the character of 
a fugitive, so desirous was he to make his escape. Time 
had been given for the remnants of the Romans, shattered 
but not destroyed at the battle with Poplicola, to join the 
army of Lentulus, now augmented to larger numbers than 
any body of troops Spartacus had yet encountered. 

There was a pretorian, or “third consular army” men- 
tioned by Plutarch. Livy mentions Cassius as a pro-con- 
sul and ©, Manlius as the pretor.* This would imply 
that two battles were fought between the two great 
pitched battles of Poplicola and of Lentulus, the regular 
toriis celebravit exequiis, captivosque circa rogum jussit armis depugnare: quasi 
plate expiaturus omne presteritum dedecus, si de gladiatore munerator fuisset,” 

o also modern commentaries; See Smiths Dictionary of Greek and Roman Bio- 
graphy, Art. Spartacus, The American Encyclopedia, Vol. XIV. 1867, page $28, 
makes no hesitation in placing this humiliating episode as an event of the war, 
‘* At the head of 70,090 men he triumphed over two consular armies in 72, and 


forced his Roman captives to fight as gladiators at the funeral games which ho 
celebrated.” _ 

86 See Pomponius Mela. 21; Livy. Epitomies, XCV. XOVI. XCVII; Diod, 
XXXVIIZ. 21. Orosius, V. 24, 25. Cf. also considerable in the writings of Cicero, 
and in the various English and German Encyclopedias; theze however, with few 
exceptions are childishly erroneous, contradictory and lamentably incomplete. 

81 Plutarch, Crassus, where we find this assurance. 

88 Of. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biogruphy; La Rousse, Diction- 
aire Universel, Art. Spartacus, and Tacitus, Germania 8, where we find that her 
name was Aurinia. 

+ Livy, Epitom. XCVI. ‘‘C. Cassius pro-coneul et Cn. Manlius praetor male 
udversus Spartacum pugnaverunt.” 


310 SPARTACUS. 


consuls. Cassius who was pretor in the northern por- 
tious along the Po, with a large army of at least 10,000 
men, gave battle to Spartacus just before the latter reached 
this river. It was a deadly encounter, and though the 
conflict raged with fierce deter mination on the part of the 
Romans, they were no match for the now invincible glad- 
iator and his veter ans who gained one of the most telling 
triumphs of the war.” It was between these two bloody 
engagements and in this region that Spartacus spent the 
winter of B. C. 72-71. 

The army of the gladiator now increased.” We should 
be almost totally confounded without Livy’s Epitomies of 
wrecked history at this juncture of the war, and could 
scarcely proceed. It is through these made clear, that 
after the defeat of Cassius and his 10,000 near the Po, as 
related by Plutarch, the really great battle spoken of, 
where Spartacus met Lentulus “ fairly,” was Livy’s great 
carnage,” told in words too plain to admit of misunder- 
standing. * Plutarch says: “ the two consuls having con- 
solidated their troops in the country of Picenum, fell 
upon Spartacus in full force. He, however, gave them 
battle and with great slaughter nearly annihilated them.” 
This fils two missing data. We are all along told that 
Spartacus, while near the river Po, before these “ great 
defeats” of the “two consuls and their two pretorian 
armies,” was a fugitive, anxiously striving with all his mil- 
itary tact, to escape from Roman territory. Now, how- 
ever, We have authors augmenting the army of Spartacus.” 
We find him with a vast and well drilled, well disciplined, 
well fed and highly elated army of 120,000 men. 

A march upon Rome was frustrated by the desire of 


plunder; although it is stated that Spartacus did not dare 
to make the attempt.” 


90 Plutarch, Crassus, 10. ‘He (Spartacus) then continued his route towards 
the Alpy, but was opposed by Cassius, who commanded in that part of Gaal 
which Ixy about the Po, and came against him at the head of 10,000 men. A bat- 
tle ensued. in which Cassius was defeated, with great loss, and saved himself 
not without difficulty.” So Livy, Epitome of liber, XCVI. εἰ supra, note 90. 

91 Plutarch, Crassus, 10. 

82 Livy, “pitome, XCVI. “ Ideirco duo consules, junctis copiis in agro: Picene 
eiconcurrerunt. Sed illa (Spartacus Leet eas magna clade profligasset.” 

93Schambach, [telischker Sklavenaufstand, S. 8, concedes the scholiast view, 
Tivy did not write the epitomies to his books, but thinks that they are faithful 
fo the original contents. 

Livy, XCVI. cf Epitomies, of the lost books. Appian, I. 117, 

" Livy, Epitome, XCVI, ‘‘ Ad Urbem ducre non est ausus.” 


SIXTH AND SEVENTH BATTLES. 311 


This great battle between Spartacus and the combined 
armies of the two consuls, Lentulus and Poplicola, took 
place a long distance south of the Po, near where Sparta- 
cus had defeated the first consular army under Poplicola; 
for it was in the territory of Picenum, nearly 200 miles 
from the river. The army of the proletaries was now 
about 100 miles northeastward from Rome and was 
marching southward. This arrangement of data brings 
the statement of Plutarch in line and clears up the whole 
jumble. The story of Cassius and his defeated army of 
10,000 was Pluiarch’s battle of the Po. Spartacus then 
taking the offensive, marched southward into Picenum, 
where he fought the great battle of Picenum—the magna 
cladis of Livy. 

Great consternation now prevailed at Rome. The news 
of the disaster to Lentulus and Poplicola and their splendid 
armies was regarded asa calamity. Indignation raised 
to its highest pitch and was only equalled by mortifica- 
tion and shame. A gladiator,” and slave, who, all his life- 
time had been a poor man, earning a scanty living by 
manual toil, had combined audacity with genius, gathered 
the menial hordes” that worked the estates of haughty 
landlords and in eight battles, at hand-to-hand combat 
and at the test of strategem, endurance, valor and prowess 
had worsted, overthrown and annihilated the patrician 
gentry of Rome.” 

Lentulus was recalled and disgraced. His humiliation 
has always been a mystery to readers of history. The 
true light of the affair has been shut out—so dark was 
the history of this matter kept for ages from the reader’s 
mind. 

Spartacus was maligned by everybody; and public sen- 
timent turned a smile in his favor into a heresy and in- 
timidated the favorable opinions and conversation of the 
people as well as blockaded the will and the pen of his- 
torians. 

Spartacus, everywhere victorious was, after the great 

86 Florus, III, 20. ‘‘ Tandem etiam totis imperii viribus contra mirmillionem 
consurgitur.” 

97 Livy, Epitome, XCV. ‘* Res prosera@, et assolet. statim inveuerunt socios. 
multosque pastores, duruin et pernix genus.” 

28 Cicero, Ad Atticum, VI.22. ‘*‘ Cum Spartaco—duce fugitivorum, qui bel- 


jam servile commovit, et velcum quiugeutia predonibus jam satis mali facere 
potuit.’’ 


812 SPARTACUS. 


battle in Picenum, forced to proceed southward by his 
foolish soldiers who, puffed ® with success, were wanting 
in obedience and could not participate in the dream of 
Spartacus to retire to the pastoral charms of his native 
land. We next find him marching to Thuria, with a vast 
army and great quantities of plunder, with the intention 
of passing the winter of 72-71, B.C. But anothervictory 
was yet to be won before the srmy could reach its winter 
quarters—the battle with Mummius in Picenum.” 

It was now nearing the time of the Roman Comitia, or 
the assembly of Roman citizens for voting for new officers. 
Among these officers consuls were to be elected. But so 
great was the terror which Spartacus had inspired that 
no candidates were to be found. ‘This phenomenon is ex- 
plained by the fact that whoever should be elected consul 
would have to go in person to weet the dreaded gladia- 
tor. Finally, after much hesitation, Marcus Licinius 
Crassus, consented to be nowinated and of course, received 
the full vote and confidence of the people. 

Accordingly, Crassus, prepared for the campaign against 
the great guerrilla chieftain with eight full legions of 
Roman soldiers mustered for the occasion. But the frag- 
ments of the defeated armies of Poplicola and Lentulus, 
together with the pretorian forces, also shattered by 
Spartacus, were now returning to the metropolis in a 
straggling, demoralized condition, All these were soon 
joined to the new army of Crassus." 

The new confidence which this election of Crassus in- 
spired caused a great number of young Roman gentry 
to volunteer, and we may becertain that the eight legions 
were full. A full Roman legion of that era consisted of 
6,000 men which makes 48,000 for the new army of eight 
legions. 

99 Cf, Smith’s, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography. 

τοῦ This account is given in Plutarch’s Life of Crassus. Mommsen, History 
of Rome, here breaks thé story of Spartacus and his victories into a tangle of un- 
intelligible data, although its thread is seen to be quite clear, witb a little pains, 

101 Appian, Historia Romana, 1,118: “ Τριέτης τε ἣν ἤδη καὶ φυβερὸς αὐτοῖς ὃ 
πόλεμος, γελώμενος ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ καταφρονούμενος ὡς μονομάχων. Προτεϑείσης τε 
στρατηγῶν ἄλλων χειροτονίας ὄκνος ἐπεῖχεν ἅπαντας, καὶ παρήγγελλεν οὐδείς, μέχρι 
Αἰκίνιος Κράσσος, γένει καὶ πλούτῳ Ῥωμαίων διαφανής, ἀνεδέξατο στρατηγήσειν, 
καὶ τέλεσιν ἕξ ἄλλοις ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ τὸν Σπάρτακον.᾽᾽ Plutarch says: “‘ Nosooner were 
the senate informed of these miserable proceedings, than they expressed the 
greatest indignation against the consuls, and gave orders that they should be 
superseded in the command, Crassus was the person they pitched upon asa 


successor, and many of the nobility served under him, as volunteers, as well or 
account of his political influence and from personal regard.” 


NINTH BATTLE. MUTINA, 813 


From the start, there must have been at least 100,000 
men sent out under Crassus against the rebels, whick 
force kept constantly increasing to the end. 

Returning to Spartacus, we find evidence™ that while 
at the zenith of his popularity between the Po—which he 
did not cross—and Picenum, he offered inducements to 
all who would cast off the yoke of despotism, to join. 
That the slaves took the offer of freedom is evident from 
the number, which commentators venture to put at 120- 
000, and which we positively know soon greatly augmented. 
Many of the higher classes spurned offers to co-operate 
because they “disdained to join slaves;” although they 
hated the Romans.’ 

When Crassus arrived in Cis-Alpine Gaul, near the city 
of Mutina, where the army of Spartacus lay, he studied 
closely the traits of his antagonist and concluded to adopt 
the tactics of Fabius who had previously been successful 
over Hannibal, by worrying him and not giving battle. 
After harassing Spartacus in rear and flank for some 
time he sent the pro-consul, C. Cassius Longinus, around 
on the other side with orders to be watchful and goad 
the enemy, without hazarding an engagement; but the 
fox-witted gladiator, with apparent indifference, allured 
this Roman into an idea that he could safely go beyond 
his orders, and attack a wing of the workingmen who 
were in reality, impatient for the fray. 

At a weak moment, least suspected and least watched, 
Spartacus gave the welcome order of battle. The shout 
went up and with it came the force of the onset. Cassius 
was crushed by the unexpected blow and completely 
routed. The field of Mutina covered with the slain, re- 
mained with the workinemen. 

Spartacus, slowly continuing his march southward, har- 
assed and tormented by Crassus who was too good a com- 
mander to venture a general engazement, studied every 
opportunity to catch the Roman at a weak point.“ Op- 


102 Cf. Larousse, Dictionaire Universel, Art. Spartaeus, based on the remarks 
of Plutarch, 

103 These gems giving the finishing touches of the story, aré taken from iso- 
lated fragments of the broken histories so badly mutilated indeed, that we 
should be loth to pass upon them, did not our inferences coincide with those of 
others who have taken great pains to get the kernel of the theme. 

104 “Le général Romain se borna de couvrir le Latium, n’ osant hasarder 
battaille contre le terrible gladiatse :r et se contenta 4 le harceler et le faire mis- 
érable, par cvs lieutenants, invariablement battus quand ils avaient la témérité 


814 SPARTACUS. 


portunity soon came. The propretor, Cn. Manlius, was 
caught at an unguarded moment and in a terribly bloody 
conflict of which we have only a sullen and lugubrious 
mention by historians, was torn to atoms by the charge 
of a heavy detachment of Spartacus. 

The condition of the Roman army was now that of ter- 
ror. After the defeat of Cassius at the city of Mutina 
and of Manlius at a point southward, we find Spartacus, 
still harassed by Crassus, in the rich valleys of Picenum, 
the scenes of the next and ninth battlein which the glad- 
iator chieftain was conqueror. Crassus posted himself 
here, in advance of the workingmen, for the purpose of 
intercepting their march southward. 

Mummius, one of the most trustworthy lieutenants of 
Crasus, was sent round to the flank of the enemy, with or- 
ders to continue strategical manceuvres; and was strictly 
charged to follow him, but not to hazard a battle. Mum- 
mius had more courage and conceit than discretion or 
obedience. [He proved to be precisely the man whom Spar- 
tacus wanted. The foxy gladiator now dallied with ruse 
and incantation and finally decoyed the whole force, con- 
sisting of 12,000 men into an assailable point. This whole 
mancuvre seems to have been deeply laid inasmuch as it 
contained an admixture of flattery. At any rate, how- 
ever ambidextrous the incentive, the decoy on the one 
hand and the ambition on the other, prevailed. 

Just when Mummius believed he was in the act of rid- 
ding his country of a loathsome foe, a wild war-whoop of 
the mirmillions burst out along the lines. Spartacus at 
the enemy’s vulnerable points gave the order of attack. 
This time it was many against few. Mummius was over- 
slaughed. “His whole army completely routed. Many 
were killed upon the battle field. Others terrified, cast 
away their arms and saved their lives by flight.” 

Again the arms of Spartacus were victorious. Mum- 
mius was annihilated.” Disaster again convulsed the 
egis of slaveholding, degenerate Rome, whose haughty 
men, inany of whom owned at that moment from 1,000 to 


de livrer combat.”” La Rousse, Dictionaire Universel, Art. Spartacus. 

106 Plutarch, Jdem; Appian ; Mommsen and some of the Encyclopedias. 

τυτ Cf. Inlernahonal Encyclopedia, Art. Sparlacus. Although we give reference 
to original authority thereis a variety οἱ readings aiid ΟἹ opinions; and we there. 
fore cite contemporaneous writers and recommend them to the reader. 


TENTH BATTLE. MUMMIUS RUINED. 815 


10,090 slaves each, were freshly reminded by every victory 
of Spartacus, of the doom of their crumbling institution, 
sacred, as one of the pillars of the paganism they wor- 
shiped for a religion. 

Crassus had cause to be severe. Plutarch adds that: 
“He severely reprimanded Mummius who had escaped 
unhurt. He armed the few survivors anew, insisting upon 
their giving bond of fidelity to the new arms given them. 
He took 500 of the most cowardly, divided them into 50 
platoons and these into decades, one of whom was by 
lot, put to death; in this way recalling an ancient military 
usage of punishment. This kind of punishment in fact, 
is the mark of the greatest infamy: for as the execution 
is public, in sight of the whole army, circumstances that 
are awful and affecting follow.”'*® But this horrible 
chastisement came late. Spartacus had again been vic- 
torious. 

But two causes now set in to cast shadows over the 
glory of the conquering gladiator, His own ignorant 
and foolish soldiers began again to show signs of insub- 
ordination, elated by their never failing successes. They 
wanted to plunder and feast upon the fat of the land; 
and while they were actually becoming demoralized and 
dissolute in their extraordinary experience of victory, 
their new enemy Crassus was growing wiser and surer 
in his harrowing experience of defeat. These two causes 
combined to bring the terrible lion to his end. 

Crassus, after this ferocious specimen of the cruelty of 
war, attacked Spartacus, and drove him to the sea.'” But 

108 Plutarch, tdem; Appian, Historia Romana, 1.118. “ Kai τῶνδὲ μὲν antixa 
διακληρώσας,͵ ὡς ἠολλάκις ἡττημένων, ἐπὶ ϑανάτῳ μέρος δέκατον διέφϑειρεν. Οἱ δ᾽ 
οὐχ οὕτω νομίζουσιν, ἀλλὰ παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ συμβαλόντα καὶ τόνδε, καὶ ἡττημένον, 
πάντων διακληρῶσαι τὸ δέκατον, καὶ ἀνελεῖν ἐς τετρακισχιλίους, οὐδὲν διὰ τὸ πλῆϑος 
ἐνδοιάσαντο. ὁποτέρως δ᾽ ἔπραξε, φοβερώτερος αὐτοῖς τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἥττης φανεὶς 
αὐτίκα μυρίων Σπαρτακείων ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν που στρατοπεδευόνπον ἐκράτει, καὶ δύο αὐτῶν 
μέρη κατακανὼν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἥλαυνε τὸν Σπάρτακον σύν καταφρονήσει.᾽᾽ Sallust, His- 
tortarum Popult Romani, libri, Recensio of Anton. Thysins, old Lugdunym edi- 
tion, p. 592, has a sadly mutilated scrap; ‘‘Sorte ductos fusti necat:” and the 
learned editcr in a note explalns as follows: ‘‘Sorte ductos fusti necat, Puto legen- 
dum, eductos, accipiendumq; de severa ac militari Crassi disciplina, qua idem 
in fugitoribus coércendis usus, ex duabus Mummianis Legionibus contra edictum 
Imperatoris in hostem (Spartacum) pugnare ansis, profligatisque; quingenpit 
primos, unde initium foge factum fuerat, sorte eductos decimari pracetos. 
Qood vetus supplicii genus intermortuum, ac desitum jampridem, postliminio 


fn castra Romana reductum a Crasso.” According to Sallust they were killed 
with clubs. 

109 Appian [. 118, fin: “ Νικήσας δὲ καὶ τόνδε λαμπρῶς ἐδίωκε φεύγοντα ἐπὶ 
τὴν ϑάλασσαν ὡς διαπλευσούμενον ἐς Σικελίαν, καὶ καταλαβὼν ametadpeve καὶ 
ἀπετείχιζε καὶ ἀπεσταύρον." Mouwinisen, Ζ71{|5ἐοΥν of Rome, Vol. IV. p, 106. 


SPARTACUS. 


this signal victory mentioned by Appian, is denied by 
Pluiarch in the following terms: “ After thus chastising 
his men, he (Crassus) led them against the enemy. But 
Spartacus turned back and retired through Lucania to 
the sea.” ἢ 

Spartacus marched his army southward along the Ad- 
riatic to embark for Sicily across the straits of Messina. 
There is strong circumstantial evidence that privateers of 
the Mediterranean assisted Spartacus; and if we judge from 
this point of view, a new light is thrown upon the history 
of his career. No written records, however, exist prov- 
ing this, and for want of it we follow the story as it is told. 

If the pirates, so-called, refused to help him, thus clearly 
working in the interest of Rome, as Mommsen suggests, 
why should Rome have immediately instituted a man-hunt 
against them? ‘l'acitus has some remarks favoring our 
theory that the pirates were faithful to Spartacus. An- 
other potent question is, how did the gladiator get the 
great army of 300,000 men? Did not the privateers ship 
them over from Sicily? We shall refer to these things 
later. 

This new move of Spartacus to reach Sicily is called by 
some, his last stroke of genius. It was an original one. 
There had been, some 27 years before, a great rebellion 
of the slaves in Sicily’ and at this moment, when Spar- 
tacus approached that fair isle—the granary of Rome— 
it was suffering from the most inhuman exactions, by or- 
der of Verres, the insatiate and avaricious despoiler, whose 

reedy havoc was soon afterwards opposed by Cicero. 
‘The slaves and property owners alike, were goaded by 
this man’s rapacity to the verge of rebellion against Rome. 
Had Spartacus succeeded in crossing safely with his army 
the chances are that the goaded people would have gladly 


110 Plutarch, Life of Crassus. 

111 See chapter xi supra. The strange words of Cornelius Tacitus, Annadium, 
liber, XV. cap. 46; referring to Spartacus and the Roman flotilla against the pi- 
rates, show how fearful was the danger, and they seem to advert to the link of 
friendship existing between them and Spartacus: “ Peridem tempus gladiatores 
spud oppidum Preeneste temptata eruptione praesidio militis, qui custos ades- 
zet, coérciti sunt, iam Spartacum et vetera mala rumoribus ferente populo, ut 
est hovarum rerum cupiens pavidusque. Nec multo post clades rei navalis acci- 
pitur, non bello (quippe haud alias tam immota pax), sed certum ad diem in 
Campaniam redire classem Nero jusserat, non exceptis maris casibus. Ergo gub- 
ornatores, quamvis saeviente pelago, a Formiis movere; et gravi Africo, dum 
promunturium Miseni superare contendunt, Cumanis litoribus impacti-trire- 
Mmium plerasque et minora Dayigia passim amiserunt.” 


THE PRIVATEERS LEND A HAND, 317 


joined him in overwhelming numbers, if for nothing else 
than to rid themselves of this insatiable Roman governor 
whose exactions, to satisfy personal greed, well-nigh 
brought Sicily to bankruptcy and ruin.’” 

On his arrival at the sea opposite the Sicilian shore, 
Spartacus who had formed this plan of crossing over with 
his entire army for the purpose of recruiting from the 
ranks of the slaves, negotiated with the freebooters or 
brigand mariners, as they are mercilessly called in the his- 
torics, who from ancient times ransacked the coasts for 
plunder.” 

They exhibited a quality of perfidy, perhaps against 
Rome—although the historians show that it was against 
Spartacus—which actually resulted in their being swept 
from their trade; for soon after the suppression of the 
servile war which they are represented to have been too 
treacherous and disingenuous to sustain, the Romans sent 
an expedition against them which certainly was a contin- 
uation of the great man-hunt ending in their own exter- 
mination."* If Spartacus could have accomplished this 
magnificent strategical feat and realized his scheme of pas- 
sing the winter in Sicily where the terribly-oppressed and 
down-trodden slaves would have deserted in vast num- 
bers and extricated themselves from their otherwise hope- 
less servitude, he might, allowing him his wonted success, 
not only have beaten Crassus, but also the armies of 
Pompey and Lucullus when they afterwards arrived. 

In fact, we know not what would have been the final 
result upon the human race—indeed, we are loth to spec- 
ulate ; for under the humane management of Spartacus it 
might have resulted in a permanent recognition of the 
honor and merit of human labor which was in those tines 
denied, 

It is enough to repeat what history relates, that the self- 
ish, dishonest and treacherous pirates took the proffered 
gold of Spartacus but failed to land him in Sicily; for 
though his army enormously increased, yet his failing to 

112 Cicero, Verres, passim, Here Cicero gives an eloquent account of thia 
man’s extortious. Cicero assumed the cauge of the people vs. Verres and suc- 
ceeded in obtaining a verdict. 

113 Reeren, Peuplede lV Antiqutié, Vol. 11. pp. 170-173, of the French translation. 

ii4 Liv., XCVIL, “DL. Metellus pretor in Sicilia adversiis piratos prospere 


rem gessit.” (Hpitome); Vellejus Patercuius, Abridgment of Latin History, Book 
ΤΠ c. 31, 


818 SPARTACUS. 


get there probably disconcerted and squeezed him betwixt 
the mill-stones of periland hope, leaving him heart-brokcn 
and defeated. It was the knell of Spartacus. What fur- 
ther the historian can trace of this great general and most 
marvelous genius is but the description of prodigious 
spasms and writhings of a dying giant. 

Crassus, watching from a distance these defeated man- 
ceuvres of the gladiator, conceived the idea of imprisoning 
him in the narrow neck or point of the promontory of 
Bruttium or Rhegium, by throwing up a line of circum- 
vallation across this miniature isthmus with an object of 
hemming the proletarian army in and besieging it during 
the winter. The writer of the article in the Great French 
Universel Dictionary declares that Crassus was positively 
afraid to give the enemy an honorable battle."* Sparta- 
cus, regarded this enormous line of retrenchments with 
contempt. It was an earthwork reaching from sea to 
sea, being, as Plutarch tells us, “96 miles long, fifteen feet 
high and a wall above this of considerable height—a work 
ereat and difficult.” 

It was now the winter of B. C. 71-70. The supplies 
for the army of the proletaries were disappearing. Some- 
thing must be done. Spartacus watched his opportunity, 
bent on retreat which involved an escape from this trap. 
One dark wintry night amid the roar of a storm, while the 
forces of Crassus lay chilled, and torpid, least alert and 
fitted for surprise, the army of the slaves, at the command 
of their leader, burst from the bivouacs and sword in hand 
scaled the intrenchment, filling it with earth and wood, 
and in spite of all resistance passed over and gained the 
free plains beyond."* Thus commenced the admirable re- 


116 Speaking of Spartacus he says: “Telle était, cependant la terreur qu’ il 
inspirait encore, que Crassus entreprit de l’ enfermer dans la presq’ ile de Rhe- 
gium, par une fosse d’un retranchment de 15 lieus de longeur! Le chef des ea 
claves temoigna son profond mépris pour cet immense travaille et pour des en- 
hemis qui n’ osaient plus 1’ attaquer en face; puis quand les vivres commen- 
ceraient de lui manquer, 11 combla une partie de la tranchée pendant une nuit 
orageuse, jorca les lignes der Romains et manouvra librement dans la Lucanie, 
on il extermina encore les troupes des deux leutenants de Crassus qui oseraicnt 
1 inquieter dans sa retraite.” La Rousse, Dectionaire Universel, Art. Spartacus. 

116 Appian, Historia Romana, 1.119: Σπάρτακος δὲ ἱππέας moder αὐτῷ προσιόντας 
περιμένων, οὐκέτι μὲν ἐς μάχην ἤει τῷ στρατῷ παντί, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἠνώχλει τοῖς περικαϑ- 
ημένοις ἀνα μέρος, ἄφνω τε καὶ συνεχῶς αὐτοῖς ἐπιπίπτων, φακέλονς τε ξύλων ἐς τὴν» 
τάφρον ἐμβάλλων κατέκαιε, καὶ τὸν πόνον αὐτοῖς δύσεργον ἐποίει. Αἰχμάλωτόν τε 
"Ῥωμαῖον ἐκρέμασεν ἐν τῷ μεταιχμίῳ, δεικνὺς τοῖς ἰδίοις τὴν ὄψιν ὧν πείσονται μὴ 
κρατοῦντες." Mommeen, History of Rome, IV. ἡ. 107: “bat ἴῃ ἃ ἀν wintez 
night Spartacus broke through the Lnes cf the enemy, and {n the spring of 1) 


GREAT BATTLE OF CROTON. 31¢ 


treat of Spartacus—a retreat which for fine generalship 
combining fertility of expedient, quelling insubordination 
within, and overcoming obstacles without, may yet, when 
more carefully studied and better known, come to be re- 
garded as one of the true models in warfare. The Roman 
general now thoroughly frightened, wrote to Rome for 
more help. 

Tt appears that after the failure of Spartacus to reach 
Sicily, a revolt of prodigious extent took place in hisarmy. 
A body of probably over 50,000 men separated from the 
main army. They vaunted that Spartacus was a coward; 
dared not meet the Roman general; that they would not 
longer be restrained from giving the hated enemy battle. 
They accordingly appointed as their commanders two of 
the most boasting of the malcontents, Gannicus and Cas- 
tus, and demanded of these inexperienced captains to be 
led to battle."* They then provoked the army of Crassus 
toan engagement. When Spartacus, whose wearying sym- 


wes once more in Lucanis.” Plutarch, Crassus, tells the same story, while 
Bchambach, clearly shows it to have been the spring of 70. 

117 Appian, I. 119-120: ** Οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ἄστει ᾿Ρωμαῖοι τῆς πολιορκέας πυνϑανόμενοι, 
καὶ ἀδοξοῦντες εἰ χρόνιος αὐτοῖς ἔσται πῦλεμος μονομάχων, προσκατέλεγον ἐπὶ τὴν 
στρατείαν Πομπήεον ἄρτι ἀφικόμενον ἐξ ᾿ΙΒρίας, πιστεύοντες ἤδη δυσχερὲς εἶναι καὶ 
μέγα τὸ Σπαρτάκειον ἔργον. Διὰ δὲ τὴν χειροτονέαν τήνδε καὶ Κράσσος, ἵνα μή τὸ 
KAéos γένοιτο Πομπηίου, πάντα τρόπον ἐπειγόμενος ἐπεχείρει τῷ ΞΣπαρτάκῳ, καὶ ὃ 
Σπάρτακος, τὸν Πομπήιον προλαβεῖν ἀξιῶν, ἐς συνϑήκας τὸν Κράσσον προτκαλεῖτο." 
Crassus much frigiitened, certainly sent for and obtained both the army under 
Pompey, Victorious in Spuin and that of L.nccilus from Asia Minor, victorious in 
the Mithridatic war. See also La Rousse, Vicltonuire Universel, Art. Spariacus: 
“ Crassus écrivait au senat afin qa’on envoyat pour ie secolider, Pompée alors de 
retour d’ Espagne. et Lucullus qui revenait d’ Asie. Mais il repentait bientdt de 
cette démarche et recherchat les cc¢casions de terminer la guerre afin d’ avoir 
seule 1’ honneur.” 

118 Plutarch, idem, ia one of our best witnesses on this great battle: ‘‘ He 
resolved, therefore, in the first place, to attack the troops which had revolted, 
and formed a separate body, under the command ΟἹ ὕ wo officers named Cannicius 
and Castus. With this view, he sent a corps Οἱ six thousand men before to se'ze 
an eminence which he thonght would be of service to him but ordered them to 
conduct their enterprise with ull imaginable secrecy. They observed his direc- 
tions; and, to conceal their march the better, covered their helmets and the rest 
of their arms, Two women, however, who were gucri‘icing before the euemy’s 
cainp, discovered them, and they would probably have met their fate, had not 
Crassus advanced immediately, and giventheenemy battle This was the most 
obstinate action in the who'e war. Twelve thousand three landred of the enemy 
were killed, of which number there were ouly two ‘ound wounded in the back; 
the rest died in their ranks, after the bravest exertions of valour” Livy, whose 
valuable history of this great war is lost is fortunately quoted by Frontinus, 
Strategema IL. 5, 34, out of the 97th, the book of the Annales 4b Urbe Condita, as 
follows: “ Triginta quing!e millia armatorum (fugitivorum ἃ Crasso devictorum) 
ev proelio interfecta cum ipsis ducibus (Casto et Gannico) [ἅν 115 tradit, recep 
tus quinque Romanorum aquilas, signa sex et viginti. multa spolia, inter quae 
fasces cum securibus.”’ ‘his makes the numbers actually killed to have been 
35,000. Undoubtedly this is the mors accurate estimate: it algo shows the enur- 
mers magnitude of the army of Spartacus 


820 SPARTACUS. 


pathies echoed his foreknowledge of the certain result, per- 
ceived this movement, he evidently gave up all for lost and 
resolved to die, bravely combating for his cause. Crassus 
met the seceders and a terribly bloody battle took place 
near Croton, on the banks of a Jake in lower Lucania, 
whose waters, Plutarch says, are “sometimes pure and 
sometimes salt.” The contest was extremely severe. 
Plutarch wrongly describes it as the greatest of the war. 
Τὸ was long before the army of the seceders gave way. 
Nota man flinched. Of the heaps of slain none were 
wounded in the back; all falling in the ranks performing 
the bravest acts of valor. At last, overcome by numbers 
they were forced to yield a little, giving the Romans an 
advantage which they took and killed 12,300, or as Livy, 
quoted by Frontin, probably more correctly puts it, 35, 
000," of the seceders, on the spot; nor would any of the 
proletaries have survived the slaughter had not Sparta- 
cus, by a forced march, arrived in season tointerfere and 
put an end to the bloody work. But Ganicusand Castus 
were among the slain. 

Crassus on the whole, had made little to be proud of 
by this last encounter; for his forces were much more 
numerous than the seceders. Besides he certainly lost 8 
large number of men in the contest, and perceiving that 
its effect was only to heal the mutiny and knit the rebels 
together into an indissoluble brotherhood by teaching the 
dangers of their temerity, he began to fear that Sparta- 
cus, now rapidly marching northward, was earnestly med- 
itating an attack on Rome. 

The army of the proletaries, still hugging the shores 
of the sea, was now nearing the Tarentine gulf on its 
‘march northward toward the port of Brundusium in its 
second attempt to reach Sicily by sea. Just after cross: 


us Frontin, in his Strategematon, or Military Sctence, liber 11. cap. v. 84, Da 
Jnsidiis, instances this battle as one of the prominent exampies of military tac 
tics; and gives the great conflict ina new and interesting dress: ‘‘ Crassus, 
Bello Fugitivornm apud Cantennam (Catanam) bina castra comminus cum hoa- 
tium castrig vallavit. Nocte deinde commotis copiis, manente praetorio in 
maioribus castris, ut fallereniur hostes, ipse omnes copias eduxit et in radicibus 
preedicti montis constituit; divisoque cquitatu praecepit L. Quintio, -partem 
Spartaco obiceret pugnaque eum fristraretur, parte alla Gallos Germanosque ex 
factione Casti et Cannici eliceret ad pugnam et fuga simulata deduceret, ubi ipsas 
aciem fustraxerat: quos cum barbari insecuti essent equite recedente in cornua, 
subilo ac es Romana edaperta cum clamore procurrit. XXXV milia armatorum 
¥o proclio interfecta cum ipsis ducibus Livius tradit, receptas quinque Ro:manas 
aquilas, signa sex et XX, multa spolia, inter quae quinque fasces cum securibus.” 


ΒΟ ΠΕ OF PERELIA,. KUINED BY SUCCESS.* 2321 


ing the river Strongoli, or Nezthus of the ancients, and in the 
very ancient town of Petelia, the Roman forces under the 
command of L Quintius, one of the officers of Crassus and the 
questor, Tremellius Scrofa, came up with the intention only 
of harrassing him in rear and flank, according to the express 
orders of Crassus who adhered to the Fabian tactics. Spar- 
tacus on being attacked by a few skirmishers in the rear, 
suddenly wheeled a large detachment upon the Romans who 
were not prepared, and succeeding in routing them so com- 
pletely that the questor who was wounded, barely escaped 
with his life. It was another great victory. 

But Crassus, who was a good judge of effects, soon per- 
ceived that it was the cause of reviving among the slaves 
the malignant spirit of insubordination. They were again 
so inflated with success that they threatened to rebel; and 
their miserable conduct forced Spartacus to take an op- 
posite direction from that which he chose to march, caus- 
ing a disaster by hurrying them onward to final downfall. 
Plutarch declares that the insurgents after this victory 
became so arrogant and mutinous that they drew swords 
and insisted upon being led against Crassus’ army in open 
field, They demanded to be marched through Campania 
to Rome; and Spartacus was not long afterwards forced 
to give orders to march toward the now trembling capital 
Yet notwithstanding this insubordination he could but 
admire their bravery and knew theirimpetuosity when led 
to battle. Plutarch in speaking of their valor at the bat- 
tle of the seceders where, according to Livy, no less than 
35,000 of the rebels were slain, says that they died man- 
fully, only two of the killed being found wounded in the 
back. “The rest had died in the ranks, after the grand- 
est exhibit of bravery.” Spartacus, aware of the ap- 
proach of Pompey from the direction of Rome, on the one 
hand, and of the expected landing of Lucullus at Brundu- 
sium, on the. other, and knowing the folly of hope against 
these three great veteran armies combined, struck a forced 
march for Brundusium, thinking still to secure the co- 
- operation of the privateers in transporting him to Sicily, 
before Lucullus hove in view. Though he could rely upon 
his soldiers’ bravery he foresaw that a general engagement 
must be fatal. 


322 SPARTACUS 


Thus we begin to comprehend the strange reticence of 
the historians regarding the fresh allies of Crassus, now 
actually centering together. The old stigma upon the 
touch of a creature of lowly condition by an optimate of 
Rome is apparently the cause of the suppression of all 
histories which gave the details. There is one authority, 
however, which brings some of these marvels to light. 
This is Vellejus Paterculus whose History of Rome was 
early mutilated in all the manuscripts except one, which 
survived until it was printed late in the Middle Ages. 
Armed with this, we see better to follow the thread of this 
great rebellion to its close, and can thus correct some very 
misleading errors of modern writers. 

‘THe whole army of the proletaries moved to the sea- 
port of Brindusium, where it was hoped to obtain ships 
and sail to Sicily. But here Spartacus was met and as- 
sailed by Lucullus at that moment in the act of landing 
his whole army, recalled by the senate of Rome to help 
Crassus. Whether much fighting took place we are not in- 
formed; but foiled again in his designs by sea, he turned 
northward, harassed and goaded by the veteran army 
from Asia in full force. 

In these returning legions of Lucullus, was a man who 
was soon afterwards destined to play an extraordinary 
rdle,in favor of the proletaries, and to lose his lifein 
their defense. It was Clodius, a brother-in-law of Lucul- 
lus, general-in-chief. Wealthy, of noble blood, educated, 
and one of the most eloquent lawyers of those days—a 
maz: who restored to the poor workingmen their right of 
organization, and who in doing this, crippled the mighty 
Cicero and brought him to disgrace, exile and final death. 
But we leave his extraordinary story for other pages of 
our history to recount. Suffice it here to say that the in- 
describable scenes of suffering and of horror which he 
was eye witness to in this campaign shaped his life-course 
ever aiterwards, in favor of the lowly.” 

120 Publius Clodius was of patrician blood. See Lippincott’s Biographical 
Dictionary, Vol. 1, art. Clodius. ‘‘Demagogue of a very profligate character of the 
patrician house of Appius Claudius Pulcher; served in Asia under Lucullus his 
brother-in-law; became a violent enemy of Cicero who had appeared in evidence 
against him; raised several bloody riots against the friends of Cicero when they 
dropesed and passed a decree tor his restoration B.C. 57” (see Cicero, Pro Milone); 


Drumann, Geschichte Roms. The Encyclopedia Britannica, refusing to mention 
4im under a special article-heading, calls Clodius ‘‘a worthless demagogue,” 


LAST EFFORT TO HSCAPE. 323 


Lucullus, according to good authority, drove the gladi- 
ator from the shipping and dogged him in the rear at 
every step." Pompey was present with the whole of the 
large army which he had successfully commanded in 
Spain. These facts we know; for if we do not find men- 
tion of actual participation of these two freshly-arrived 
Roman generals and their veteran legions, as being en- 
gaged in the great and final battle of Silarus, we certainly 
find them engaged in the man-hunt which was instituted 
on the same day. Plutarch also hints at the fact. 

In apparent deference to Crassus,who was the real com- 
mander of the three combined armies, the history-man- 
glers have evidently seen fit to trifle with the truth in 
leaving no mention of Pompey or of Lucullus in the last 
great conflict. And especially pointed does this sugges- 
tion become when we take into consideration that neither 
of these two generals was desirous of having his name 
mixed up with so disgraceful a thing as a victory over 
what went current under the name of a mob of gladiators. 

It is thus made certain that the workingmen were 
hemmed in between these three experienced consular and 
veteran armies of Rome, in a mountain pass at the head 


while acknowledging that he “assailed Cicero with a formal charge of putting 
citizens to death summarily without appeal to the people,” obtaining a decree 
from the people for his banishment 400 miles from the city. Under the title 
** Milo,” the Pugilist and murderer of Clodius, the Encyclopedia Britann. says: 
**P. Clodius, the leader of the ruffians who professed the democratic canse was 
his personal enemy, and their brawls in the streets and their mutual accusations 
in the law courts lasted for several years” Thus Clodius, the champion of trade 
unions and organized labor is called ‘leader of the ruffians ” who were the work- 
ing people of Rome. The Lippenecott Biographical Dictionary, Art, Cicero, saya 
of Cicero: *“ His enemy, Clodius, who became tribune of thé people in B. Ὁ. 58, 
and who was supported by Cesar and Pompey, now manifested his vindictive 
malice against Cicero by alaw which he proposed: that whoever has put to death 
a Roman citizen without form of trial shall be interdicted from fire and water.” 
The fact that Cicero had committed such murders is proved by the actual pas- 
sage of this law and his being sent into exile and his house on the Palitinate Hill 
publicly burued, thus consummating his terrible disgrace. We fail to seein 
these stern measures of Clodius in punishing murder, and in upholding the 
aged and respectable law permitting the organization of the working people, 
anything that would not be considered humane and respectable in the highest 
degree, if repeated rightin our own blazing civilization. 

121 Appian, 120, of book I. says: .... “ Πομπηίου, πάντα τρόπον ἐπειγόμενος 
ἐπεχείρει τῷ Σπαρτάκῳ, καὶ ὁ Σπάρτακος, Tov Πομπήιον προλαβεῖν ἀξιῶν, ἐς συνθήκας 
τὸν Κράσσον προυκαλεῖτο. ὑπερορώμενος δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διακινδυνεύειν Te ἔγνω, καὶ 
παρόντων οἱ τῶν ἱππέων ἤδη ὥσατο παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ διὰ τοῦ περιτειχίσματος, καὶ ἔφυγεν 
ἐπὶ Βρεντέσιον Κράσσου διώκουτος. ὡς δὲ καὶ Λεύκολλον ἔμαθεν ὃ Σπάρτακος ἐς τὸ 
Βρεντέσιον, ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπὶ Μιϑριδάτῃ νίκης ἐπανιόντα, εἶναι, πάντων ἀπογνοὺς ἐς χεῖρας 
get τῷ Κράσσῳ μετὰ πολλοῦ καὶ τότε πλήϑους: γενομένης δὲ τῆς μάχης μακρᾶς TE 
καὶ καρτερᾶς ὡς ἐν ἀπογνώσει τοσῶνδε μυριάδων, τιτρώσκεται ἐς τὸν μηρὸν ὃ Σπάρ: 
τακος δορατίῳ, καὶ συγκάμψας τὸ γόνυ καὶ προβαλὼν τὴν ἀσπίδα πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιόνταν 
ἀπεμάχετο, μέχοι καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ πολὺ πλῆϑος ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν κυκλωϑέντες ἔπεσον," 


824 SPARTACUS. 


waters of the river Silarus. It is also certain that Spar- 
tacus, if not his whole army, now knew perfectly well that 
the doom was near; they had by this time all become fren- 
zied for the approaching butchery. 

As one of the most bloody and terrible battles the world 
has ever known was fought here, it is fitting to pause in 
order to minutely describe the scenes and to array our 
evidence, obtained with great difficulty, regarding the 
numbers of the contestants, the date of the battle and the 
carnage during its rage, and afterwards during the man- 
hunt instituted by the Romans—the whole constituting 
a cruel and awfully bloody page not to be found in the 
annals of history, and which to the people at large, and 
even to the students of our universities, must be regarded 
as a chapter of news. 

There were in the combined armies of Crassus, Pom- 
pey and Lucullus, undoubtedly more than 400,000 men, 
most of whom were experienced veterans, thoroughly 
hardened to the combat and to all the rigors of the mili- 
tary camp.™ 

In addition to the significant words of Florus regard- 
ing Rome and her massing the entire force against the in- 
surgents, we have the auxiliary argument of reason 
which shows that it could not possibly have been other- 
wise; for evidence is not wanting that the force of Spar- 
tacus at the battle of Silarus, was no less than 300,000 
strong. His army which at the battle of Picenum is ac- 
knowledged by Appian to have been 120,000 in number, 
by some unrecorded means which we conjecture to have 
been the collusion and co-operation of the privateers 
bringing men from Sicily, had grown to the imposing 
total of 300,000. Vellejus tells us this, in™ honest fig- 


122 The conjecture that there were 400,000 soldiers in the combined Roman 
army at the battle of Silarus is uot based upon circumstantial evidence. Florus, 
whose words are never regarded with distrust, tells us distinctly that after the 
destruction of Lentulus and Poplicola, and the humiliating retaliation by Sparta. 
cus, of the gladiatorial combat in honor of Crixus, the fallen comrade, these 
words: “Then, indeed they (the Romans), with their entire powers massed, 
bore down upon the gladiator. Tandera etiam totis imperii viribus contra mir- 
millionem consurgetur.” Accordingly we find the Romans soon sending post- 
baste for all the old veteran armies; one of which was in Spain victorious over 
the poweriul Sertorius, and the other in Asia, equally triumphant over Mith- 
radtes, All surged together against Spartacus. See Florus, Annales, 111. 20. 

123 Our accidental discovery of this invaluableinformation may be worth re 
lating: The unreasonable fieure of 40,000 given in our own version of Vellejus. 
jn view of the great combined forces admitted by Plutarch, Appian and Floris 


THE GARBLED HISTORY. 825 


ures; although they have been garbled by a merciless 
translator and made to read 40,000. This cheat would 
have actually prevailed but for the accident already men- 
tioned, of the preservation of a MSS. copy from which the 
editio princeps was printed soon after the invention of 
that art, and a copy of which is still to be seen at the 
Vatican.” 

Supplied with these important figures, so long held back, 
but so perfectly reasonable—since they straighten out the 
incongruities which meet the reader who sees the vast 
multitudes of the Roman legions positively known to be 
now centering in—we find ourselves in a condition, other- 
wise crippled in absurdities and discrepancies, to make a 
better description of the contest. 

Time was given for the army of Spartacus to make long 


against Spartacus led us to suspect that an immense error lurked in the history 
of the battle of Silarus. Ransacking for more light we ran against the reference 
to Dr. Schambach’s /talischer Sklavenkrieg, which we procured trom Europe after 
much delay. Page 11, Quellen zur Geschichte has the following: ‘* Vellejus ist fur 
uns wenig wichtig. Wir erfahren durch ihn nichts, das uns nicht auch sonst be- 
kannt wire, mit Ausnahme der Zahlenangabe, dass von 300,000 Sklaven in dem 
letzten Kampte noch 40,000 tibrig geweseu seien. In dem Wenigen, was er gibt, 
lisst sich ihm eine Unrichtigkeit nicht nachweisen.” This not only explained 
the reasonable facts, but also vouched for the truthfulness of Vallejus, Setting 
out afresh on the hunt for the exact words of the editio princeps, we at last found 
8 copy of the Lugdunum edition containing the MSS. text in a note. 

124 During and before the renaissance there appears to have been a not in- 
considerable dispute among scholars over the figure CCC, millia, to be seen in 
the editio princeps of Vallejus, on account of this figure having been altered to 
XL. millia. We therefore give the rendering with its falsified figure, and follow 
it with the remarks of the Lugdunum editor written some 200 years ago, together 
with the perfectly trustworthy quotation from the editio princeps Vellejus, in- 
terpolated by a fraud, is currently made to say these words about Spartacus, 

*¢Pngitivi e ludo gladiatorio Capua profugientes, duce Spartaco, raptis ex ea 
arbe gladiis; mox, crescente in dies multitudine, gravibus variisque casibus ad- 
fecere Italiam quorum numerus in tantum adolevit, ut qua ultimo dimicavere 
acie, XL. millia (in the original manuscript written by Vallejus himself CCC. 
millia) hominum se Romano exercitui opposuerunt.” 

The remarks of John Campbell upon this interpolation are given in a note, 
very guardedly, as follows: 

‘Ut nibil hic mutandum putem, facit maxima scriptorum dissentio. Quorum 
in hoc numero diyersit.tem scire qui desideret adeat eruditissiam Treinshemium 
ad Flori liberum Iil. cap. 20, Vossius.” Farther on, same note: “ΧΙ... Alii hunc 
numeruw plurimum augent. Inter quos is qui minimum est Eutropius. Hic 
sexaginta milla virorum abiis collectafuissescribit. ApianusveroadC,9c XX. 
millia extendit. Orosius, Livii epitomator, medium tenuisse videntur. Itaque 
vix ambigo, quin in Vellejio fit XC. Millia hominum Vossius. Nimis exiguus 
masrierne, in quo variant scriptores, Princeps Editio, CCC. miluahomnpm * Signed 

einsius. 

In the Hudson edition (Oxaniw), the text is the same as above; but the note 
regarding Heins is quoted as follows: Note 5; “ΧΟ. iegendum esse Don ambiguit 
Voss. An XC. autC. millia hbominum scribendum dubitat Heins, QUIA EDITi0O 
PRINCEPS CCC. MILLIA HABET HOMINUM.” 

This is sufficiently positive to settle the number of the army of Spartacus at 
the battle of Silarus, at 300 000 men, because it is the same wording or Vellejus 
himself who lived near the very spot and whose father probably commanded a 
division of cavalry at th: battle, 


326 SPARTACUS. 


marches westward toward Rome, in obedience to the de- 
mands of his mutinous soldiers. A straight cut from 
Brundusium to the battle-field could not have been less 
than 100 miles; as it was on the head waters of the Si- 
Jarus in a nearly direct line from that seaport and Rome. 
As we have evidence of his having been repulsed by Lu- 
cullus at Brundusium, we can understand how he was 
followed by him all along this march. Crassus likewise, 
if not in the act of constantly provoking him, as we are 
inclined to suspect, was in the mountain pass of the Si- 
larus when he arrived and pitched camp by its side. 

The combined hostile armies now lay over against each 
other for a considerable time. Fortifications were drawn 
by both and the activities on the Roman side, of center- 
ing in, were given both time and force. We now find 
the two contestants face to face, each tempting the other 
to make the first dash. It was, according to Dr. Scham- 
bach’s estimate—which we adopt asthe most accurate—as 
late as February of the year 70 before Christ. The war 
had been raging about four years. But although winter, 
it is notin our power to know whether it was cold weather. 
Probably not; for the winters are generally mild in these 
portions of Italy.” 

One day Crassus ordered his soldiers to dig a trench 
and while thus engaged the gladiators made an advance, 
upon them. It proved the commencement of the great 
battle.“ From a simple skirmish both armies gradually 
closed into the deadly fray and the combat became more 
and more furious. They eagerly welcomed the battle with 
reckless feelings of despair, knowing that their hour had 
come, yet staking their hopes upon another great and de- 
cisive victory.” 

Heroism, love of conflict, intrepidity and fearlessness 


125 Plutarch, Crassus, mentions severe coldness a month or two before when 
Spartacus ran the blockade in Rhegium. But that was a night squall. Besides 
the battle of Silarus occurred near the opening spring. Thisagrees with Scham- 
bach, S. 13. 

126 Plutarch, idem, 12. ‘Crassus therefore hastened to give that stroke him- 
self, and with the same view, encamped very near the enemy. One day, when 
he had ordered his soldiers to dig a french, the gladiators attacked them as they 
were at work. Numberg came up continually on both sides to support the com: 
batants; and at last Spartacus seeing what the case necessarily required, drew 
out his whole army.” Trans. of Langhorne. 

127 La Rousse, Dielionaire Universcl, speaking of the gladiator says: 
troupe était affolée de success.” 


TWELFTH BATTLE. SILARUS, 327 
/ 


of death were frenziedly seated on their hearts; but until 
now, recklessness had been a stranger in the camps of 
Spartacus; and when this came, foreknelling the desper- 
ate ultimatum, all mutually realized the approach of dis- 
solution and were ready to drink the intoxicating potion 
which brave men taste midst the furious lunge of steel. 
Thus a skirmish between the advance guards of both 
armies brought on the general engagement. Spartacus 
who was goaded by a hatred of the Roman leader, for 
some time stood off'at a distance, eyeing the contest. 
Brigade after brigade fell into the murderous vortex. At 
leneth Spartacus issued his general order of battle and at 
the ring of his war clarions the two angry armies closed 
up bringing on the ferocious conflict.* They brought 
their chieftain his horse; but the gladiator, like Warwick, 
drew from its sheath his sword and with one blow of his 
strong arm, killed the excited steed; then shouting on- 
ward to his men, uttered the farewell speech of Spartacus 
to his soldiers: “ Victorious I shall find horses in plenty 
among the enemy; defeated I shall no longer want one.” 
Then poising himself he rushed for Crassus with his steel 
high in air and fell upon the ranks of his adversary in 
personal combat. “It was a fierce struggle. Long after 
the victory was hopeless Spartacus was traced by heaps 
of the slain who had fallen by his hand, and his body was 
lost completely in the awful carnage which closed that 
* day of blood.” '” Plutarch says that he aimed to kill'™ 
Crassus; and toward this mark through darts and jave- 
lins he pressed, and over windrows of the dead, rushing 
in quest of his foe, whom, indeed he did not reach, but 
he killed two of his centurians. Whenall who made with 
him this mad and desperate plunge had fled or fallen, the 
terrible gladiator remained fighting with unflinching gal- 
jantry until he fell, covered with many wounds and so 
completely cut to pieces that his body was never found. 
Even Florus. who had no language sufficiently bitter with 
which to malign him. says “ he died like a Roman em- 


12% Appian, I. 120; “Τενομένης δὲ τῆς μάχης μακρᾶς Te Kal καρτερᾶς ὡς ἐν ἀπογ- 
γώσει τοσῶνδε μυριάδων, τιτρώσκεται ἐς τὸν μηρὸν ὃ Σπάρτακος δορατίῳ, καὶ συγκάμ- 
ψας τὸ γόνυ καὶ προβαγὼν τὴν ἀσπίδα πρὺς τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀπεμάχετο, μέχρι καὶ αὑτὸς 
καὶ πολὺ πλῆϑος ἀμφ᾽ αὑτὸν κυκλωϑέντες ἔπεσον. 

129 Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, Art. Spartacus. 

130 Plutarch, Crassus, 12. 


328 SPARTACUS. 


peror.”' His forces appear to have fought manfully un- 


til the death of their leader, when the lines gave way and 
a hideous carnage followed. The Romans gave no 
quarter. Sixty thousand workingmen fell in this glorious 
defeat—glorious in the appreciation of all who admire 
feats of sublimest valor; but alas, a defeat which for cen- 
turies riveted the chains of the servile race. 

We paraphrase Appian for the following, on the close 
and consequence of this terrible scene: The butchery by 
the Romans surpassed the power of counting, for it cov- 
ered many thousands, The body of Spartacus lay dead 
on the field. Great numbers fied to the mountains after 
the battle, and Crassus pursued them. They, however, 
reorganizing themselves into four divisions fought back, 
until all were destroyed except 6,000 who were crucified 
upon the high-road from Capua to Rome. 

These “many thousands” slaves who escaped to the 
mountains as here reported by Appian were the 40,000 of 
Vellejus, in his editio princeps which we have used on the 
assurance of Dr. Schambach.” This would make the num- 
ber of men who fell in the battle after and before the 
death of their leader and including the carnage of the 
route, when no man was spared and no quarter given, to 
foot up 260,000—an immense number—but when we re- 
flect that there raged an internecine spirit breathing only 
vengeance and void of feeling throughout the great Roman 
army, and contemplate the possible strokes of such swords- 
men, under orders to exterminate their now defenseless 
victims, these numbers are not surprising. 

A few more words and the tragedy is told. Such were 
the numbers of the brave veterans of this great revolt who 
fell in the gigantic contest on the banks of the river Si- 
larus.”* Inthe mountains, during the pursuit great num- 


181 “‘ Spartacus ipse in primo agmine fortissime dimicans, quasi Imperator, 
occisus est.”” (Florus, liber III. cap. 20). 

132 Heinsius distinctly says that Vellejus put the number of the army of 
Spartacus at 300,000, from which total 40,000 escaped: “ qua editio princeps habet 
XL.e CCC. milliahominum,” SoSchambach in Der Italische Sklavenaufstand, 8. 
11, Quellen sur Geschichte, says: ‘‘ Wirerfahren von Vellejus dass von 300,000 
Sklaven in dem letzten Kampfe noch 40,000 iibrig gewesen seien.” The two ao- 
gounts of Appian and Vellejus Paterculus do not at all disagree. Appian, I. idem: 
“0 re λοιπός αὐτοῦ στρατὸς ἀκόσμως ἤδη κατεκόπτοντο κατὰ πλῆϑος, ὡς φόνον γενέ- 
σϑαι τῶν μὲν οὐδ᾽ εὐαρίϑμητον Ῥωμαίων δὲ ἐς χιλίους ἄνδρας, καὶ τὸν Σπαρτάκον 
νέκυν οὐχ εὑρεϑῆναι. πολὺ δ᾽ ἔτι πλῆϑος Hv ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν, ἐκ τὴς μάχης διαφυγόν' 
ἐφ᾽ οὺς ὁ Ἰζράσσος ἀνέβαινεν." 

153} Por ἃ descripticu of the Silarus and the surrounding region see Strabo, 
Geograpiica, V. cap 4. 


BATTLE OF SILARUS.. THE MAN-HUNT. 829 


bers more fell, and 6,000 were taken prisoners of war. 
The remainder of the great army who after the defeat, 
and the death of their beloved and faithful leader, en- 
deavored to escape, was indeed small. 

According to Appian, the pursuit was made by Pompey 
who must have participated in the battle. This grasping 
egotist easily finished the massacre and then vaunted that 
he had been the principle in putting down the rebellion; 
thus adding to the proof that all the three Roman armies 
were massed. Great numbers of the fugitives were over- 
taken and crucified. Every one of the 6,000 who fell pris- 
oners at the battle of Silarus and in the mountains was 
hung on the cross along the Appian way; and for months 
their bodies dangled there to delight the vengeance-lov- 
ing gentry who, on their drives to and from the cities of 
Rome and Capua, rejoiced to behold such sights asin our 
time would provoke the shame and contempt of the world. 

Slavery from the downfall of Spartacus, the last eman- 
cipator, had an unhindered sweep in Rome and her proy- 
inces until Jesus, 100 years later, founded or brought into 
the open world the culture of the communes hitherto 
compulsorily secret, that mankind at birth are naturally 
free and equal—a culture which is based upon peace and 
submission; the antithesis of the plans of Eunus, Athe- 
nion, Spartacus and all revolters. This plan was original 
in Jesus, and it has prevailed; for chattel ownership of 
man by man has, under his open culture, disappeared from 
the earth. Rome became “ amodel of rapacity, dishonesty 
and fraud; having in her period—almost a thousand 
years, produced searcely a dozen men whose names have 
descended to posterity with an untarnished fame.” ™ 

But if Spartacus, whose acts were in Italy, might be 
called a Roman, he certainly may be included in the list 
of names of the untarnished famous; for his nature was 
gentle though his character was marked and equal to the 
dignity of grander victories than came into the list of the 
Scipios or the Cesars—since he fought entirely for a prin- 
ciple, dying as his wife had predicted of him, happy in 
the enthusiasm of an exuberant, manly swoop of nerve 
and muscle, grand, if not gigantic, amid the dismaying 
fury of enemies of liberty and of law. 

134 Carey, Principles of Political Economy, Vol. I. p. 247, 


980 SPARTACUS 


Immediately after the destruction of Spartacus and his 
army, another great man-hunt was instituted, similar to 
those we have described in the chapters on Viriathus, 
Eunus and Athenion. It lasted six months, raged with 
merciless atrocities and was followed by another exter- 
minatory man-hunt against the pirates who, if we are to 
belicve the histories which have been permitted to survive, 
were the true friends of the Romans, because they treach- 
erously refused to assist the insurgent army to cross into 
Sicily. But as we have already stated, this story looks ex- 
tremely flimsy and must be considered with caution; as 
the fact remains well vouched for that Rome fell upon the 

irates and privateers with a powerful fleet commanded by 

ompey himself aad succeeded in less thana year, in anni- 
hilating them so completely that ever afterwards the Med- 
iterranean was cleared of these maritime desperadoes.'® 

No fewer than 1,000,000 slaves are reported by Ceacilius 
Calactenus to have been crucified and otherwise slain in 
the combined wars of the slaves who rebelled against the 
huge and inhuman slave systemof the Romans. This es- 
timate, repeated with reserve by D*. Schambach,'’* comes 
to us not from Calactenus direct, for his valuable histor- 
ies are, like the others, lost; but it is transmitted indirectly 
by Athenzus, whose quotations from the lost books are 
more and more highly prized. 

But alas! Of what utility were all these outbreaks of 
human irascibility with their awful details of blood and 
extermination? True, one comfort clings: To die in the 
desperate attempt for freedom was better than to live in 
the griping coils of slavery. But “aneye for an eye and 
a tooth for a tooth” brought no relief for downtrodden 
humanity. It never has, it nevercan, it never will. The 
still lingering idea of a semi-belligerent force organized on 
the strike plan, so long as it does not choose the weapons 


185 For thelaw commissioning Pompey to the work of exterminating the pi. 
rates, see Vellejus, Historia Romana, liber IJ. cap. xxxi.; and for a description 
of the work itself, Appian, I. 121; Pliny, Historra Naturalis, VII. 25; Tacitus, 
Annales, XII. 62; XV. 25, Bellum Piraticum. 

186 Schambach, /talischer Sklavenaufstand. 8.5. * Die Zahl aller in diesen und 
anderen minder bedeutenden oder uns zufallig nicht tiberlieferten Aufstanden 
getédteten Sklaven giebt Athen., wahrscheinlich nach der iibertriebenen Berech- 
nung des Cacilius von Kalakte auf et wa eine Million an.”? These doubts regard- 
ing the number would have been dispelled had the learned doctor reflected that 
the number cf lives lost in the war of Spartacus alone exceeded half that sum, 
A quarter of a million of slaves were killed in the last battle andin the man-hunt 
which followed. No doubt several millions were kiJled in all. 


THE LESSON TO HUMANITY. 331 


of overt war, and sedulously abstains from military or 
other violent means of resistance and self-defense, may be 
in conformity with the reasonable methods of relief; it is 
unquestionably consistent with the modern age and yields 
the rough polemic and the intellectual jar which surges 
and jostles men into a conception of arbitration and poli- 
tical unanimity. But humanity in the awful and relent- 
less conflicts we have described, of which this revolt of 
Spartacus was the last and the typical example, has had 
enough of the destructive, enough of the irascible, enough 
ofextermination. Let us profit by these examples, and no 
longer remain regardless of the better and more promis- 
ing plan of another master, and the next to succeed. 
This great preceptor constantly taught the working peo- 
ple “that they resist not evil;” and his are the precepts 
prevailing all through the civilizing inculeation of “ good 
for evil,” until, after a bi-millennial trial of the brutal in- 
st:ncts, the oppressor now perceives and is being con- 
strained to acknowledge that “an injury to one is the 
concern of all.” 

Whoever has the curiosity to observe the results of 
these defeats upon the Roman people will find that all the 
blood that was shed had no infinence whatever toward 
refining buman feelings. About this time the amphithe- 
atre began in earnest to supersede the older games of the 
Roman circus. The revolts had kindled up a fresh spirit 
of vengeance, and popular conversation inflamed the hid- 
eous passion for sights in the gladiatorial ring. 

These revolts had moreover taught the Roman politic- 
ians and all those who catered to power, that the slave 
system which made bondsmen of prisoners of war taken by 
tens of thousands in the great conquests of the past hun- 
dred years, were a desperate and dangerous element in 
the land. Buta people filled with grudges as were the 
Romans, after this terrible succession of revolts which 
have been described, could think of no mild, humane 
methods of getting rid of the dangerous slaves. 

To see them thrown to the wild beasts and eaten alive 
or to train them for the ghastly habit of cutting each 
others’ throats a on the sands of an amphitheatre, was 
to their truly ferocious character tbe natural way of get- 
ting rid of them. This in part answers the inguirer’s 


332 SPARTACUS. 


question as to the cause of the rapid and phenomenal de- 


cline of morals at Rome. 
The comparatively innocent circus waned in favor of 


the arena. Vast amphitheatres were constructed in towns 
and cities everywhere. Blood-money reigned triumphant. 


ne ae SSS τς Τὶ 
ἜΡΤΗΙ ΞΕ ΣΕ ἘΣῚΞ πο ἮΝ 
ΞΜ ἢ ἢ ἡ. WEA 


CHAPTER ΧΙΠ. 


ORGANIZATION. 
ROME'S ORGANIZED WORKINGMEN AND WOMEN. 


ORGANIZATION OF THE FRreEDMEN—The Jus Coewndi—Roman Unions 
—The Collegiwm—Its Power and Influence—What the 
Poor did with their Dead—Cremation— Burial a Divine Right 
which they were too Lowly to Practice—Worship of bor- 
rowed Gods—Incineration or Burial and Trade Unions com- 
bined—Proofs—Glance at the Inner social Life of the ancient 
Brotherhoods—State Ownership and Management—Nation- 
alized Lands—Number and Variety of Trade Unions—Strug- 
gles—Numa Pompilius First to Recognize and Uphold Trade 
Unions—Law of the 12 Tables taken from Solon—Harmony, 
Peace, Ease, steady Work, Prosperity and Plenty Lasting 
with little Interruption for 500 Years—Bondmen fared worse, 


We have spoken of certain organizations among the work- 
ing people of ancient times. That these existed is no longer 
denied. In Rome they were mostly freedmen. But what 
inspired their combination into secret orders does not ap- 
pear plain to those who study the past for the sake of grati- 
fying a taste for great events. Neither do those who study 
it for purposes of gleaning pointsin philosophy and religion 
as commonly understood, obtain any correct idea of them. 
The ancient contempt rooted in the taint of labor which 
slavery inspired is yet too strong; and there still lingers 
too much of the old spirit of paganism to allow of interest, 
or hardly of curiosity. This must answer the astonished 
student of sociology who asks why so much ignorance on 
the sul,ject of those ancient societies. 

Again, we have alluded, in a previous chapter, to the fact 
that writers and speakers of those days were extremely 


884 ORGANIZATION. 


chary of information regarding them. The cause of this 
was identical with that which inspires the same thing here 
amongst us now—disdain, From 1870 until 1886, a pe- 
riod of sixteen years, little was known to the masses of society 
of the vast organization amidst us, down in society’s core, 
except that now and then a strike, like a volcanic eruption, 
shook the moral and financial surface. Yet in that period 
the most splendid vehicles of knowledge ever before known, 
existed. There was an organized policy, mixed with con- 
tempt, silently preventing even a wayside mention of these 
phenomena. When in 1886, a decided stand taken by Mr. 
Powderly, pleasing the press which may have expected to 
see defeat and disaster of the great collectivity, flung the 
door of the mighty dungeon ajar, and a knowledge of their 
numbers and power burst out, the people were overwhelmed 
with surprise. How much easier then, was it, in that bar- 
baric age, without mechanical means of transmitting truth, 
even had historians, poets and philosophers been inclined 
to do so, to close the doors against curiosity and the love of 
learning.” 

We begin by the broad statement that from the earliest 
times at wnich anything is known of them, although they 
were sunk in ineffable contumely, they yet enjoyed one boon 
—the right of combination. Strange to say, no conspiracy 
laws are to be found; at any rate among the Romans,* un- 
til about the time of the emperors.* These rights of organ- 
ization in very ancient times, extended all over Europe so 
far as is known.‘ Some of the first gleamings of this may 
be gotten from the authors. As early as Numa Pompilius’ 

1Mommsen, De Collegtis et Sodalictis Romanorum, p. 31. “Si querimus de 
loco collegiis opificum in rebus pubiicis apud Romanos concesso. Sed idipsem 
queritur, an querere liceat: est enim altissimum de hac re apud auctores silen- 
tium.’" Here Mommsen admits that the profoundest silence reigns amo 
authors, in regard to these unions, and refers for his proof to a stone (vide Orell. 
Inscr. 4,105) bearing an insription of a union. This wasa union of musicians that 
existed at Rome. The inscription runs thus: ‘“‘M. Julius Victor, ex collegio 
Liticinum Cornicinum.” Mommsen alludes to this find in proof of the fact that 
working people had organized Unions of musicians. 

2 In page 52 of the Consular report of Mr. James T. Dubcis, U. 8. Consul at 
Leipzig, published by the State Department in 1885, at Washiagton, there isa 
reference to the attempted suppression by Tullius Hostilius of the Collegia Opt 
ficum ; but that they continued to thrive he acknowleges in the next paragraph, 
A close inspection shows that they were by no means suppressed. 

8 Mommeen, De Col. et Sodal. Ramanorum, cap. iv. §10, Ὁ. 73. 

4 Gruter, nseriptiones Antiquee Totius Orbis Romenorum, 899,4. 431,1. On» 
nia corpora Lugduni licite coeuntia.’’ Cicero, Pro Sexto, 14, 32, says: ‘ There 
was no townin Italy, no colony, no prefecture, no board of tax collectors at Rome, 


no trade union, not holding common cause with one another.” This was during 
his struggle to suppress them. 


ΝΌΜΑ δ TRADE UNION CATEGORIES. 335 


time, perhaps 700 years before Christ, they are known to 
have existed in great numbers. This king tolerated them; 
and there exist some curious data respecting the system 
which he invented for their regulation.’ He ordered that 
the entire people inciuding the working classes, be distri- 
buted into eleven guilds. This statement of Plutarch is 
however regarded by Mommsen as incorrect. The latter, 
after investigating the data given anterior to Plutarch, con- 
cludes that it must have been eight classes instead of eleven. 
At that time there were distinct trades, embracing all the 
arts of remoieantiquity. While this may be true that eight 
was the number of categories tlere certainly is agreement 
among authors as to about that number.’ It would appear 
by their complete privilege of combination and their ap- 
parently perfect recognition by this wise king who reigned 

rubably 700 years before Christ, that at times there must 
lee been a great deal of skill among the artisans. Skilled 
mechanics were needed to make all the armor of those war- 
like times. During the reign of Numa Pompilius which 
lasted thirty-nine years the trade unions must have made 
great advancement.’ Indeed, considering the harsh treat- 
ment they afterwards received at the hands of the Roman 
emperors in later years, beginning B. C. 58, we are left to in- 
fer that for nearly 700 years of the best life of Rome these 
Jabor organizations flourished uninterruptedly.* According 
to Plutarch, this ancient king so favored the idea of labor 
organizations that he made their particular case the very 
basis of a great reform. Plutarch tells us that he closed 
the temple of Janus for forty-three years,’ and all this time 
there was perpetual peace. The working people are known 


5 Mommeen, De Coll. et Sodal. Rom,, p. 78, says: Tho relics of innumerable 
communal associations of ancient times, are seen scattered all through Italy, as 
found among the inscriptions of the Italian towns. Seé also Plutarch’s Life of 
Numa, much quoted by writers. 

6 Pliny, Naturalis Historia, XXXIV.1. ‘*‘ Hqualem Urbi auctoritatem ejus 
declarat, ἃ rege Numa Collegio tertio wmrariorum fabrum instituto.” Again 
XXXV.12. ‘Numa rex septimum collegium figulorum instituit.” 

7 Dirksen, Zwolf Tafeln, says; ‘* Der romische Staat vergéunte ursprung- 
lich lediglich den Gewerben, die den Bediirfnissen des Krieges und des gottes- 
dienstes zunichst frohnten, seinen unmittelbaren Schutz und eine selbstindige 
Communalverfassung.”’ 

ὁ Mommsen, De Coll. et Sodal, Rom. p. 33. ‘*Jus coeundi fuit antiquis tem- 
poribus omnibus concessum.” 

9Plut., Numa and Lycurgus compared. ‘* The primary view of Numa’s gov- 
ernment which was to settle the Romans in lasting peace and tranquility, im- 
mediately vanished with him; for alter his death, the temple of Janus, which 
he had kept shutasifit lad really held war in prison and subjection, was set wide 
pen, and Italy was filled with blood.” 


836 ORGANIZATION. 


to have had their golden era during the reign of this great 
lawgiver. If for no other reason than this, the reign of 
Numa Pompilius must ever be regarded as one of the most 
valuable, and fraught with richest lessons to the human race. 
It is true that this is not so considered by students of history 
from a standpoint of great historic events, or of religion and 
philosophy as ordinarily understood, but the student of 
history from the purely sociological basis may justly regard 
this reign as one of the marvels of the world. We are at a 
loss to understand how Plutarch, with his clear mind and 
honest motives, could have compared Numa with Lycurgus. 
But Plutarch was not a socialist. He did not understand 
the immense world of meaning rolled up in the mystic deeds 
of Numa, whose reign, had it proved a failure, he himself 
would not have praised. 

But Numa’s reign was by no means a failure. It wasa 
decided departure from the customs of those ancient days, 
because it completely discountenanced the warlike ambi- 
tions of other rulers and cultivated the arts of peace. To 
carry out such a policy it was necessary to have industry 
made respectable and stand boldly to the front, and be in 
every way protected. 

But the trades were already organized. He did not or- 
ganize them that we know of, but simply accorded them 
free privileges to organize themselves. He classed his peo- 
ple of all grades by a method of his own and in that classi- 
fication made a place for the workers whom he was wise 
and manly enough to recognize. Before the time of Numa 
the working people had never been recognized that we are 
aware of. His distribution of the entire industrial class 
into eight or nine grand divisions or trades,” does not prob- 
ably imply that there was no greater variety than this, but 
it was probably merely for the sake of convenience. 

We are not to suppose, because the free right of combi- 
nation was given the working people by king Numa, that 


10 ———— “ Ἐν δὲ ἡ διανομὴ κατὰ τας rexvas, αὐλητῶν (flute players), xpyvoxowy 
(gold workers), τεκτόνων (carpenters), βαφέων (dyers), σκυτοτόμων (shoemakers), 
σκυτοδεψῶν (tanners and curriers), χαλκέων (braziers), κεραμέων (potters), τας de 
Males i εἰς ταὐτὸ συναγαγὼν ἕν αυτῶν ἐκ πασῶν απεδέιξε σύστημα.᾽᾽ (Plut, 

um. 17). 

11 Mommsen, 4dem, p. 29. Hee si expendimus, videmus Plutarchum for- 
tasse etiam Florum’ totum populum non opifices tantum i ‘lasses distribuere, 
qno4d oe absurdum est, notandum tamen, cum inde nonum collegium ortum 
sane videatur. ’’ 


TRADE UNION LAW OF THE XII TABLES. 337 


this carried with it all the immunities belonging to other 
people. Caste remained. They were still looked upon as 
degraded creatures. It was for the Christian era to declare 
the absolute equality of men. But this right of free com- 
bination, jus coeundi, was certainly used to an enormous 
extent as a means of working upa state of things anda 
spirit of freedom or self-constituted public opinion among 
working people, fitting them by slow degrees, to consider 
themselves equal to others. The right of combination 
during this remarkable reign, having been prominently 
and thoroughly established, it remained so for over 600 
years; and we are told explicitly that no interruption oc- 
curred until 58 years before Christ, for both the efforts 
of Claudius and Tarquin to suppress them entirely failed. 

At that date much of the outcast and industrial popula- 
tion of Rome had become well organized and workingmen 
were, as we shail see, beginning to exercise a powerful 
political initiuence. They had been violently attacked by 
Cicero and other proud aristocrats and nobly and success- 
fully defended by Clodius and a number of other Roman 
officers of high rank; and a fierce and terrible hatred at- 
tended with clearly discernible political manceuvres, was 
growing into an issue on the advent of the Cesars. 

Lord Mackenzie” says that “the earliest legislation 
deserving of notice was the celebrated code of laws called 
the Twelve Tables.” Yet so far as the treatment of our 
special subject—that of the strictly laboring people—is 
concerne, these were but the simple recording of the old 
rulesof Numa Pompilius and of Solon. In our opinion 
Numa ha | borrowed his notions regarding the organiza- 
tion of the working population mostly from the then 
existing state of labor organization in Egypt, Asia Minor 
and Attica.” We have repeatedly shown every develop- 
ment among them to have been a traceable growth. 
Monarchs and lawgivers when clothed with power could 
arrange these habits of their subjects into words and forms 
but the people themselves had already been using them 
from immemorial times. 

Solon, as early as B. C. 580 established laws permitting 


12 Roman Law, pp. 5-6. ; 
18 Gaius, XI. Tables explained by Dirksen. Mom. decoll. etc., p. 39. “ΝΟ 
abilis est hoc loco lex Solonis, ex qua sacra Civiliaque communia etc 


828 TRADE ORGANIZATION. 


laboring people to organize; and made it compulsory 
upon boys to learn a trade.“ If the father of a family of 
working people neglected to do this he could not compel 
his sons to support him in his old age. Both Solon and 
Numa legalized the organizations of working people and 
gave them the full right of combination. Lycurgus, on 
the contrary,” as we have seen, wanted no emancipated 
slaves. He was an upholder of military despotism. All 
labor being a degraded and disgraceful entailment, must, 
under the laws of Lycurgus be performed by the abject, 
groveling slaves. Thus in the Peloponnesus, trade unions 
got no encouragement whatever, which accounts for the 
paucity of stone tablets found in lower Greece, bearing 
inscriptions commemorative of the labor unions. North- 
ern Greece, the islands, Asia Minor and Italy, on the con- 
trary, abound in these suggestive mementos of ancient 
labor organization, an account of which the historians of 
those periods have sedulously left barren. 

All this proves that while labor was grudgingly toler- 
ated as a necessary means of life to the gentile classes of 
both Greece and Rome, it was never recognized by either 
as respectable or hardly decent; if we except that of agri- 
culture and the nearest it ever came to any recognition 
was during the wise and happy reign of king Numa Pom- 
pilius who extended every encouragement to its organi- 
zation and died leaving it a veritably abiding institution 
as his laws intended. 

He actually took salient and very suggestive steps 
toward filling up the social gap separating the high-borns 
from the low-borns of Rome. He instituted that at the 
Saturnalian feasts which occurred every December as a 
harvest thanksgiving or carnival, allranks of a social char- 
acter should be forgotten; that figuratively no slave, no 
social distinction, no arrogance should exist. Thus labor, 
for a moment each year, was raised up and the social ar- 
rogance of wealth and birth leveled down, to a par with 
each other. But it must not for a moment be imagined 
that the working people of either Greece or Rome ever 


4 plnt. Solon; Herodotus, Euterpe, cap. 177, givea us ἃ hint making it prob- 
able that trade unionism existed m Egypt in the time of Amasis who upheld it: 
“Νόμον δὲ Αἰγυπτίοισι Tovée Αμασίς ἐστι ὃ καταστήσας" ἀποδεικνύναι ἔτεος ἑκάστου 
τῷ νομάρχῃ πάντα τινὰ Αἰγνπτίων, ὅθέν βιοῦται" μὴ δὲ ποιεῦντα ταῦτα, μηδὲ ἀποφαί- 
evra δικαίην ζόην, ἰθύνεσθαι θανάτῷ. 

" Piut. Lycurgus end Numa compared. 


THE WRITTEN LAW. 339 


arose to be considered by the gens, or patrician stock as 
anything more than plebians who were outcasts by birth, 
and though often the children of patrician fathers, yet 
through the ancient religio-political law of primogeniture, 
or the sacred law of inheritance, were relegated into bond- 
age whence they never escaped except through gradual 
development by manumissions, and finally through the 
mighty all-levelling proclamations of Jesus which theoret- 
ically and at last practically overturew every distinction. 

But we shall more elaborately treat this grand and ex- 
traordinary episode in human development in our sketch 
of Jesus, from a business-like or secular point of consider- 
ation, as asubject of inquiry into sociological phenomena. 

We now return to Lord Mackenzie’s statement that “ by 
the decemviral code”—meaning the Twelve Tables—* the 
plebeians gained a considerable step toward the adjust- 
ment oi their differences with the patricians, but it was 
nearly 80 years before these differences were settled by 
the admission of the plebeians to the supreme offices of 
the state.” * 

In the first place, this “considerable step toward the 
adjusiment of differences” was taken under king Numa, 
118 years before the Twelve Tables were engraved upon 
the slabs. In the second, the very first decemvirs were 
composed of such tyrannical usurpers and aristocrats as 
Appius Claudius, who, although they had the laws adjust- 
ing the differences between patricians and plebians en- 
graved upon eleven Tables, yet they prevented the latter 
from realizing their benefits. Another thing must be con- 
tinually borne in mind, that under the sway of the Pagan 
or competitive religion, which was the foundation of law 
and social order, any absolute equality between patricians 
and plebians was impossible from beginning to end; and 
no assertion that the adjustment of differences was ever 
gained by any means can be considered correct. The dif- 
ference between them always remained; but under the 
gracious adjustment of Numa and of Solon, afterwards 
inscribed in Latin from a Greek translation, in a formal 
law upon the Twelve Tables at Rome, the right of organ- 
ization first came to the freedmen, in letters. Nor does 
this right of organization apply to the slaves, who stil] 


19 Mackenzie, Roman Laiv, p 7. 


840 ORGANIZATION. 


existed in great numbers. On the contrary we show. ir. 
our sketch of Spartacus and repeatedly elsewhere, that 
the rapacity of the Roman lords and middlemen finally 
became so great that they bought up slaves, redoubled 
their numbers, encroached upon the common farm lands 
and upon manufactures with cheap slave labor, each own- 
ing great numbers of slaves," and finally under Cesar, 
succeeded in procuring conspiracy laws which suppressed 
the trade and many other species of organization, open- 
ing the way by sheer aggravations, for the advent of a 
completely new order of things in the repudiation of 
paganism entirely, and the embrace, mostly by these 
wretched slaves and persecuted freedmen, of a totally new 
religion which built upon the workingmen’s fundamental 
principle that all are born free and equal. 

Thus it becomes evident that writers who speak of the 
three forms of Roman law afterwards known as the leges 
populi, the plebiscita and the senatus consulti, must, if from 
a standpoint of social science, be very careful not to count 
the two-thirds of the entire Roman population, who were 
abject slaves,’* enjoying neither freedom, respect, right of 
resistance or organization whatsoever. 

The great trade organization received their first serious 
blow through the law which suppressed open work and 
drove tiem into secret conclave, counter manceuvres and 
diplomacy. Wehave said that historians carefully avoided 
any mention of these troubles. This is true; but the labor 
turmoils open to the students of sociology the true mean- 
ing of certain slurs occurring in the speeches and epistles 
of Cicero and others, the import of which can be explained 
in no other way.” Wemust constantly hold uppermost the 


17 Crassus owned 500 slaves, see Plut. Crassus, 2. C.Celius Claudius owned 
according to Pliny, no fewer than 4,116 ata time, ““- . . . quamvis multa civili 
bello perd‘disset, tamen relinquere servorum quatuor millia centum scdecim.” 
Nat. Hist. XXXIII. 47. Great numbers of slaves existed in antiquity. See Wal- 
lace, Numbers of Mankind. p. 54, Βᾳ. Immense population gurls the siave era, 
pp. 294-303. Also pp. 91 and 97; Athenswus V. 20. Ancient Census and re- 
marks of Hume, Ancient Populousness declaring that Athenzeus does not reckon 
the children. A milius Paulus after the battle of Pydna, B. C. 167, destroyed 
70 cities of Epirus taking the value of 10,000,000 dollars in gold and 160 000 peo- 
ple as war-slaves to Kome and tie provinces, Waliace Ὁ. 300 and Livy, XLV, ὁ. 
14. See Seneca. De Tranquilitate,8; Vast numbers in Crete see Lippincott, 
Pronouncing Gazetteer of the World art. Crete. They were mostly slaves and freed- 
men: Plato Laws vii. 11. Countless Myriads of Women they call Sauromatides. 

18 Cf. Wallace, Numbers of Mankind, p. 61, Liv. lib. 6, cap. 12. 

19 Cicero, Pro Sesto, 25: ‘Collegia non modo illa vetera contra SC. restitu- 
erentir sed ab uno gladiatore innnmersbilia alia nova conscriberentur.” This 


THE ANCIENT COLLEGIUM. 341 


causes of the Christian idea skipping southern Greece in 
its westward course and planting itself at Rome and every- 
where among the already existing communes, with a view 
of determining a soluticn to this phenomenon in the great 
social field already prepared there by these organizations. 

King Numa by no means originated the union of the 
trades at Rome. He simply permitted and encouraged 
what already existed. We now proceed to give some facts 
in regard tothem. Although the king distributed the 
working people into eight or nine classes we are not to 
suppose that there was no greater variety of handicraft in 
his time. There are still extant slabs and stones found in 
different places in Italy, notably at Rome and what were 
ancient towns and cities south and east of Rome, bearing 
inscriptions which indicate that large numbers of trades 
were plied in very ancient times. 

The Collegium a veritable trade union was originally an 
organization of working people for mutual aid and protec- 
tion. During the 39, or as Plutarch puts it, 43 years of 
Numa’s reign we hear of no contortion or prevarication 
of this word from that correct and original sense. But 
after his death, when the temple of Janus was reopened 
and wars and their harvests of brutality and repression 
disturbed the serenity of labor making the mechanics watch- 
ful of their interests, they somewhat changed their out- 
ward appearance but not their character. For instance, 
a trade union of to-day is often a protective, an insurance 
and a burial society. So it was then; but amid the tur- 
moils, suspicions and dangers of war it often became 
convenient, in order to suit appearances to he exclusively 
religious. The Pagan religion was at that time popular. 
Each of the great popular, aristocratic families or gens 
had a tutelary saint or other object of worship, and it 
was very convenient for the trade union to dedicate itself 
to one of these tutelary deities; not only to elicit favor 
from the great patrons but also because they were them- 
selves religiously inclined. Thus the colleges, although 
they maintained their practical economic or trade union 
object of mutual advantage in a business sense, oiten 
passed for religious institutions; and we have abundant 


fling was probably hurled at Clodius with ἃ bitter reference to Spartacus. Cf 
seeich of Spurtacus, cliapter XI 


842 ORGANIZATION. 


evidence of this, not in the written histories but in the 
inscriptions which now begin to exhibit in a new and sig- 
nificant manner, their character and career. 

The ancient collegia or working people’s fraternities in 
Italy were not confined to the male sex. In later eras of 
the empire they existed in great numbers as the inscrip- 
tions show. Some of them were composed partly, and a 
few are known to have been composed entirely of women. 

The learned archzologist, Johann Casper Orelli, has de- 
voted 89 octavo Latin pages” to the enumeration of a col- 
lection of stone inscription-bearing tablets on which in 
ancient days, were engraved the wills of the deceased, the 
tutelary gods worshipped by the members, sometimes 
even the manner in which they came to their death, the 
degree of conjugal affection in which they had mutually 
lived together and many other little particulars shedding 
important and interesting light upon their mode of liv- 
ing™ in those ancient days—events left almost totally 
blank on the pages of history. 

Gruter, another archeologist of great patience and 
erudition, has given us an immense collection™ of ancient 
inscriptions, many of which are accompanied by his own 
readings; thus laying the foundations for simplifying the 
keys to the study of sociology, and enriching the mind by 
s knowledge of ancient customs. 

The archeological works of Raffaello Fabretti have also 
furnished us a large amount of material, while Theodore 
Mommsen has applied his usual care and judgment in 
making clear much of that which otherwise we might have 
overlooked. 

The collegium funerarium was the burial society. After 
gathering ail the information at our command, we are con- 
strained to conclude that it much resembled the great 
system of friendly or burial societies of Great Britain at 
the present day. They existed in large numbers, especi- 
ally at Rome; and in later times, after the passage of the 
laws of repression they were mostly exempt, because re- 
ligious. Of this we shall speak later. 


20 Orelliua, Incriptionum Latinarum Selectarum Amplissima Collectio, pp. 274- 
860 of Vol. 11. Sepuleralia, k 

3 ΝῸ 4,352 Orell. reads; ‘*Numisin® conjngi castissime et incomparabill 
adfectione femimes cum qua vixit ann. XVJI., Mens. ΧΙ., Dieb, XVII.” 

22 Gruterius, Inserapliones Antique Totius Orbis Romanorum., 


SOURCES OF INFORMATION. $45 


From the prodigious labors of Muratori we also obtain 
several valuable contributions,” especially so on account 
of examples he gives, of genuine trade unions, inscriptions 
of which he took from Cis-Alpine Gaul, that were written 
early in the Christian era. 

Rose, a learned Greek scholar ™ and antiquarian, wrote 
‘a work from which we find much evidence in support of 
our theme, especially regarding the high status in skill of 
workmen in ancient days; and the splendid work of Guhl 
and Koner entitled “The Life of the Greeks and Romans,” 
fortunately well translated into English further intensi- 
fies our wonder at the high perfection to which the labor 
of antiquity had brought the arts and architecture. 

From the analytical works of August Bockh, we have 
deduced considerable, proving that the organizations of the 
proletaries were by no means confined to Italy.* If Cicero 
could say they were “innumerable in all Italy,” Athe- 
nagaros might also have said they were equally abundant 
throughout the peninsula of Greece and the Jonian Isles. 
The writers we refer to find tablets of stone in all these 
countries, some of them, excusably enough, engraved with 
words often wrongly spelled, sometims in words suggest- 
ive of the prevailing lingo, perhaps even slang language 
which slaves and their descendants, the freedmen, almost 
always without education, would naturally make use of, 
which is of itself exceedingly interesting, bringing the 
working people of ancient Rome, Greece and Asia freshly 
down to us, as it were, in their work clothes, their tools in 
hand, and their careless vernacular exactly as used in 
every day life. 

In announcing our remarks on the ancient Sepulcralia 
or burial societies, we cannot do better than refer to the 
popular scientific research on the origin of the plebians, 
by Prof. Fusiel de Coulanges. This author, while not ap- 
pearing to understand that they might have been partly 
derived from the outcasts of the patrician family, rele- 
gated by the paterfamilias into slavery, admits fully as 
much.* Every student of the facts recognizes that the 

25 Muratoius, Antiquitates Italice, Medii Avi, 6 vols. Milan, 1,744. 

24 Kose, Inseruptiones Greece Vetustissime. 

35 Bockh, Corpus Inscriptionum Greecarum. 3 vois Berlin, 1858, follo. 

*5 * Nouns sommes pourtant frappé de voir dans Tite-Live, qui connaissait’ lea 


vieiiies tratitions, que les patriciens reprochaient aux plébéiens non pas ἃ étre 
lgsus des populations vaincues, mais de manquer de religion et méme de famille. 


844 OKGANIZATION. 


great plebeian class of the ancient population was origin: 
ally derived from the outcasts of the family and that they 
were, as a religio-political consequence, without a religion, 
without a home, without even a recognition or count among 
the citizen population ” and without marriage rites. They 
were consequently all illegitimates.” These are stupend- 
ous facts, little understood by people of this day. 

These were great grievances which they had to bear. 
They built up among themselves a religion of their own, 
had secret organizations and burial societies which often 
served as a shield to their trade unions, from the law.” 
They were regarded by Cicero as wild beasts; * and he 
invariably speaks of the organized proletaries with scath- 
ing contempt. Just after the death of Spartacus, while 
the senate was endeavoring to pass a law for the suppres- 
sion of labor organizations, Claudius Pulcher, who to 
“curry favor with the plebeians,”” changed his name to 
Clodius, and boldly came to the front in defense of the 
labor unions, In spite of all the efforts of Cicero against 
him Clodius actually succeeded not only in preventing 
the passage of restrictive laws against the trade and other 
organizations, but secured the enactment of several others, 
greatly favoring the proletaries who had been covertly 
using their secret burial societies and mutual aid com- 
munes as organizations of resistance. Cicero was greatly 


Or, ce reproche qui était déja immérité an temps de Licinius Stolon et que les 
contemporains de Tite-Live, comprenaient 4 peine, devait remonter 4 une 6poque 
trés ancienne et nous reporte aux premiers temps de la cité.” (Fustel de Con- 
langes, Cite Antique, p. 278). A 

27 La Cité Antique, p. 322: ‘* Les hommes de la classe inférieure formérent 
entre eux un corps,” and again ἢ. 278: ‘‘ Le peuple comprenait les patriciens et 
leurs clients; la plébs était en dehor.” 

28 Idem, Ὁ. 278-9: ““Ο᾽ était renoncer a une religion. Ajoutoms encore que 
le fils né d’ un marriage sans rites, était réputé batard, comme celui qui était né 
de l’adultére, et la religion domestique π᾿ existait pas pour eux.” So with the 
ancients religion and citizenship were one and the same thing. 

29 Mommeen, De Collegiis et Sodalicus Romanorum, p.4. ‘Tanta vero fult 
sodalitatis religio, ut publicis etiam legibus sodales prohiberentur, quominus 
eam leederent.” 

80 “᾿ Pera queedam sodalitas et plane pastoritia atque agrestis Germanorum 
lupercorum: quorum Coitio illa sylvestris ante est instituta, quam humanitas 
atque leges.”” Cicero, Pro Marco Coelio, 11. ᾿ 

31 See American Encyclopeedie, Article Clodius. Were it not that this articie 
wae written in the same spirit of aristocratic bias of patrician history, it would 
have to be pronounced by the student of sociology as scurrilous. The truth is, 
Clodius was at heart, a noble, wise and exceedingly able tribune. He was one 
of those in the army of Lucullus, who took part in the suppression of Spartacus. 
After his overthrow 6,000 of the proletaries were brutally crucified on the Ap- 
pian way lining that avenue for miles with this horridspectacle. From that time 
Clodius was the staunch lawyer of organized labor. 


CICERO THE WORKINGMAN'S FOE. 345 


incensed at this.” It is clear that Cicero, who was intensely 
aristocratic, drew down upon him, in his prodigious de- 
fense of the gentes and the correspondingly aggravating 
raillery against the organized workers, the hatred and re- 
venge of the laboring element of Rome, who, driven to 
straits, took up the political issue and even took up arms. 
These studies are exceedingly interesting, inasmuch as 
they reveal to us that Rome at that time—less than 100 
years before Christ, was very populous, that much the 
larger share of her population consisted of the proletaries 
both slaves and freedmen, and that the freedmen and some 
of the slaves were organized; and finally that this organi- 
zation, whether in shape of burial or of trade unions, was 
the cause of political contention, which grew rapidly into 
vast commotions and a civil duel between the gentiles and 
the proletaries. Cicero, the mortal foe of the latter, was 
constantly inveighing against them” until his death, In 
fact, it will be easily shown that the great orator came to 
his death directly in consequence of his bitter complicity 
in these labor convulsions, always taking sides against'them. 

A curious fact is observed, in looking over Orelli and 
Gruter’s list of inscriptions of the burial societies, show- 
ing that among the poorest the practice of cremation was 
common. The order had niches or recesses attached to 
the grounds frequented by them for their meetings; and 
being too poor, in fact disallowed the noble rite of burial 
and its attendant family worship, they were obliged to 
burn the bodies of the deceased and preserve their ashes 
in pots called ollx cinerariz.* The poor fellows, having 
no religion of their own, denied that honor by the privi- 
leged classes who lived upon their labor, and often being 

82 Cic,, Pro Sexto We render as follows: “ This Clodius has chosen this 
name instead of Aurelius for his tribunal labors. to curry favor with the organ- 
ized slaves — men enlisted from the streets arranged in companies, cheered on by 
his moral stimulus to arms, to pillage.” 

33 Mommeen says: ‘‘ Compluribus locis Cicero invehitur in P. Clodium resti- 
tutis, lege sua collegiis ann. 58 ante Christ. nova collegia ordinantem.”’ (De 
Coll, et Sodal. Rom. p 57.) 

34 fg. Orelli, Inscr. No. 4,858, Sepulcralia, reads: “Ὁ M. M. Herennius a 
plowms? and Herennia Lacena writen in their son’s own handwniting. The 
pot coi taining the ashes stsnds on left side of the monument,” etc., etc. So 
again « ahi and Koner, Life of the Ureeks and «mans, pp. 378-9, figs 401, 
402 and others with descriptions. hese represent the celebrated Comlumbaria 
of which Gorius wrote an elaborate work, illustrated with engravings. Fig. 402 
snows not only the niches in which stand to this day the cinerary urns, but also 
the urns themselves. One columbarium, the Vigna Codinv, has425 such niches in 


nine rows, p 479. A smali marble over each urn gives the name. These are 
tue burial places (see p. 377) of the slaves and freedmen. 


846 ORGANIZATION. 


of the same original stock and consequently of religious 
tendency, were in the habit of borrowing from the gens 
families some tutelary deity in whose name to worship. 
This, it appears, they had always maintained the right to 
do. When Christianity came a few years afterwards, with 
its new and absolutely democratic religion andits mutual 
co-operation more nearly fitted to their case, they em- 
braced it in great numbers. 

Mommsen mentions some regulations in the laws gov- 
erning the burial societies; among others is one against 
suicide.* It was a law for preventing suicide by appeal- 
ing to their pride in a decent burial; and prohibited any 
money being taken from the communal fund wherewith 
to defray the funeral expenses of the suicide. 

After the passage of the conspiracy laws, B. C. 58, the 
unions continued to exercise their wonted habits in defi- 
ance of the laws of suppression. Two causes lie at the 
base of this fact; there were by this time wealthy business 
men in the organizations who controlled social and polit- 
ical influence, although themselves of plebeian stock. 
This is one cause. Another is, that the organizations, 
when they felt the knife of persecution, withdrew them- 
selves from public view and became intensely secret. 
Where the organizations were for religious purposes they 
were not suppressed; but there was a special regulation 
fixing it so that they could simulate, or use religion as a 
cloak.* Itis very unfortunate that the ancient laws of the 
Twelve Tables were not preserved so as to have come 
down to us as engraved. They are known to have becn 
placed in the most conspicuous part of the Roman forum. 
It was the oldest of the three written systems of Roman 
Law”™ having been established B. C.452. Itis, moreover, 
now supposed to have been almost identical with the 
Greek Jaw; the provisions, so far as the labor communes 
are concerned, being alike for the Greeks and Romans. 
It appeared to Gaius to bea translation, andseems to have 


35 Item placuit, quisquis ex quacumque causa mortem sibi adsciverit, ejus 
ratio funeris non habebitur.” (De Coll, and Sodal. Rom. p. 100.) 

36 Mommesen, Jdem, p. 87; ‘“Ipsa illa simulata religio senatum promovit ut 
jus coeundi tollerat.”” The clause of the law appears to ex cent or exempt those 
aged associations known to be beyond suspicion: * Sub pretextu religionis vel 
sub epecie soivendi voti ccetus illic:tos nec a veteranis teutari oportet.” (Lex 2, 
Dig, deextr. erim. x\vii, ii. 

τ Mackenzie, Roman Laws, Ὁ. 5-7. 


BURIAL ASSOCIATIONS. 347 


been the identical law of Solon who is known to have 
given the free right of organization to the proletaries of 
Athens.* Our opinion is that these Tables of laws favor- 
ing the laboring classes, had become so obnoxious to the 
Roman gentes that they determined to rid the forum of its 
presence, thus virtually annulling the laws. 

Large numbers of burial associations existed and it is 
repeatedly acknowledged that they often acted as a shield 
to the real trade unions under the garb of religion, not- 
withstanding the law. Mommsen describes a burial soci- 
ety at Alburnum in Lucania the notice of which was found 
inscribed on a libellus with some words spelled wrongly: 
“Artimidorus Apollonii, magister collegii lovis Cernani et 
Valerius Niconis et Oflas Menofili, queestores collegii ejus- 
dem, posito hoe libello publice testantur.” Then follow 
the laws of the society prescribing the use of the common 
fund. Mommsen, however remarks:” “It is clear that 
this mutual relief society of Cernanus, although bearing 
or holding up the name of a god, was nevertheless insti- 
tuted, in order to give the funeral benefit, collected within 
a certain time and under the law, to the heirs of the de- 
ceased.” This means that under the semblance of the 
burial society, they substantially met as a mutual aid com- 
mune—perhaps a trade organization. Again, aside from 
the opinion of Mommsen, always reliable, we have Ascon- 
ius for positive testimony that frequently the sacred soci- 
ties, of which the burial societies were a part, were sup- 
pressed on suspicion that they were discovered by the 
police to be engaged in carrying out the business of those 
trade or other oryanizations on which the conspiracy law 
bad iaid its hand.“ 

88 Cf. Granier, Histotre des Classes Ouvritres, Ὁ. 825. ‘‘ Nous avons fait voir 
@ ailleurs que la loi romaine des Douze-Tables sur les corporations contenazit les 
mémes dispositions que la loi grecque, ἃ ce point qu’ elles ont paru ἃ Gaius étre 
la traduction l’ une del’ autre.” ‘he words of Gaius (vide Digest, liv. XLVII, 
tit. xxii. leg. 4, will be found quoted in our note 87, page 127, On page 250, 
note 1, Granier speaks of the intimate relations between Athenian and }:oman 
trade unions as follows: ‘Du reste, gi le texte de Plutarque pouvait laisser 
queique doute sur le fait des jurandes athéniennes, un fracment de Gaius sur 
les Douzes ‘ables, conservé par le Digeste, dit que la loi sur les corps des métiers 
parait avoir 6t¢ empruntée aux lois de Solon sur la méme matiére; et la-dessus 
Gai:s cite le texte méme de la loi de Solon, dans lequel il est statué que les 
membres des métiers peuvent s ériger eux-mémes en Corporations ep respectaut 
les lois de |’fitat.” 

39 Momsen, De Collegiis et Sedalicits Romanorum, Ὁ. 94. 

40 ** Frequenter tum etiam coetus factiosoruin hominum, sine publica auctu: 


ritate, malo publico ficbant . . . . propter quod postew collegia sancta et pluri- 
bus legibus, sunt subiata.” (Ascon. in Cornel. p. 7 ) 


348 ORGANIZATION. 


By far the most numerous and powerful of the organiz- 
zations of proletaries or outcasts among the ancients were 
the genuine trade unions.“ Had it not been for the an- 
cient habit, probably established by the lost law of the 
Twelve Tables, of inscribing “ more or less of the objects, 
dates, names of leaders or organizers, and name of the 
tutelary deity under which they chose to worship—-being 
proscribed from the privilege of worship of their own— 
we should be altogether without data regarding the vast 
trade societies which from immemorial times existed in 
Greece and Rome and in the provinces over which those 
nations ruled. We have sutticiently explained the causes 
of this organization. It may be well, however to sum 
them up in this manner: 

First in ancient times all lands not belonging to the 
gens estates but achieved by conquest, were common pro- 
perty of the state. The people relied upon the products 
of these lands for their subsistence. This was true of 
people of all ranks, whether the haughty gentes or the 
degraded slaves. Many subsisted upon the fruits of the 
common lands. King Numa, admitting this, was wise 
enough to create, or rather recognize an already existing 
system of trade or business-unions, the special function 
of which was to till the lands and divide and distribute 
the products. Nothing could be more sensible and noth- 
ing more practical than to give the soil-tillers their or- 
ganizations under protection of the state—and this means 
under a species of subvention or common guarantee. It 
must not be forgotten that by a law of ancient religion 
there were two distinct classes—workers and non-workers 
or the privileged and the non-privileged classes. They 
were so distinct that Dionysius of Halicarnassus declares 
that the latter were not even counted with the people or enu- 
merated in the census as human beings; a fact which has 
caused much astonishment to the writers on ancient pop- 
ulousness; some counting them in and some not; thus 
producing figures so ridiculously at variance and contra- 
dictory that nobody pretends except approximately, even 
to conjecture what the ancient population was! “ 


41 The more numerons slaves are here excepted. 

® We are, as yet, without the words of the law rendering it binding upon the 
com:unes to set up and inscribe a marble, or otherstone slab. It was probably 
lost with the Twelve Tables. Also the similar law of Solon. 

413 Cf. Wallace on the ‘“‘Numbezs of Mankind.” Edmbarg, 1758, p. 28 


GOVERNMENT OWNED THE LAND. 349 


Thus for many centuries, the lands of the ancient Rom- 
ans, called ager publicus was common or public property, 
tilled by the proletaries, many of whom were organized 
into unions legalized by the arrangements of the Twelve 
Tables which was merely a literal ratification of the plan 
of Numa Pompilius, dividing the workers into nine spe- 
cies of craft and allowing each the autonomy of an organ- 
ization. This shifted from the shoulders of the state or 
land-owner the care and responsibility of cultivation, while 
it elevated the proletaries to the practical dignity of that 
work. It was not the plan of small holdings by isolated 
families but of small holdings by isolated communes, 
which in turn, were amenable to, and under the general 
direction of the state, or common proprietor. 

It cannot be said that this really great and wise system 
ever attained to a wide extent. ‘the idea seems to have 
been clear to the workingmen and they carried it into force 
to some extent, but were always met with fierce opposition. 
The manner in which the state obtained its share of the 
proceeds or usufruct of these lands was by the Vec- 
tigalarii, the celebrated union of tax collectors who, in- 
stead of using money, took the tax ‘in kind;” which 
means that they went to the farmers, agricole, after the 
harvests and with wagons, brought to the Municipium or 
town in whichever district they were stationed, the share 
of the proceeds of the common land due the city people 
—grain, wool, fruits, pease, beans and whatever the land 
produced. The grain thus collected was turned over to 
the organization of the united pistores or millers, to be 
ground; thence to the united bakers, panijices to be made 
inéo bread. So with regard to everything. The almost 
phenomenal simplicity and universality of this great plan 
of the ancients is accounted for only by the fact that there 
were two classes so widely separated that the very touch 
of a proletary was supposed to pollute. In consequence 
of this wide distinction the merchant, who was also a work- 
ingman, could not become a monopolist because he was 
obliged to be 8 unionist which naturally recognized him 
ata par with his peers. This was a direct result of the 
ernde communism which legalized trade unionism had 


κε Slaves who were of go little account under the ancient governments.”—‘ Free 
citizens who alone had a voice in the public councils.” 


860 ORGANIZATION, 


created and upheld for many centuries not only at Rome 
but all over Italy and in many parts of Greece. 

Very gradually however, some merchants succeeded in 
becoming rich.“ On the other hand, as we prove in our 
sketch of Spartacus, the older slave system which still 
continued under the law of Lycurgus in Sparta, un- 
derwent a revival in Italy. By the plan of Numa Pompil- 
ious, which was the true ancient trade union system, there 
was no way for an aristocrat to conduct business of 
any kind without polluting himself by contract with the 
proletaries. He could, by owning the slaves, job them to 
managers of genius, themselves of the laboring class, some 
to a boss farmer, some toa miller, some to a wagoner, some 
to a manufacturer, and thus, without himself touching his 
own property, gratify his desire of profit, indirectly, 
through the labor of his slaves. We are told that Cras- 
sus bought up as great a number as 500 slaves at a time; 
that Nicias owned 1,000; that Claudius owned as many as 
4,116 and Athens owned and hired out no less than 100- 
000 slaves!“ But these things did not occur in Italy until 
the decline through Roman hostility, of the seven centur- 
ies of trade unionism, which began in high antiquity, and 
which had been acknowledged and incorporated as an in- 
dustrial system of the state under Numa, nearly 700 years 
before Christ, and did not give up its foothold without one 
of the most terrible and protected agrarian and servile 
struggles recorded or unrecorded in the vicissitudes of 
the world. Nor must the remark be forgotten that dur- 
ing all the centuries through which this trade unionism 
existed the golden era of prosperity and general happiness 
was at its highest so far as labor was concerned. 

But this prosperity and happiness will be better under- 
stood as we enumerate, one by one, the links of trade 
unions which formed the great chain of industrial weal 
While we are doing this it may be well to keep constantly 
in mind the suggestion, together with its proofs, that la- 
bor organization for protection, co-operation, resistance 
and mutual improvement is always the best standard by 

44 Consult Drumann, Arbeiter und Commumisten t ung Kom, τι 
31: “ἘΠ verminderte die geringschitzunz nicht mit weicher man ecf die Arbeitaz 
sah, dass mehrere beriihmte Minner durch ihre Geburt oder ἀστοὶ ibre irihere 
Beschiaftigung diesem Stande ancehorten.” 


25 For these giatistics, see Biicher, 5. 356-9. Schambach, Ratiscke Biiamse 
aujstand, 8. 1-8. Siefert, Sicilische Skluvenkriege, 8. 10-15. 


THE “ OTHER SIDE” 351] 


which to measure the intensity of true civilization. When 
the law forbidding these organizations struck the prole- 
taries, one-half a century before Christ, their decline be- 
gan; and this decline was a powerful cause of the fall of 
the Roman empire. 

The old system of abject slavery pre-existing in the 
higher antiquity, gradually reappeared with the great 
Roman Conquests and usurped the foundations of the 
happier unions with its malignant concomitants οὗ de- 
graded labor under the lash of an overseer o1 the one 
hand, and with its millionare politicians, schemers and 
voluptuaries on the other. Corruption followed. Hope 
fled with liberty. Thrift disintegrated into pestilential 
reservoirs of vice. Rome fell into a mass of corruption. 

It is not at all strange, nor to be wondered at that the 
poor who constituted the laboring class, should keenly 
feel their degrading exclusion from the Eleusinian Mys- 
teries. Nor is it at all to be wondered at if we find Plu- 
tarch reciting to us his account of what must have been 
a gigantic uprising of these people 1,180 years before 
Christ, under Menestheus, as under Aristonicus in Asia 
Minor, 1,047 years afterward they rose against similar so- 
cial degradations. Heaven to those poor people was 8 
boon much nearer and more visible than at the present 
day. They imagined the earth to be flat. On this side 
all were mortal; on the other immortal. Some of the im- 
mortal happy had power to come from the other side to 
this. Here from Mount Olympus they assumed charge of 
the welfare of mortals. Many believedthe flat earth so 
thin that rivers meandered from one to the other. Be- 
tween the two surfaces there were surging floods of hor- 
rid smoke and steaming, lurid waters or pits of fiery as- 
phaltum for the wicked, as weil as bright, purling streams 
sparkling and cool for the just, leaving the bunks and 
plains that were covered with verdure and peopled with 
enchanting birds and game. 

Let the mover of the modern labor agitation who treats 
with scorn the author who mixes religion with a history 
of the ancient, reconsider. He must go back to them as 
they really were, poor down-trodden, superstitious, cred- 
ulous and ignorant of facts while misled by priests. They 
believed heaven was so near by linea! measure that they 


802 ORGANIZATION. 


often imagined they covl | hear the melodious voices of the 
blessed on the other sides; yet while they had nothing on 
this side to live for and their grasping imagination over- 
heard and dwelt upon a future world beyond this “vale 
of tears,” they found themselve shut out fromall hope. The 
workman in the modern field of labor agitation certainly 
has but a gloomy foretaste in anything further than his 
future natural life. His predecessors have gone before 
with the axe and sickle of reason and past experience, 
tools of the thus intellectual pioneer. Their incomput- 
able toil has, with investigation and experiment, with re- 
peated millions of practical works, cleared away the mythic 
film of priestcraft and superstitious belief. The earth 
is now a globe. The miner knows this; for the deeper he 
descends the more unendurable the heat. Who wants now 
to descend to heaven? Who wishes to go to the other 
side, to China—a race groveling, mortal and inferior, rather 
than that of the ancients, beautiful seraphic, melodious, 
immortal. Who now wants to visit the ouranus of old 
Plato in the vaulted dome of heaven? Who wants to rise 
when everybody knows thit instead of a region of the im- 
mortal happy the farther one mounts the more uninhabit- 
able, more frigid more stifling the ethers of space? La- 
bor’s own skillful hand has caused all this metamorphosis 
in the human mind and forced it andis still foraing it out 
of its ignorant soarings and credence-ravings down to a 
cognizance of the earthly things that are. 

No, we must picture the life of the ancient lowly as it 
really was in all its cushioned imagination, in all its yearn- 
ings to get there by the beautiful river, its green carpets 
on the other side where the wicked ceased from tioubling 
and the weary were at rest; and those otherwise incom- 
prehensible, religio-practical associations can be under- 
stood and their full function appreciated only by our 
throwing off our own prejudice and contemplating them 
as they really were. ‘This we propose to do. 


INSCRIPTION ΑἹ LANUVIUM. 353 


Ee CEIONLO. _COMMODO... SEX. 
VET OBENO. ClVICA.-POMPE- 
TANGO: COS. As Dav. DUS ION. 


Lanuviin Municipio in Templo Antinoi in Quo L. Caesennius Rufus 
In the temple of Antina, city of Lavinia, where L. Cegennius Rufas 


Dict. 111, et patronus Municipi conventum haberi jusserat 
spokesman and guardian of the town, ordered an association formed, through 


er. L, Pompeium 
. Pompey 
F.......um, QQ. Cultorom Dianae,et Antinoi, Pol- 
andF...... under tutelary eare of Diana and Antina, promising to con- 
licitus est se 
tribute towards it 
in annum daturum eis ex liberalitatesua Hs. Xv. M. N. usum 
out of his purse within a given year asum of $600 for useof the union. 
Die natalis Dianae Idib. Aug. Hs. CCCC. Ν. et die natalis An- 
On Diana’s birthday, the Jdes of August, and birthday of Antine, #16 more. 
tinoi V. K. 
Decemb. Hs. OCCC. N. Et praecepit legem ab ipsis con- 
In the month of December, $16, He also prescribes a law regulating the 


stitutam sub tetra- 
the union which is 


stilo Antinoi parte interiori perscribi in verba infra seripta, 
written on the inside of the 4 columned pillar in words as recorded below: 


M. Antonio Hibero P. Mummio Sisenna Cos. K. Ian. Oollegium 

During the consulship of M. Antonius Hiberus and Ὁ. Mummius Sisenns the 
Salutare Dianae 

Et Antinoi constitutum, L. Caesennio L, F. Quir, 

mutual benefit society of Diana and Antine was organized by 


Rufo Dict. III. IDEMQ. PATR. 
L. Ceesennius Rofus, its recognised patron. 


KAPUT Bix Ow GC ΠΣ 
Designation. 


Written by order of the Preefect. 


Quibus coire convenire collegiumque hebere liceat. Qui stipem 
It is permitted that all wishing to organize themselves, may do go. 


menstruam conferre volent in Funera II in collegium coeant neq. 
Any one desiring to pay monthly dues of 8 cents to the Funeral fund may 


sub specie eius collegi nisi semel in mense coeant conferendi causa, 
ettena the meetings twice a month if theodjects of such meetings be the 


354 ORGANIZATION. 


unde defuncti sepeliantur 
burying of the dead. 


Quod faustum felix salutareq. sitimp. Caesari Traiano Hadriano 
W hatsoever is favorable, happy and healthful for the emperors, Trojan, Adrian 


Aug. totiusque 
and the whole house of the Czesars, 


domus August. nostris collegiog. nostro; et bene adque in- 
will also be good for us and our society; and we should perform well and 


dustrie contraxerimus, ut 
indnstriously our daty that we may 


exitus eorum honeste prosequamur. Itaq. bene conferendo 
honestly reach the end. So ought we universally to agree, that we may 


unblversi consentire 
grow old in union. 


debemus, ut longo tempore inveterescere possimus. 


Tu qui novos in hoc coll-gio intrare voles, prius legem perlege et sic 
O thou who wouldst bring initiates into this union, read well these rules, that 


intra, ne postmodum queraris aut controversiam relinquas. 
thou leayest no controversy with thy heirs! 


EEOC sOO bE HG 


Law of the Union. 


Placuit universis, ut quisquis in hoc collegium intrare voluerit, 
Be it ordered in presence of all men: That whosoever may desire to join this 
dabit kapitulari nomine. 
union shal] give to the Secretary-Treasurer 


HS. C. N. et vini boni amphoram; item in menses sing. A. 
his address, an ‘initiation fee of $4, and a flagon of good wine; and like- 


V. Item placuit, ut quisquis mensib. 
wise 4 cents monthly dues. It is ordered that 


continenter non pariaverit et ei humanitus acciderit, eius ra- 
whoever fails to settle dues continuously for months, remaining 4 member 


tio funeris non habebitur, 
by zras2, will not have the right of burial, even 


etiam si testamentum factum habuerit. 
though he may have willed to the association his property. 


"tem piacuit qaisquis ex hoc corpore N. pariatus eum decesserit 
Be jt ordered that whoever dies, not in arrears to the order let his $4, be re- 


sequentur ex arca HS, CCCC. N. ex qua summa decedent 
turned from the treasury as expenses of burial. 


exequiari nomine HS. I. N. qui ad Rogus dividentur. Exe- 
One sesterce shall be divided at the funeral pile. But the ceremony must 


quiz autem pedibus fungentur. 
be performed on foot. 


INSCRIPTION AT LANUVIUM. 856 


Item placuit, quisquis a municipio ultra miliar. XX. decesserit 
Be it ordered, that whenever a member dies at a distance of 20 miles fiom the 


et nuntiatum fuerit, eo exire debebunt electi ex corpore N. 
City, itshall be reported, a permit taken and 3, elected from among the 


homines tres, qui funeris ejus curam agant et rationem po- 
members, be sent to see toit. Should it be found that there was any de- 


pulo reddere debebunt, sine dolo malo. Si quit in eis fraudis 
ception, then as much as four-fold the amount shall be exacted as a fine, 


Causa, inventum fuerit, eis multa esto qnadruplam. 
by reason of such injustice. 


Quibus sing. nurmmus dabitur; hoc amplius viatici nomine citro 
Those to whom money is given, are to receive it as follows: If it be more 


sing. HS. XX. N. quod longius quam intra mill, XX, de- 
than the 20 miles, the sum shall be for each, 20 sesterces, Butif the 


cesserit et nuntiari non potuerit, tum is qui eum funeraverit 
member dies at a greater distance: than 20 miles, and it cannot be an- 


testato tabulis signati sigillis civium Romanorum VII. et 
nounced, then, whoever attends to the funeral must send an account, 


probata causa, funeraticium ejus; satio dato ab eis nemenem 
signed and bearing the seal of 7 Roman citizens; and when the gage 
etiturum, deductis commodis et exequiario, e lege collegii 
as been proved, and the funerai «xpenses found reasonable, no one 


dari sibi petat. 
objecting, his pay sh ull be disbursed from the treasury if he asks '%. 


A nostro coljegio dolas malus abesto neque patrono neque patro- 
Let there bo n: craitiness in our union. Neither patron nor patroness mas 


ne, neque domino neqne dominz neque creditori ex hoe col- 
ter nor mistress, nor even credi tor, shall make any demand, account 


legio ulla petitio esto nisi qui testamento heres nominatus est. 
or claim whatever, or anybody else, except him who is elected heir. 


Bi quis intestatus devesserit, is, arbitrio quing. et populi funerab 
If any one die without children, five sesterces shall be given ἃ all atten‘. 


Item placuit, quisquis ex hoc collezio servus defunctus fuerit, et 
Be it ordered that whoever dics a member, being a slave, and his body is 


corpus ejus a domino dominave inquietate sepulturee datum 
unwillingly given up for sepulture by master or mistress who will not 


non fuerit neque tabella, ei funus imaginarium fiet. 
permit a registration, an imaginary funeral shall be held. 


Item placuit, quisquis ex quacumque causa mortem sibi adsciverit, 
Be it ordered that whoever commits suicide from any cause, for this reason 


ejas ratio funeris non habebitur. 
no ‘uneral can be held. 


356 ORGANIZATION. 


Item placnit, ut quisqnis servus ex hoe collegio liber factus fuerit 
Be it orderec that whatever slave is set free by this union, he shall contrib- 


is dare dehebit vini boni amphoram. 
ute a flagon of good wine. 


Item placuit, quisquis magister suo anno erit ex ordine albi ad 
It is ordered that whatever manager who during his year, shall not attend the - 


ceenain faciendam, et non observaveri! neque fecerit, is arces 
ceremony nor observe, nor perform functions, shall pay a fine of 30 ses 


inferet HS. XXX. Ν, et insequens ejus dare debebit et ia 
terces into the treasury and the place 881: be forfelted to hia suo 


ejus loco restituere debebit. 
cessor. 


ORDO CENARUM VITI. ID MAR. 


Order of the feasts, on the 8th., Ides of March ; 


NATALI GAISENNI <>.) PATRIS V2 K/DEC. 


NAT. ANTONOI IDIB. AUG NATALI DIAN & ET OOL- 


LEGIT XII. K. SEPT. JAN. NATALI L. OASSENNI 
ἘΠΕῚ PATR. MUNIO, 


Magistri cenarum ex ordine albi facta quo ordine homines qua- 
The managers of the feasts established by the order, wtll place the men, 4 ata 


terui ponere debebunt: vini boni amphoras singulas, et 
time, in their order; each contributing s flask of good wine and a loaf of 


anes A. Ti qui numerus collegi fuerit et sardas numero 
est bread, and each, fonr pickled sardines gerved hot in proper 


quatuor strationem caldam cum ministerio. 
dishes. 


INSCRIPTION AT LANUVIUM., 357 


item placuit, ut quisquis quinquennalis in hoe collegio factus 
fuerit, a sigillis eius temporis, quo quinquennalis erit, im- 
munis esse debebit, et ei ex omnibus divisonibus partes 
duplas dari. Item scribae et viatoria sigillis vacantibus par- 


tes eX omni divisione sesquiplas dari placuit. 
Item placuit, ut quisquis quinquennalitatem gesserit integre, et 


ob honorem partes sesquiplas ex omni re dari, ut et reliqui 


recte faciendo idem sperent. 


Item placuit, si quis quid queri aut referre volet, in conventu re- 


ferant, ut quieti et hilares diebus sollemnibus epulemur. 


Item placuit, ut quisquis seditionis causa de loco in alium locum 
transierit, ei multa esto HS. Ill. N. Si quis autem in ob- 
probrium alteralterius dixerit, aut tumultuatus fuerit, ei 
multa esto HS. N. Si quis quinquennali inter epulas obpro- 
brium aut quid contumeliose Cixerit, ei multa esto HS. XX. 


N. 


Item placuit, ut quinquennalis sui cuiusque temporis diebus sol- 
lemnibus ture et vino supplicet et ceteris officiis albatus 
| fungatur, et diebus natalium Dianae et Antinoi oleum col- 


legio in balineo publico ponat antequam epulentur. 


The remarkable features of this college are that under 
the guise of piety, and of Leing a burial and mutual bene- 
fit society, it was used to emancipate slaves, ‘That it was 


358 ORGANIZATION. 


a trade or labor anion is shown by its being devoted to 
securing good places to work. 

Everywhere the severity of the law is apparent. Rome 
had a mortal fear of labor riots and uprisings and hence the 
many fines which stood as a constant menace, acting as a 
check against insubordination. It was difficult to obtain a 
privilege or charter to organize one of these labor unions, 
and consequently where they possessed one, it was prized 
as a gem of great value; which may account for their great 

age, found in some cases to have been four or five hundred 

ears. 
The love of the Latin race for pleasures is observable all 
through. They used this great union or commune for that 
purpose ; but they are seen in these rules and regulations, 
to have held uppermost a peculiar system of culture tend- 
ing toward ultimate emancipation from the lowly and re- 


stricted condition in wh 
the police. 


TTT 
> ἢ 


MARCUS ANTONIO 
SHOWING: THEIR OWN= 


CHAPTER XIV. 


THE CATEGORIES. 
THE GREAT ECONOMIC ORGANIZATIONS. 


Anorent Feperations of Labor—How they were Employed by 
the Government—Nomenclature of the Brotherhoods—Cat- 
egories of King Numa— Varieties and Ramifications—The 
Masons, Stonecutters and Bricklayers—Federation for Mu- 
tual Advantages—List of the 35 Trade Unions, under the 
Jus Coeundi. 


Numa Pompittos, the first king after Romulus, recog 
nized trade unions even before Solon of Athens, who fol- 
lowed rather than led in this scheme as a measure of po- 
litical economy.’ They had, however, already existed, per- 
haps thousands of years before receiving any recognition 
at all. One of the first of importance legalized by these 
lawgivers was the fraternity of builders. 

They were called in Greek, the technicai and in Latin 
tignarit. It is evident from Plutarch, that he intended 
this word to include also the mason.” If, however, all the 
building trades were organized into one body or union, 
they were very different from trade unions of our day, 
Besides, had Plutarch intended to convey the idea that 
all the building trades were united into one under Numa 
he would, it seems to us, have used the still more compre- 
hensive Greek term technites which expresses it. Again 
its Latin synonym fond by Mommsen, proves that Numa’s 

1 Plutarch, Vumal. Numa foliowed Romulus to the throne, about 690) yeara 
before Christ Plnutarch’s snggestion that he might have personally known Py- 


thagorus and that he had been brouzht up amon the Pytiiagorean Greek settle- 


ments of Ita ly which were communistica! in cuaracter looks exceedingly plausi. 
ble. 
“See Wm. Lanzhorne’s tr. of Plutarch, in Numa. 


360 ANCIENT FEDERATION OF LABOR. 


union was that of workers in metal and wood.’ In those 
times the mountains back of Rome produced dense for- 
ests, which were not swept away by machinery with the 
rapidity of modern art. The people, on account of wars, 
want of medical science, comparative abstinence from 
marriage, dissoluteness of the rich, hardships of the poor, 
did not multiply rapidly. In consequence the forests pro- 
duced new trees as fast as they were cut away by the 
workmen. Rome was mostly built of wooden houses; and 
no doubt there was an abundance of work for the carpen- 
ters. All the great public buildings were coustructed by 
trade unions for the state, direct—that is, with contract- 
ors or middlemen, and the carpenters’ union used to take 
charge of the woodwork. The Ager publicus* had to be 
furnished with houses for the Gentry. Honorary seats 
were made by these fabri tignariorum, such as the splendid 
bisellia® or cushions of the gods. The fine villas of wealthy 
gentlemen® who had a custom of turning public moneys 
and lands to their own account were work of their art. 
In fact this was common from the highest antiquity before 
the division of the gentes into cure and tribes. Thus 
it was not considered a breach of political rule to divert 
the public funds, to a certain extent, to the building or re- 
pairing of their own fine residences; And this work was 
performed by the builders’ unions. 

There were two names under which the wood-workers 
of the building trades were known. ‘These were the 
dendrophori, mentioned in the code of Theodosius’ as 


8 Mommeen, De Collegits et Sodaliciis Romanorum, pp. 29 30, ‘Inter classes 
rimam et secundam interject erant centuria fabrum tignariorum et centuria 
‘abrum #rariorum, give, ut Dionysium (VII, 59) sequamur: δύο λόχοι τεκτόνων 

καὶ χαλκοτύπων καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι πολεμικῶν έργων ἦσαν χειροτέχναι. 

4 We prefer to use this Latin term because it saves explanatory words neces- 
sary to qualify the meaning of the English word “land.” It means common 
lands belonging to the government, on which the workingmen had no claim as 
Citizens. Tie propensity of the Roman building trades to organize in protec- 
tive societies is richly illustrated in an article written by Mr. Rogers and form- 
ing a chapter in a large work on labor edited by Mr. Geo. E. McNeill, Bost. 1887, 
entitled The Building Trades,” Mr. Rogers, (pp. 335-7), shows that this pro- 
clivity of the ancient Romans for organizing into communes was never lost even 
in far off Kent, sticking to the English people to this day, furnishes a formid- 
able argument against the assumption that the Saxon Rule absolutely superseded 
eae ae eerlter jae ΘΕ ΒΌΙΕ. ᾿ κυρ i710 sue Leer ape iG 

abretti Inscriptiones Antique licatic, Ὁ. 1) . P. . Gruat. 
916, 8. Also Orell. No. 4,055, vs P Oars 

5 Our own word “gentleman” is directly derived from the Latin word gens, 
or high and respectable family. If we call the human race an ‘‘ Order,” the gentes 
may be considered a “ genus.” 

7 Codex Theodosti, 14,8. Also Orell, Incriptiones Latinarum Collectio, Nos. 


FRADE UNIONS SUPPRESSED. 861 


veritable trade unions, and the tignarii who were the true 
carpenters and joiners. As we construe the signification 
of these two terms from the stone monuments and slabs 
on which they arefound engraved and not as found in the 
dictionaries, we conclude that the dendrophori must have 
been the heavy lumbermen and framers. They cut and 
hewed the heavy timbers both for buildings and ships; 
while the tégnarii did the lighter work. One thing is cer- 
tain; they both occur together in many of the inscriptions.’ 
This class of trade unions was considered necessary to the 
welfare of the state; and was exempted from being sup- 
pressed when, in B. C. 58, the conspiracy laws were put 
in operation by Cesar; although so much suspicion rested 
upon them that they were watched with a jealous eye by 
the officers of the law and as appears, much of their former 
vitality was crushed out. They had existed from the time 
of Numain Rome, and of Solon at Athens, in full strength 
and vigor. At the time of their suppression by restrictive 
laws nearly all the Grecian territory, especially that of At- 
tica, including Athens, the Pirzeus, Eleusis and all the pop- 
ulous towns where they are known to have existed in great 
numbers, belonged to Rome, then mistress of the world. 

It must have been a very strange experience for 2 great 
people to undergo. Here was a system of manufacture 
and repairs of immemorable age, authorized by the most 
highly esteemed lawgivers, one of whom was one of the 
seven wise men of Greece. It had been known by the 
chronicles for fully 600 years, and, though it performed 
duties which by the haughty and foolish were considered 
degrading, and upon which there rested a taint, yet it was 
an important institution, taking charge of indispensabis 
affairs of public as well as of private life. All at once it 
was suppressed. That the result was a dangerous con- 
vulsion cannot be wondered at. 

Gruter cites a college of dendrophori® who used to buiid 


8,741, 4,082, 3,349, 7,336, 7,145, 3,868, 5,118, 4,055, 6,037, 7018, 7,018, 6.031, 
6,073, 6,590, 911, 4,109, 7,194, 7,197, 4,069. Each of these 19 numbera, repre- 
sents a collegium or trade union of wood-workers. The inscriptions were found 
in as many places neariy as there are numbers. 

8 Orell, 4,084, ** Collecinm Fabrornm Navalium...... Tune eaipaa con: 
ditione fabr. Tig. Pisaurensium.” Pisaurnm wasan Umbrian town st the moath 
of the navigable Pisaurus, Inser, 4,160 Faber T'ignariorum and Coll, Dendre- 
phorum are noted together, 

9 Gruterius, Inscriptiones Antique Toitus Orbis Romanorum, 116, 8, 


862 CATHGORLES OF TRADE FEDERATIONS. 


houses and ships or boats for the society of freight boat- 
men located at Rome. He also gives one which Orelli 
quotes, taken on a stone slab in times as late as Justinian.” 
The word epu/antur conveying the idea of entertainment, 
shows that these schools of the workingmen sometimes 
used their organization as a means of mutual enjoyment. 
fispecially was this the case among the Greek fraternities 
which we describe in their place. After the great strug- 
gle with Spartacus, the right of organization was severely 
restricted by the Ronan law; and it became necessary 
for the uni ons, in order to exist at all, to assume two forms 
οἱ dissimulation by which to parry the attacks of enemies 
who had recourse to these conspiracy laws in order to 
gratify their whims of revenge, or to fortify their own 
schemes of making money through the cheap labor of the 
slave system which Rome in the later days had revived, 
and which such enemies of organized labor as Cicero or 
Crassus, were pushing with an almost fierce determination, 
on pretense of restoring the ancient purity of religion, 
family and vested rights. We have noted that certain 
kinds of organizations were permitted... Among these 
were collegia sancta, or those unions and fraternities given 
to holy or pious purposes. So some of these were shrewd 
enough to combine business with holiness and thus shield 
themselves from their pursuers.” Mommsen speaks of 
them in clearest terms which leave no doubt whatever re- 
garding the mysterious procedure” of those old Roman 
lawyers who were determined to suppress the trade unions, 
root and branch, in order to reinstitute slavery, the most 
ancient form of labor known to their religion, which had 


10 We quote the Latin as given by Orell., No, 4,088. ‘Ex S. C. Schola Aug. 
Collegii Fabrorum Tignariorum impendiis ipsorum ab inchoato exstructo, solo 
daio ab T. Furio primogenio qui et dedic. ejus HS. X. N. ded, ex cujus summ. 
redit, omnibus annis Χ 1. K. August die natalis sui, epulantur.’’ Gruter, 169, 6 

1 Dion. XXXVIII. 13, Anttquitates, says: “Τὰ étaipixa .. .. - ὄντα μεν ἐκ 
τοῦ apxaiov καταλυϑεντα δὲ χρόνον τινά. Asconius 1. C. Comment, says: * Col- 
legia sunt sublata praster pauca elque certa que utilitas civitatis desiderassit 
qn sint fabrorum fictorumque.” These saved were Pagan image makers who 
wrought the religious devices, q, v. 

12 Complureg autem ob finei ejusmodi instituebantur collegia: religionis ante 
omnia causa, ut, qui idem vitae genus essent amplexi, iisdem quoque sacris ater- 
unter,’ etc., etc, Orell. VII. p, 244. Inscr. Latin Collectio. 

18 Mommsen, De Coll. et Sodal. Rom., pp. 87-88, says: ‘‘Ipsa illa simulata 
(referring to lex. 3, Digest, de extr. crim. XLViI, 11.) religio senatum promovit 
tu jus σου πα! tolleret Explicanda sunt illa verba de coitionibus in templis ad 
rem divinam faciendam, quae etsi neutiquam contra SCtum erant, facile tamen 
io fraudeui SCti usurpari poterant. ’ 


CONFLICT AGAINST CHEAP LABOR. 863 


founded their patrimony, their law of entailment through 
primogeniture and their system of grandees and of slaves. 
Numa. and Solon had been these fellows’ enemies; Lycur- 
gus their friend. Trade unionism the child of wills and 
manumissions, had first come among them, a spontaneous 
growth. It cradled and matured human sympathy. It 
had proved itself innocent, enterprisingand good. It had 
succeeded in becoming legalized by those two powerful 
princes—a mighty stride. But it had, as the gens families 
fancied, usurped the ancient and holy system of slavery 
and thus interfered—by substituting communism—with 
their vested individual rights.“ On account, probably, of 
their superstition, Cicero, Cesar and the rest, after they 
had put down Clodius the intrepid orator and tribune who 
had restored the old and created new,” excepted such of 
the carpenters and joiners or cabinet-makers’ unions as 
confined their labor to manufacturing all sorts of wooden 
idols, which in those days, were sometimes very large, and 
built for the temples, the fanes and the family altars. It 
it also quite likely that a few unions devoted to the car- 
penter work on the temples and the aedes sanctae, were 
saved. But we ascend trom these cruel days of moribund 
Rome to an earlier and brighter age. 


14 We have repeatedly mentioned the impossibility, among the Indo-Euro. 
pean Greeks and Italians, of there ever having existed in those peninsulas a com- 
munistic, or even patriarchal form of government. The bent of labor communes 
was towards it but they never succeeded in breaking down the power of the com- 
peulive system: and it rules tothis day. The oldest records of any kind shedding 
ight, confirm the idea that originally the despotic form of government prevailed ; 
the father paterfamilies as king, with his sons and daughters and others as slaves 
around his fixed abiding place, must have been the primitive government behind 
which there is neither record nor philosophy—no philosophy without overturn- 
ing the theory of development. Man has grown into refinement through reason 
and experience and it is altogether inconsistent with reason to suppose that he 
ever tried so high a form of government as the eommunistic one, or that he ever 
had in those times other than selfish, cruel, beast-government in which all re- 
search into antiquity finds him. Mommsen, History of Rome, Vol 1. p. 44. in cor- 
roboration says: ‘* But there can be no doubt that, with the Graeco-Italians as 
with al] other nations, agriculture became, and in the mind of the people re- 
mained the penn and core of their national and of their private life, The house 
and the fixed hearth, which the husbandman constructs instead of the light hut 
aud shifting fireplace of the shepherd and represented in the spiritual domain 
and idealized in the goddess Vesta or Ἑστία, almost the only divinity not Indo- 
Germanic yet from the first common to both nations.” Soagain (p. 48). “Ihe 
Hellenic character, which sacrificed the whole to its individual elements, the 
nation to the township and the township to the citizen.” This exactly expresses 
our idea. viz: that everyth ng from the first, was subordinate to the un!imited, 
despotic contro] of the ‘‘father.” For valuable information, See Funck Bren- 
tano La Civilisation et ses Lois, 1V, 1, p. 311, quoting Plutarch Numa, VIL). ‘ il 
en fut de méme dans les cités de la Gréce; ce fut une condition de leur progrés.” 

_ 16 Ascon, Adh. L. ‘ Diximus, 1, VPisone et A. Gabieno consulibus PV. Clo- 
dium tribunum plebis—tulisse—de collegiis restituendis, novisque iustituendis, 
que ait ex servitiorum fece constituta.’’ 


864 CATEGORIES OF TRADE FEDERATIONS. 


Fabretti gives us another union of carpenters and join- 
ers whose inscription was found at Leprignani. It reads 
very plainly and shows that they had a federation of the 
trades.* Another collegium fubrorum tignariorum or car- 
penters’ trade union is reported by Muratori." The tab- 
let was found at Ravelli in the province of Naples, show- 
ing that the unions of those days were not confined to 
Rome or any of the other large cities but were as fre- 
quent proportionately to population in any small town. 

An inscription is reported by Gruter,” bearing evidence 
of another interesting school, schola, of the bona fide car- 
penters’ unions, found in the Tolentine temple of Cathar- 
ina—religious, of course, and of a later date. Orelli™ 
quotes the learned Muratori of Modena as the authority 
if not the finder of an inscription wnich describes a colleg- 
dum together with a sodalicium—another Roman name for 
trade union, in which the president or Magister, and the 
secretary are mentioned. It isa union of the skilled wood- 
workers. It was found in the town of Falaria, and ap- 
pears to be very old. Τὸ 15 not unusual for the inscrip- 
tions engraved in the time of the emperors, to state an ap- 
proximate of their date by noting the names of the con- 
suls, or of the monarch who then occupied the throne. 
Unfortunately for the more ancient ones this is not so 
strictly done; probably owing more to the fact that, as 
the law at earlier dates fully protected them, they were 
not forced to inscribe the dates by little points or con- 
structions such as characterized the laws after the restrict- 
ive acts were promulgated, 

No less than eighteen of the genuine carpenters and 
joiners’ unions are found in the work of Orelli.” As these 
working people used their unions as means whereby to 
parry off the many dangers that beset them on every 
hand, such as slavery, starvation, slurs of contempt and 
in later times conscription, we cannot too well understand 
how keenly alive they must have been to their welfare. 


16 Fabreiti, C. ΤΥ, 529, of Inscrtptiones Antique Explicatio, 

11 Muratorius, Thesaurus Veterum Incriptionum, 521. 

18 Gruter, Inscriptiones Antique Totius Orbis Romanorum, 169. 6. 

19 Orell., No, 4,056, Muratori, Thesaur. Vet. Inser. 523, We give it with the 
abbreviations; “Ὁ. M. T. Sillio T. Lib. Prisco mag, colleg. abr. et q mag. et 
q. sodal follonum Clavidiw lib. uxori ejus matri sodali. C, Tullon, T. Sillius 
Karus et Ti. Claudius Phillippus mag. e: Q. Coileg. fabr. filii parentib. piissimis.” 

2) Scnolie Artifieum et Opificum, δ ΟἹ. Il. pp. 227-240, aud Artes et Opjyicia, 
idem, pp). 247.266, of Orelli’s great work on the Latin Inscriptions. 


GOVERNMENT EMPLOY. 866 


On the other hand, the power of organization which kept 
them in a position to supply the orders given them by the 
state, was ever a great encouragement, 

Among the many interesting monuments or schools of 
ancient trade unionism, where mutual love and care were 
taught and the noble element of sympathy was grafted 
upon the selfish, competitive body of irascible and acquis- 
itive paganism which animated the Lycurgan rule at Sparta: 
and the purely archaic slave code everywhere, are those to 
be found in the Order of masons, stonecutters and brick- 
layers. These with the painters, glaziers, roofers and 
plumbers, were indispensable to complete the building 
trades. They too, felt the necessity of organization, es- 
pecially in the later time of Caesar and the emperors, on 
account of the awful treatment of slaves by their ferocious 
masters. There existed no law by which the slave mas- 
ters could be brought to account for savage acts of bar- 
barity toward their slaves. 

This distressing state of things was not™ relieved until 
the emperor Adrian withdrew the slaves from the domes- 
tic tribunals and transferred them to the tribunal of the 
raagistrates; in other words gave them government pro- 
tection. But this was 200 years after the war of Sparta- 
cus. The fear of being relegated back to slavery was a 
constant urgent to ancient trade unionism; and this ex- 
plains one reason at least, why they so tenaciously hugged 
their fraternities notwithstanding the conspiracy laws 
against trade and other organizations of the working peo- 
ple. It must not be forgotten that according to the law 
of B. C. 58,” all the new unions were suppressed. Conse- 
quently, we are to infer that those we find in the inscrip- 
tions are those belonging to the ancient plan of Numa and 
Solon which were spared on account of their veteran age 
and respectability.” Another thing requiring the nicest 
discrimination is the fact that it will not do to mention all 
the examples set down in the works of the archelogists. 
We only mention those where the labor organization is 
clearly defined. Many of these queer inscriptions appear 


31 See Granier, J7istoire des Classes Ouvriires, pp. 491-487. 

22 See Momumeen, De Coliegiis et Sodalictis Romanorum, cap. IV, pp. 78-78, 
De Legibus Contra Coiirgia Lalis. 
ri Suetonius, Ces.42 “ Caesar οποία collegis preter antiquitug constituta 
distraxit.’”” 


\ 


366 CATEGORIES OF TRADE FEDERATIONS 


to us to be only private signs and ha-e nothing to do with 
our theme. Slavery was everywhere prevalent and many 
of the slaves were as ingenious asthe freedmen. We are 
told by Drumann and others that it was customary for 
masters to keep their slaves at work and obtain profit from 
their labor by letting it out to enterprising foreigners who 
contracted building repairs and other work on private 
houses and grounds. But the government was the true 
employer of the unions because they, possessing of them- 
selves as it were, in a unit, all the men in organization, 
always ready, money, tools, raw material, skill and even 
the designs requisite to turning out a good job promptly, 
were dangerous competitors of slavery on large works.” 
From the time of Numa the government of Rome had al- 
ways patronized the trade unions. Thus it would appear 
that some of the inscriptions may have been private signs 
used by slave employers who carried on private work upon 
a small scale, hiring their laboring force of the rich slave 
owning patricians; and it will not do to count the arch- 
eologists’ lists of artes et opificia ; while it is almost always 
safe to enumerate their specimens of the Corpora, Sodal- 
icia or Collegia® in our list of trade unions and communes. 
Trade unionism in its highest form is the reverse of slavery. 
The true trade union of all ages takes care of its mem- 
bers who are co-owners of equal shares, on equal foot- 
ing. Slavery then, is the exact antithesis of trade union- 
ism in principle; but although it is certain that the prin- 
ciple on which slavery is based was, especially among the 
Spartans and Romans, carried out with all its repugnant 
and appalling brutalities,* yet it is, as a recognized sys- 
tem in the religio-social economy of the world, incom- 
putably the oldest of the two. Trade unionism was a 
deadly rival to the slave system all through the antiqui 

of the Indo-European stock; and since slavery was a gr 

of the ancient religion—the natural child of its law of 


24 Granier, Hist. des Classes Ouvritres, Ὁ. 808, speaking of the insignificance 
of individuals when compared with the immense force of organized trades, says: 
*«Tci les nombreux ouvriéres de Caton (slaves), les 500 ouvriers (slaves) de Cras- 
sus π᾿ auraient purien faire; il fallait des corporations, (trade unions) des col- 
égesl de travailleurs.” 

2% Cf. Orell. lib. II. pp. 227-246, Collegia Corpora et Sodalicta. Schole Arttficum 
et Opificum. See also lib. ΠῚ. Sup Henzen Indez to Collegia, init. 

26 Granier, Hist des Classes Ouvrizres, chap. III and IV,, also Plut. Lycurgus 
and Numa sompared. 


ORGANIZATION A FOE TO SLAVERY. 367 


primogeniture and the fostered fruit of entailment in the 
social, political arid economic development of those semi- 
barbarous families, phratries, curies and tribes which came 
to be nations and empires, it must not be wondered at 
that this hideous fledgling, before giving up the ghost, 
made a terrific struggle to regain what it had lost through 
the mild but determined enterprise of its great competitor 
trade unionism. 

It was this that constituted the mighty struggle of the 
revolution in the social economy of the lowly and it so re- 
mains to this day; although in this comparatively gorgeous 
and brilliant hour the spirit of human slavery, resting 
upon absolute, merchantable ownership of man by man, 
seems to have forever fled. Nothing now remains of 
slavery but its skeleton—individual competism—hanging 
betwixt peace and war over the vortex of revolution and 
swinging to and fro at every fresh attack from the same 
trade unionism which, although of prehistoric longevity 
grows more youthful, enterprising and belligerent with 
every invention and discovery and every stride of litera- 
ture, of science and of Christianity. 

The unions of the masons at Rome do not appear so 
numerous as those of the framers among the building 
trades. Still we find tablets whose inscriptions show their 
existence.” We have already mentioned the fact that 
among the true workmen’s organizations the slabs which 
appear to have been inscribed independently by themselves 
and without the correctional inspection of masters, often 
puzzle the experts on account of the sometimes ludicrously 
bad spelling and misplacement of words. Sometimes also 
there appear words belonging to the peculiar slang or 
patois monenclature, their trade’s vernacular. But while 
this is somewhat troublesome to archeologists it is ex- 
ceedingly interesting to students of ethnology and soci- 
ology; since it shows otherwise unrecorded proof that the 
freedmen, only one step above the slaves, were utterly 
neglected in all matters of education. The presumption 
must be that the reason they executed their inscriptions 
so well is that they had, in their mutual federation a trade 


71 Urell. Artes et Opificia, Vol. II, p. 258 of Inscr. Lat. Select Collectio, Ne. 
4,239. Itisa broken fragment. ‘‘Quadratariorum opus Augurius Catullinug 
Ursar.” Wercad: ‘‘ Quadratariorum Corpus,” He thus ranks it 88 a union, 


368 CATEGORIES OF TRADE FEDERATIONS. 


union of carvers and gravers celatores whose business was 
to work in letters. It was consequently a part of their 
trade to study sufficiently the Roman and Greek literature 
to do their work well. Gruter mentions several of them.” 
Orelli tells us of the sculptor, siqnarius artifex, who worked 
in signs.” Any of these could make their signs or their 
monuments and tombstones by being called upon at any 
time; but we are reminded that then as now, economy was 
everything and that consequently they themselves might 
often have depended upon their own inexperienced self- 
confidence and thus have committed these literary faults 
which as amateurs they were too unlettered to rectify. 

The quadratarii were the true stone cutters’ unions and 
the probable reason why they are not numerous is that 
most of the work of the stone cutters was done by the 
marmorarti, marble cutters or marble masons. Of these 
we find inscriptions of genuine trade unions in consider- 
ablenumbers. Now this paucity of hard stone-cutters and 
abundance of marble cutters is easily accounted for. The 
Geological formation of the Italian, Hellenic and Spanish 
peninsulas is largely of carbonates of lime. A great share 
of the Appenine range is composed of fine white marble. 
Many of the springs and even mountain rivers of Italy, 
Greece and the Archipelago deposit pure marble. Paros 
in the Aigian Sea was long ἃ rival in pure white marbles 
of Pentelicus; and Mount Marpessa the seat of its quar- 
rics, may be considered an isolated spur of the Illyrian 
Alps, ift. Olympusandthe Cambunianrange. All through 
these regions exist the characteristic marbles used in an- 
tiquity before the superior powers of duration of sand- 
stone and granites were known. The splendid marble 
quarries of Luna in Etruria were near at hand and others 
as celebrated in history were always available to the mar- 
ble cutters’ unions who made the wonderful temples of 
Ceres at Eleusis, of the Parthenon at Athens and many 
of the great public structures at Rome. It is therefore, 
very natural that the marble cutters’ unions predominated 
over the sandstone and granite-cutters in point of num- 


38 Grunt. Inser. Ant. Tot. Orb. Rom., 583,5. This, Gruter mentions as 4 sign 
of some emancipated slave— ‘libertus qui post manumissionem vel argentaril 
ve. crelatoris urtem exercuerit.” But it often happened that a trade union wae 
tmscribed under the name of its magister or director. 

49 Orell, Imscr. Lat, Select, No. 4,282. 


LIST OF THE THIRTY-FIVE TRADE UNIONS. 309 


bers; and this explanation we accept for the fewness of 
trade unions found among the inscriptions under the 
name quadratarui or stone-cutters. At Rome, even 
though perhaps many worked in stone harder than mar- 
ble, the name quadratarius was merged; because even 
the marble workers hewed and shaped large square 
blocks. We have, even as it is, enough evidence to as- 
sure us that the guadrutarii existed and that they were 
organized into unions; for this is distinctly stated in the 
law of Constantine of the year 337. These, with the 
structores and other builders, were enumerated in the list 
of 35 trade unions recognized at that time. These 35 
unions are permitted by this law to exist; although we 
have found inscriptions and other references giving evi- 
dence that at one time more than 50 trade unions existed 
in Italy, representing as many organized trades, and mem- 
bers innumerable. These willbe exhibited as we proceed 
with the subject. The law of Constantine gives the 35 
trade unions existing at one time as follows: 

1. Albarii,” plasterers; 2. Architecti, architects; 3. Auri- 
fices, goldsmiths; 4. Blatiarii, workers in mosaic; 5. Car- 
pentarzi, wagon-makers; 6. Avrarii, brass and copper- 
smiths; 7. Argeniarii, silversmiths; 8. Barbaricarii, gold 
gilders; 9. Diatritarii, pearl and filigree-workers; 10. 
Aque libratores, waterers; 11. Deaurutores, auratores or 
bracteariti, gold gilders, beaters; 12. Eburarii, ivory work- 
ers; 13. Figuli, potters; 14. Fullones, fullers; 15. Fer- 
rarit, blacksmiths; 16. Fusores, founders; 17. Intestina- 
rti, joiners; 18. Lapidarii, lapidaries; 19. Laquearii, plas- 
terers; 20. Medici, doctors; 21. Mulo medici, horse doc- 
tors, veternary surgeons; 22. Musivarti, decorators; 23. 
Marmorarii, marble-cutters; 24. Pelliones, furriers; 25. 
Pictores, painters; 26. Plumbarii, plumbers; 27. Quad- 
ratarit, stone-cutters ; 28. Speculari, looking-glass makers; 
29. Statuarii, staturies; 30. Scasores or Pavimentarii, pav- 
ers; 31. Sculptores, sculptors; 32. Structores, masons; 33. 
Tessellarii, pavers in mosaic; 34. Tignarti, carpenters; 35. 
Vitriarii, glaziers.” 

Here we have the building trades represented in Con- 

80 Codex Justiniani, 10, 64. 1. 


31 Mentioned once in Orell Znscr, 4.277; whereas the more correctly IJ atiu 
term is given by him as an organized union Jdem 4,112, 


870 CATEGORIES OF ‘TRADE UNIONS. 


stantine’s more human law for the post-Christian organi: 
zation. It is well here to state that Constantine ® became 
a Christian, being the first who threw off the yoke of pag- 
anism. He evidently did not understand its true ideas 
and was far from being a Christian at heart; but he was 
a politician, and Christian enough to be unbiased by the 
old Pagan belief in the divine aristocracy of the gens fam- 
ily, in which ratiocination Cicero had believingly fought 
the unions of working people on the ground of their un- 
fitness to aspire to freedom and manhood. This stereo- 
typed logic of the Pagan faith based on the divinity of the 
slave code, had been overthrown and completely annihil- 
ated by the new doctrine of Jesus, which did not war 
against slavery but subverted it by a new idea of equality 
—a plan which, at the time of Constantine, was already 
300 years old. 

Of the artizans in the building trades we find sufficient 
mention in history; but very little reference to their or- 
ganization into trade unions. Plutarch™ and others state 
most clearly that the builders were all ranked into a class 
by themselves under the wise distribution of King Numa 
and he applies for them the Greek term technitai. So m 
Latin, artifices. They held this organization uninterrupt- 
edly for 600 years at Rome and under the much praised 
laws of Solon, nearly as many years in Attica and other 
parts of Greece. In the year 58 before Christ the con- 
spiracy laws struck them a hard blow, which like an earth- 
quake severely shook them as far as the Greek provinces, 
their primitive cradle; but they became more secret and 
political, rallied and outlived their persecutors. 

Among the other builders’ unions were the architects. 
These interlinked with the masons, carpenters, joiners and 
others whenever a building was ordered by the govern- 
ment, and contracted to do the work at prices agreed 
upon. The intestinarii,’ or as we call them, the joiners, 
or inside finishers of buildings, had also their trade or- 


@ See De Excusationibus Artificum, in Codex Theodosti, lib. 18, tit, 4, lex. 2 

83 Plutarch Lifeof Numa. Numa and Lycurgus Compared. 

34 Muratori, Thesaurus Veterum Inscriplionum. 937, 7 mentions a fine incrip 
tion found at Capua which is interesting, as it shows the plausibility of onr con- 
pectare: in the sketch of ~partacus, as to the causes of tle immense multitude of 

reedmen who joined his army ‘Fabri intestinarii secundum B:de#um, ex 
ligno opera confeciebant minutioris artificii, quibus tantiim locus est intra edes.” 
Sexy ur. 929, 6 


UNIONS USED AS PEACH-MAKERS. 371 


ganizations and appear to have been in the federation in 
undertaking contracts to erect and {finish temples or other 
public edifices. 

An organization of plasterers is also recognized in the 
law of Justianian and exempted from persecution, by the 
code of Theodosius. These unions are not mentioned in 
Plutarch’s list of Numa’s trades because the latter consol- 
idated the building trades into one general fraternity with 
an object, as Plutarch explicitly recounts, of conciliating 
the jealousies of nationality well-known to have been a 
cause of contention and turmoil between the Albans and 
Sabines. By “ breaking them up into powder,” to use his 
own words, Numa teught them to mix and the contact of 
the particles produced a perfectly conciliatory effect. In 
other words, throw off the question of boundary lines 
which disturb workingmen and they instantly see that 
“an injury to one is the concern of all.” 


THE. STONE CHEST CONTAINED THE URNS. 
IT waS LOWERED INTO THE SEPULCHRE, 


" i 
ae 


am Σὰ ue 


BURIAL FIXTURE OF STONE- CUTTERS’ UNION; 
B.C. 100, ον paye 368, 


CHAPTER XV. 


MAE ARMY <UPPEIBS: 
ORGANIZED ARMOR-MAKERS OF ANTIQUITY. 


Trape Unions Turnep to the Manufacture of Arms and Muni- 
tions of War—How it came about—The Iron and Metal 
Workers—Artists in the Alloys—How Belligerent Rome 
was Furnished with Weapons, Shoes and Other Necassa- 
ries for Her Warriors—The Shieldmakers, Arrowsmiths, 
Daggermakers, War-Gun and Slingmakers, Battering-Ram- 
makers etc.—Bootmakers who Cobbled for the Roman Troops 
—Wine Men, Bakers aud Sutlers—All Organized—Unions 
of Oil Grinders; of Pork Butchers; even of Cattle Fodderers 
—The Haymakers—Organized Fishermen—Ancient Labor 
brought charmingly near by Inscriptions. 


Or the nine regular trade unions authorized by Numa 
Pompilius, one was that of the metal workers. They were 
all incorporated into a community, as workers of hard 
metals, before iron came to be much in use.’ Writers 
who lived in ancient times often treat the subject of use- 
ful metals in the light that iron and steel did not come 
into use until after the foundation of Rome, or 758 years 
anterior to the Christian era. At that early time how- 
ever, the grarit or metal workers melted copper with the 
ores of zink and knew how to sprinkle the zink with pow- 
dered charcoal during the process of its fusion with cop- 
per to prevent it from escaping in fumes of the oxide. It 
may also be stated that little improvement has ever been 
made in the manufacture of brass; and even the ancient 
process of using zink ore instead of the refined article did 
not come into use until A. 1). 1781. It would not be sur- 


2 Lucretius, speaking of brass, says: “ Et prior erat eris quam ferricognitue 
usus.”’ 


TRADE UNIONS BUILT SOLOMON’S TEMPLE. 373 


prising if further investigations should lead to the dis- 
covery that it was the enterprise of trade unions which led 
to this and other inventions and discoverics in the arts; 
for the purely slave system did little or nothing for art 
or science and the earliest forms of industry outside of 
slavery seems to have been those of workmen combined 
for mutual aid. Flavius Josephus in his history of the 
Jews makes elaborate mention of Solomon’s temple, as hav- 
ing been built in a large degree by the trade unions un- 
der Hiram a man of extraordinary skill in the building 
crafts. Not willing to accept our own interpretation of 
Josephus, we refer the reader to the remarks of Granier 
upon this subject;? as he seems to have settled it that 
they were organized trades. 

Little doubt can be entertained that iron, at the time of 
Numa, was also in use at Rome.* Yet there is no men- 
tion made in proof that Numa organized the ferrari or 
iron workers of whom Orelli furnishes two inscriptions,‘ 
one of which represents a genuine trade union, which 
proves beyond any counter evidence that the iron work- 
ers were organized. But abundant evidence exists in the 
later laws restricting organization, and these clubs stand 
among the excused, in the list of 35 unions of the code of 
Theodosius. If any further doubt can possibly remain as 
to the use of iron by blacksmiths, forgers and finishers at 
the time of Numa, we have only to refer the critic to 
Homer, and the celebrated historic inscription called the 
Arundelian slab, also to the bible.* 


ἃ Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, book VII, chap. fi, noticed by Granier. 
Histore des Classes Ouvritres, Ὁ. 289, note: ‘Ce que Flavins Joseph raconte es 
travaux qui furent, 4 plosieus renee, exécutés ἃ Jérusalem, soit pour batir le 
«mple, soit pour le relever og le réparer, ne permet pas de douter que les ouy- 
riers, tant juifs que sidoniens, qu’on y employa, ne fussent organisés en corpo “ 
ations, D’ailleurs toute espéce de doute est levé par le passage suivant, ou il est 
clairement parlé de la hiérarchie quirégnait parmi ces ouvriers, et des trois mille 
deux celts MAITRES qu’avaient les quatre-vingt mille magons occupés aux mu- 
railles du temple: Ησαν δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν παροίκων ovs Δανΐδης καταλελοίτ αι, .. -. « τῶν 
δὲ λατομούντων ὀκτάκις μύριοι" τοὐύτῶν δ᾽ ἐπιςάται τριχίλιοι καὶ TpLaKUTLOL.” 

3 Pliny, Nat. Hist., XXXIV, 39 says: “ Proxime indicari debent metalla ferri, 
optimo pessimoque vite instrumento.” 

4 Orell., Inseriptionum Latinarum Selectarum, Nos. 4,066 and 1,239. The 
first of these is 8 union of sling makers who constirucied out of iron the formid- 
able balistes which threw with deadly effect stones and other missiles into the 
ranks of an enemy, it reads as follows: ‘‘ Volcano sacr. T. Flavius Florus 
Sacerdos Dei Solis Statua Marmoris Collegii balistariorum et Collegii ferrario- 
rum.” It was found at Rome and catalogued by Donati, IT, p. 225,§. We ΠῚ) 
out the abbreviated words. 

δ Homer, /liad. XXIII, 261, ‘ δὲ yuvaias evgavous, πολιόν τ᾽ σίδηρον" Sum 
coun Studies of the Arundelian Inscription ; Bible, Genesis, chap. 1V Job, chap, 

717 


374 ROME’S ARMY SUPPLIES. 


The silver and gold workers did not confederate with 
these metal workers. We reserve mention of them for a 
place farther on. Orelli, among his inscriptions gives 
sufficient specimens carved upon marble and other slabs, 
some of which have stood the grim erosions of the ages of 
time that have seen all things else crumble into dust since 
‘hey were fresh from the chisel of the cxlatores.® . 

After the death of Numa the doors of the temple of 
Janus were again flung open, which meant that Rome was 
again ready for war. This king had closed them as was 
customary in time of peace. He desired peace with the 
world in order that the nation might develop uponits own 
resources, and by its own labor. The 43 years of his 
peaceful reign gave the artisans time to organize, forget 
their petty disagreements and settle down upon a basis of 
fraternity and thrift. And they not only developed their 
skill but organized it so that after the king’s death, when 
war again broke out, the nation found these metal workers 
ready to turn their skilled labor to manufacturing swords, 
shields and all the arms and munitions of the contests 
which followed. 

Thus labor at Rome did not suffer by war, because the 
Roman arms were successful through along period of 
400 years. During this time the Romans conquered the 
world with arms manufactured to some extent and we are 
iclined to think, to a very great extent, by the iron and 
metal workers organized by Numa. They loved their trade 
unions and remained organized, working in fraternal bond, 
‘in common enjoyment of the fruits of their united labor 
‘in spite of several attempts on the part of the senate to 
put them down. The system, as we have already shown, 
was to manufacture arms and other munitions of war 
directly for the government out of raw material which be- 
longed to and was produced from, the mines of the gov- 
‘rnment. 

We have seen that the land belonged to the Roman 
atate; that it was farmed by the proletaries on shares and 
that these shares were collected mostly “ in kind,” by an 
organization of unions. ‘hese customs-collectors distri- 
buted the products of the land each year among the citi- 


6 Orell. in his Latin Inscriptions, numbers the c@latores as follows: Nos. 
4133, 4.060. 4,066, 4,140, 4,061, 1,239. 361 and 946. Each of these numbers 
chronicles a genuine trade union. 


IRON AND METAL WORKERS. 876 


zen class who virtually possessed and comprised the govern- 
ment. So also with regard to the mines which produced 
raw material for the iron and other metal workers to con- 
vert into lances, darts, swords and all sorts of armor for 
the Roman army. With the land, the mines also belonged 
to the government. There consequently had to be a trade 
union of miners whom the Romans called ferrariarii,' if 
miners of iron, and x fodinarii, if miners of copper. 

These miners of Copper and iron were naturally feder- 
ated together. Neither the union of forgers and smiths 
nor of the copper and brass or bronze workers could buy 
and exploit their own mining works in order to supply the 
workmen and fulfill their contracts with the government, 
because they did not ownthe mines. Nor could the work- 
men at the mines accomplish such an end. The govern- 
ment possessed the mines and in many cases let them to 
contractors. It remained, therefore, for the workmen 
whose managers were often the contractors, to preserve 
a close federation of their trades, no matter how distant 
they were located apart. Weare told " that atthe winter 
quarters of the rebel army of Spartacus at Thuria, he es- 
tablished an armory of large proportions. It was near 
the mountains and probably near mines of iron and cop- 
per; and as his army was composed of workingmen, many 
of whom were skilful artisans they co-operated as by com- 
mon consent, and practically used their federation at both 
tbe mines and the forge. The iron and metal workers, 
who were thus confederated or “distributed” by Numa 
into unions for the purpose of harmony in the arts of 
peace, were, after his death, thus kept in the same bond 
of union many hundred years, helping Rome to practice 
her arts of war. The plan of Government employment 
directly, without middlemen was a happy one and the long 
vista of time from the trade union laws of Numa to the 
conspiracy laws of Cicero and Cesar was the true golden 
age of Rome. 

Immediately after the death of Numa Pompillius, that 
wisest of monarchs, perhaps, of whom the world’s history 
makes mention, the doors of the celebrated temple of 
Janus were thrown open and Mars, the bellicose myth 

τ Muratori Thesaurus Velerum Inseriptionum, 972, 10, also idem, 963, 2. 


5 Plutarch, Crassus, VIII, XIJ. See also Florus, II]. 20, 6, speaking of impro- 
vising weapons. ‘‘ EK ferro egastulorum recocto giadios ac tela facerunt.” 


876 ROME’S ARMY SUPPLIES. 


war-god rushed out with trumpets, javelins and the clangor 
of contention. We are going to recount one seemingly 
phenomenal instance in human history where labor and 
war existed harmoniously and thrived together. The king 
in instructing his people in the arts of peace had actually 
laid the foundation for the most gigantic successes ever 
before known in the arts of war! He had taught the 
state to employ the labor of trade unions direct. He had 
taught how to do this without the complications, individual 
emulations, avaricious ambitions and failures which, in 
wars often break up great schemes through the jealousy 
and incompetence of individual rule. He had simplified 
the labor of production, distribution, consumption by 
himself employing all the artisans of his realm and direct- 
ing them to husband the resources of the state which was 
then the owner of the lands, mines and the waters. The 
workers being themselves exempt from serving in war by 
reason of their supposed ignoble origin and rank, had no 
fear of the tedious campaign nor dread of the carnage of 
battle. They knew how to make the steel that was to 
pierce the bodies of those they loved not, and whom when 
they were enslaved, their ancestors had hated as mortal 
foes. They were happy. Rome was turned into a vast 
armory. The members of the well organized unions were 
the first to receive employment from the government 
which was not theirs and for 500 years were the last to be 
maltreated or discharged. 

Had it been possible for king Numa to live and reign 
with his peace measures during those 500 years we know 
not what would have been the consequence but it would 
have probably resulted in a far different destiny for the 
human race. His scheme was to cultivate the elements 
of peace and he was wise enough to understand that la- 
bor was a respectable factor. Under him it was indeed 
becoming a cult; and could he have lived long enough to 
engraft his peace system, with all its civilizing and sooth- 
ing effects, until the people far and near had endorsed it 
as a second nature, the irascible and grasping as well as 
the concupiscent ingredients of our nature which domi- 
nate warlike tribes must have absorbed enough of the 
great refining gem of sympathy, to have started the Indo- 
Europeansin quite a different direction from the murder- 


TRADE UNIONS MADE THE WEAPONS, 877 


ous warpath of conquest which they actually took, leading 
to ignorance and brutality. It might have been better for 
the trade unions to contine manufacturing the implements 
of peace as Numa ordered. But so long as the Roman 
arms prevailed, Roman trade organizations under the war 
system were safe; and the workmen doubtless cared little 
for the refinements of peace, although the neutral posi- 
tion they assumed as workingmen and their educational 
discussions among themselves certainly developed more of 
sympathy and far less of cupidity and irascibility than 
was possessed by the optimates who managed and fought 
out the brutal orgies of warfare. 

From the foregoing we know that no great amount of 
work was done by the iron and metal workers in the line 
of armor manufacture during the lifetime of Numa. Af- 
ter his death, when the warring spirit of the patrician 
class was aroused to anticipations of the ancient scenes of 
valor and blood, it was found that Rome was without arms 
and munitions of war. The helmets and shields, the sa- 
bres and javelins had been forged into mattocks, spades 
and cutlery of domestic use. It was necessary to make a 
new beginning. That the ferrari or iron workers pos- 
sessed a federation with the sword cutlers is certain, al- 
though the exact date of that co-operation is difficult to 
ascertain, It must have been old, however. A number 
of inscriptions bearing evidence of this are recorded by 
Orelli;* and we have distinct mention in the digest “— 
showing that these unions or fraternities of workmen were 
fixed by law. The trade unions had then in their federa- 
tion the gladiaru or sword cutlers, the sagitarii or arrow- 
smiths, the scutarii or elliptical shield makers who, how- 
ever, made this armor of wood and sometimes covered it 
with thick rawhide, sometimes with plate metal; and the 
clipeartt or round shield makers who made them of copper 
or bronze; the telarit or manufacturers of darts and jave- 
lins; the scalperii, knife makers, and the Aastarit or spear 
makers. There was another trade union, the collegium 
ballistariorum," mentioned also in the digest,” the special 


9 Orell., Inscr. Lat. Select. Coll. Nos. 4,197, 4,247, Artes εἰ Opificia, 

δ Tarrant 50, 6, 6, dig. ‘‘gladiarii, sagittarii, carpentarii, aqufices, scandu- 
ii, etc.”” 

11 Orell., idem, No. 4,066, Donati, 2, p. 225. 

12 Tarrunt, dig. 50, 6,6. This was a genmine trade union which had a con 


378 ROME’S ARMY SUPPLIES. 


business of whose numbers was to manufacture the cele- 
brated dallista, a kind of mitrailleuse, or stone thrower, 
which with great force and deadly effect flung large peb- 
bles or small stones and other projectiles into the ranks 
of an enemy. Mnch engineering skill was required to 
operate this engine of war. Doubtless the unions were 
obliged to send their own mechanics to adjust and manip- 
ulate these huge engines. But it is more probable 1° that 
they were federated with the great trade union now 
known by numerous very interesting and unmistakable 
inscriptions as the collegiwm mensorum machinariorum™ 
or trade union of machine adjusters and setters, whose 
business was to oversee the work of transporting any 
finished machinery to the place of its destination and 
supervise or perform the work of setting it in operation. 
The body or union” which is referred to in the inscrip- 
tion given in the foot-note below evidently combined the 
two functions of trade union and burial society. Furius 
‘and Lollius were officers, being both members of the 
society of machinists; and were buried at the expense 
of the funeral branch and out of the funeral fund. The 
amount of 25 denarii was mentioned for the funeral 
expenses. Roses costing 5 more were to be put upon 
the coffin. For the funeral expenses of their aged par- 
ents one-half this amount wag to be appropriated. In 
case these requirements were not conformed to, there 
would be a forfeiture on the part of the trade union of 
double this sum annually, which forfeiture should be 
covered into the treasury of the funeral branch. 


siderable membership, as the construction of these huge engines required much 
labor and skill. 

13 Mommeen constantly bemoans the silence of historians on these extremely 
{interesting subjects | We render for our readers souie of his own lamentations: 
“¢Tne deep silence of the stones containing the inscribed constitutions and re- 
strictions, prevents us from determining which (meaning the trade unions were 
under the law and which adverse to the privileges granted by the senate).” De 
Coll et Sodal. Romanorum, p. 80.) 

14 Gruterius. Inscriptiones Antique Totius Orbis Romanorum, 91,1. Murator- 
fus, Thesaurus Veterum Inscriptionum, 528, 3. Orellius Inscriptionum Latinarum 
Collectio, No. 4,107. The inscription reads: “Ὁ. M. C, Turius, C. T. Lollius 
qaltguit ex corpore mensorum machinariorum funeraticii nomine sequetur, re- 
liqum pepes Rempublicam super scriptam remanere volo ex cujus usuris peto ἃ 
vobis college uti suscipere dignemini VI diebus solemnibus sacrificium mihi 
faciatis. Id est [111 id. mart. die natalis mei usque ad XXV (denarios), Paren- 
talis XII semis. Flosrosa V. Si factanon fuerint, tunc, fisco stacionis annonsw 
duplum funeraticinm dare debebetis.” 

15 See Orell., Inscr Lat. Coll., Vol 111, p.170. Varia collegiorum nomina. 

16-4 Roman denarius of the period of Cicero was worth 16% cents. Bockh. 


ANCIENT BATTERING RAMS, 879 


This strange, progressive co-operation of the lowly, 
intustrious, ingenious but despised moiety of the anci- 
ent people may justly be regarded as a lost lesson. Un- 
tii now it has restedin profoundest darkness. So utterly 
ignored was labor by the ancient historians” that even 
the nominal terminations affixed to nouns and particles 
in the Latin tongue, giving the technical forms that were 
in commonest use for artizans of every kind, do not ap- 
pear, if we except a very few in Pliny and one or two 
other writers on art. On account of this extraordinary 
neglect our lexicographers are obliged to have constant 
recourse to modern archxologists in whose works ap- 
pear inscriptions verbatim, from the time-crumbled 
stones! From no other source can they with classic 
authority complete the vocabularies of the language! 
But this authority is justly considered good. These 
stones tell tales which the prevaricating, mellifluous sy- 
cophants at the court of the Cesars dared not smirch 
their parchment with. 

The arietaru or battering ram makers do not appear 
as belonging toa union by themselves. If this was ever 
the case we have not been able to discover any inscrip- 
tion bearing record of the fact. But they existed. Livy 
repeatedly speaks of the aries or battering ram; and it is 
known to have been at first a simple device, consisting of 
a huge beam sometimes 150 feet long which a large force 
of men held on their shoulders and by repeated back- 
ward and forward runs, the bronze-plated ram or head, 
striking against the wall of an enemy’s town, broke or 
rammed down the masonry so that the soldiers rushed 
through the breaches and sacked the place. It is quite 
probable that these ram makers were merged into the 
membership of the catapu/tarii or balistarii** who manu- 
factured these huge machines, in connection with the 
catapults or stone slings. However this may have been, 
it was certainly due to the ingenuity and industry of the 
machinists that the battering ram developed from this 
simple form until, in its state of perfection, it was hung 
by chains to the boom of a tripod fastened by guys; and 


1TDgimmann, Arb. u. Comn., Ὁ. 165. ‘‘Befriedigende Nachrichten sucht 
man vervabens.” 
8 Orel. No. 4,066, Balistariorum Collegium 


330 ROME’S ARMY SUPPLIES 


thus swayed forward and backward by human or mule 
power so as to beat down the strongest walls. 

‘Then among others of the armor makers were the jac- 
wlatorii or slingers. Darts, jacula, were in common use 
with the ancients. They were easily broken, were of 
short duration and consequently had to be manufactured 
in large quantities; and we are told they were manufac- 
tured along with other armaments in Rome and other 
industrial centers, by the unions who found in the gov- 
ernment a reliable employer that paid well for the work.’® 

The Collegium Caligariorum (soldiers’ boot makers or 
cobblers), was a trade union of shoemakers who manu- 
factured and supplied shoes for the army.* During the 
warlike ages which intervened between the reign of 
Numa Pompilius and the first emperors, a large army 
was almost constantly employed by the Roman govern- 
ment. ‘These had to be supplied with food, clothing, 
barracks, tents and impedimenta and all the parapherna- 
lia of war. In those times, to be a soldier was a grace; 
to be a cobbler a disgrace; and as the membership of 
the col/egia was always composed of freedmen or emanci- 
pated slaves, with their children and their children’s 
children who constituted the great proletariat of Rome, 
the labor which their poor fathers performed as slaves, 
came down with them in disgrace. This isthe real origin 
of the taint of labor—the social degradation of the poor 
who performed it. It is the blackened obloquy, flinging 
its attendant odium and fastening its stain alike on him 
who performs and on his performance. These corvine 
haters of those who fed them, painted social rank festooned 
in contume'y which fastened upon and clung tight to the 
heart and soul of both rich and poor, cowing the work- 
men into the unmanly belief that both labor and the la- 
borer were as mean as they were believed to be. Thus 
contempt for labor had descended from generation to 
generation with ‘an ignoble belief in the lowliness of so- 


19 Granier, Histoire des Classes Ouvritres, chap. xii, pp. 302-304. “Dans son 
edte, le gouvernement avait besoin dé trouver toujours un nombre et une vari- 
6té d’ouvriers suffisants pour exécuter ses ouvroges; et quels ouvrages que ceux 

uw’ a fait exécuter le gouvernement Romain! Que de temples et quels temples! 
Que d’ aquedues et quels aquéducs! Que de ponts et quels ponts!” 

20 Gruter, Inscr. Ant. Rom., 649,1. See also Drumaun, Arbeiter und Commu. 
wiaten in Rom, who, quoting Ciciro, Pro Flacc. 7, says: ‘‘Eben so die Schuster 
sutores, welche Cicero mit den Giirtlern, zonarits, als .verichtliche Volksklasse 
nennt, bildeten eine besondere Zunft nach Numas Einrichtung.” 


STATE EMPLOY OF TRADE UNIONS. 38] 


cial grade. But the work of the soldier was honorable. 
At first, only the patrician and his sons, the grandees of 
the realm, could enjoy the honor of a soldier’s life. But 
times had changed. The slave who became a freedman 
had organized himself into the union of resistance against 
oppression and we find him now a member of the soldier's 
shoemaking union, by far the happier man of the two, pur- 
veying boots and shoes to the comparatively useless ranks 
of the Roman army whose irade, like that of the brigands, 
was to rob and destroy, not to produce. Especially must 
this great truth have gladdened him, since by reason of 
his organization which at that time there was no law to 
forbid, he realized easier times. ‘lhere were then no or- 
ganized, competing industries, monopolizing his busi- 
ness. In the certitude of employment and its remuner- 
ation, though there was littie hope of affluance, he was 
content." This was certainly the Golden era. The in- 
scriptions bear witness that the society became the in- 
strument of much social pleasure and probably instruc- 
tion. Indeed, this could not have been otherwise as all 
the testimony of experience in the scale of social pleas- 
ures and means of advancement were similar to those of 
exactly similar unions of our own times. Working peo- 
ple were not honored by any of the noble or heroic pro- 
fessions; such as the pursuits of war, which were not 
considered ignoble, or of writing the history of war.” 


21 The whole truth is, government patronized, employed and protected the 
trade unions for more than 500 years. Granier in correctly denying that either 
the very rich or the indignant individuals upheld the unions, says: “ Restait 
enfin le gouvernment. C’ était li le vrai client des jurandes, et les travaux en- 
trepris par lui formait le seul atelier permanent Οἱ les ouvriers pussent gagner, 
chaque jour leur salaire.” Granier, Histore des Classes Ouvriérs, p. 303. Again. 
idem, pp. 303-4, Granier says: “De son coté, le gouvernement avait besoin de 
trouver toujours un nombre et une variété d’ouvriers sufiisants pour exécuter 
ses ouvrages; et quels ouvrages que ceux qu’a fait exécuter le gouvernement 
romain! Que de temples et quels temples! Que d’aqueducs, et quels aque- 
ducs! Que de ponts, et quels ponts! Ici les nombreaux ouvriers de Caton, les 
cing cents ouvriers de Crassus n’auraient pu rien faire; il fallait des corpora- 
tions, des colléges de travailleurs; et c’est parce quilsse firent perpétuellement 
leurs patrons et leurs commanditaires, que le sénat et les empereurs s’immis- 
cérent dans leurs statuts. La loi des Douze Tables, qui ordonne ἃ toute corpor- 
ation de se conformer aux iois générales de 1 Etat, est Cone en réalité le premier 
privilége établi en faveur des classes ouvriére: déja organisées réguli¢rement a 
cette époque.” According to this, the Roman government was the employer of 
the trade unions to an enormous extent; and this explains the cause of the ter- 
rible conflicts reaching from the time of Viriathus to the suppression ot tle 
unions, B, C, 58. 

22 So proud was the gens family that even convicts, condemned tothe Roman 
prisons for life, if of noble extraction, could not be put to hard labor because it 
would tarnish, not the man, but the family or gens pbame. This could not be sul- 


382 ROME’S ARMY SUPPLIES. 


Very few pursuits involving labor were looked upon 88 
fitting a gentleman in ancient days; and any admixture 
however indifferent in these pursuits, sullied the proud 
claims to aristocracy and family prestige, 

The trade union system therefore, which assumed the 
entire care and responsiblity of all labor both in produc- 
tion and distribution, except that performed by the slaves 
who always lingered upon the gens estates, was an econ- 
omy to the ruling minority; for it relieved them from 
the real perplexities of toil, and it gratified their pride 
by absolving them from the stigma which attached to all 
manipulations of producing and distributing that, with- 
out which they must have starved. 

We propose to devote a few pages to a consideration 
of the great trade union method of victualing not only 
this non-working minority and the army but the entire 
population of Rome. In the closely allied branch of this 
great system—that of the customs collectors—we have 
already approximately shown what may be called this sys- 
tem in outline; we shall soon give the system itself. 

The use of wine was very common in those countries 
in ancient times and was an important article of food. 
There were two communes of wine dealers, one at Rome 
and one at the mouth of the Tiber. Maffeus cites an in- 
seription, which was found at Verona.* Its date is that 
of the emperors, as it has the name of Augustus, and it 
portrays a genuine union of the wine men who furnished 
Rome with that beverage. These organizations were in 
communication with the productive interior of Italy and 
may have had wagons end boats, either of their own, or 
engaged and paid by them to bring the wine to their 
storehouses; if wagons, direct to the city; and if ships 
or boats, to the port of Ostia where it was stored and 
cured, often smoked as we siall describe, and at the pro- 
per time distributed to consumers. Not only the wine 
produced from the government lands and accruing to the 
citizens in form of rent payable in kind as noticed in the 
remarks on the Vectigalarii or customs collectors, but 
also all the remainder that the farmers did not need for 


lied, even by crime until a later period. See Bombardini, De Carcereet Antique 
Ejus Usu, cap. VI'I, p. 763 of Tiesaurus Grevii et Gronovii 

23 Maffeus, Muscum Veronense, 114, 2. *‘ Quinquennalis corporum vinariorum 
urbanorum et O-tensium. 


UNIONS OF WINE ΘΜΟΚΕ ΚΑ. 353 


their own use was sent to market; and of course, in the 
absence of competing lines of transportation such as now 
exist, the wine was sent to Rome by the same watermen 
who took the rent. The most of it, however, went overland 
by wagons and we have reason to believ., in a crude state; 
for there existed at Rome more than one anion of fuma- 
tores, or wipe curers who matured their wines with smoke. 
This was done by an apparatus in shape of a hoyshead con- 
taining wine, through which smoke was forced by means 
of force pipes. At Tarentum, was found an inscription 
which plainly mentions the collegiem fumatorum. It was 
sketched by Minter, and incorporated as a regular trade 
union into the great collection of Orelli.* The wines of the 
ancients were rich and excellent. The task of the unions 
was to finish the taste and color so that they constituted tha 
richest and healthiest beverage to be found. To this day 
the wines of Italy are counted among the most delicious ; 
but it is questionable whether they are as well cured as in 
ancient times or whether they are as plenty. 

There was ἃ union of cultivators and dealers in table or 
olive oils, collegium oleariorum,* whose business in 
was to grind and prepare the oils from the fruit of the oliva 
tree which grows luxuriantly in southern Europe. The 
great entrepot of Rome,” was Ostia, at the mouth of the 
riverTiber 18 miles from Rome. The quantity of work 
carried on by the waterman between Ostia and Rome must 
have been enormons considering the slow, toilsome method 

34 Orell., Analecta Nonnulla, No. 5,044; “Ὁ. M. Fecit, Collegiam Fumatorum 


bene merente.” It was found at Tarentum. Orelli adds: “’ Novam mihi seciiit 
Collegium Fumatorum.” 

»» Fabretti, Inscriptionum Arttquarum Ezplicatss, 781-760 , citing the incription, 
originally found at Ostia, but now in Florence, 

26 Orell , Inscr. Lat. Coll., vol. II, 238, remarks: “In magno Collegiorum et 
artium numero, notandum in primis, decurias, non corpora vel Collegia constt- 
tuisse Ostiz.’’ In proot of this see Orell. Jnser., No. 4,109, which enumerstes 18 
trade unions in one tablet, which we produce for the curiouascritic. The great 
epigraphist reminds us in a note that these are not mere corporations but trade 
unions, (see ante). The incription runs thus: “*Cneo Sentio Cn, fil ter. felield 
Dec. @dilicio adl. Decurionum decreto adlecto Quaestori Aedili ostiens il, vir. 
Q. juvenum. 

Hic primas omninm quo anno decimo adlectus est et qui a facto est et in prox- 
imum duo vires designat. Est quinque curatorum navium marinariorum 
gratis adlect. inter (sic) novicular. Maris Hadriatici, Et ad quadrigam fori vin- 
ariorum. Patrono decuriz scribar. preconum et—et argentariorom, et negotia- 
torum. vinariorum. Ab Urbe item mensorum, fruméntariorum cereris. Aug, 
item collegia scaphariorum et lenunculariorum. Traject. Luculli et dendro 
phorum et lege Rogatoram. A faro et de sacomar; et libertoram et servornum 
pubteor pen: Oleariorum et juvenum cisianorum et veteranorum. Aug. ifem 

enificiariorum. Aug, et piscatorum. propolaricrum caratori lusus juvenalis. 

Cneus Sentius Lucuilus Gamaja. Clodianus, F. Patri indulgentissemo.” 


884 ROME'S ARMY SUPPLIES. 


of propelling little boats. In those days of crude method 
and meagre facility the functions of a trade union appear 
not to have been confined to this simple business. It ap- 
pears from the inscriptions and other data that the manu- 
facturers of an article were often the distributers of it. 
Thus in the case of the wine smokers, the same union that 
bought the crude grape juice which arrived tarough the la- 
bors of the unions of coasters, lenuncularii, plying between 
the Adriatic or Mediterranean landings and tiie chief depots 
as Ostia and Pisze or Tarentum, or that which arrived on 
board the larger ships of the navicularii from greater dis- 
tances, as Spain or from Gaul via Arles, assumed also the 
duty of curing these wines and of putting them into the 
hands of consumers. This explains the phenomenon as to 
there being comparatively few middlemen or petty shop- 
keepers among the Romans although there were many even 
of these.” It also leads to an explanation of the curious 
fact that merchants were considered nearly as low and un- 
worthy the respect of the high-born class as the mechanics 
and laborers. In those early days, before the development 
of the vast commerce which belongs to the Christian era, 
business of any kind whether mechanical, mercantile or 
agricultural was held under ban and men did not espouse 
it except as a necessity. This contempt, an inculcation of 
the aristocratic religion, lived as long as that religion reigned; 
but when Christianity established itself upon its revolution- 
ary basis of exact equality of all men, the contempt fell to 
the ground; and gradually the aristocracy of wealth rose 
in the place of the ancient aristocracy of birth. But as it 
was not inherent in manual labor to produce much more 
than the individual laborer consumes, and perfectly possible 
for the mercantile system to amass—sometimes enormously 
—the mechanic and laborer continue to be poor and consid- 
ered with contempt while the speculatcrs on their products 
rise to the loftiest respectability, But all this is because 
Christianity is only in its theoretical condition, having not 
yet, on account of the stupendous magnitude of the revolu- 
tion it has undertaken, acquired and put in operation the 
mechanical instrumentalities for the practical realization of 
its scheme, 

So also the oil grinders union was in the habit of buying 


% See Orell., Nos. 4,139-4,300, Artes et Optficia, 


OIL GRINDERS’ UNIONS. 885 


crude oils or unpressed olives on board the ships and boats 
at Ostia, conveying them to their storehouses, running them 
through their presses or grinders, purifying, curing and 
boitling them in ollas, even placing them at the command 
of the triclinarch himself. To do this required a large 
number of members in the commune or union; but this fur- 
nished steady employ in which each member felt himself a 
co-operator or co-owner which not only secured him or her 
from the dangers of dismissal but must also have been a 
great comfort ; since members felt the dignity of their 
position, lowly of course, compared with the rich non-work- 
ers who locked upon labor with disdain, yet independent 
in comparison with the dispropertied and maltreated slaves. 

Bread was another commodity the supply of which became 
largely the task of the trade unions from very early times. 
The ancient method of baking differed little from that of the 
present day. The ancient bakers’ unions, then, were in 
nearly all respects, identical with the bakers’ unions in New 
York city to-day. We have abundance of testimony re- 
garding the unions of bakers. A corpus pastillariorum 
mentioned by Muratori,* was one of the post-Christian com- 
munes. The pastillarit were manufacturers of dainty loaves, 
discuits, cakes and bon-bons. 

Then there were the regular bread bakers, panfices or pts- 
tores who also, as part of their task, ground or beat grain 
into flour or meal with a pestle.” One can ata glance con- 
ceive that the amount of this work was enormous. The 
method of making bread was the same as now; for very lit- 
tle has ever been added for facilitating its rapid manufac- 
ture; but the method of grinding has been so greatly im- 
proved as to admit of scarcely a comparison. It required 
8. large force of workmen in those times to pound up and 
bake the three different kinds of bread consumed by the 
whole people rich and poor, of Rome.” But these men dur- 


28 Cf. Mur. Thesaur. Veterum Inscriptionum, 527,56. Anno post Chr. 435. 

29 Cod. Theod., lib. XIV, tit. 3. The bakers were among the unions which en- 
Joyed the jus coeundi or right of organization. See Codex Theodosit, de Excusa- 
tionibus Artijicum, lib. XIII, tit. IV, leg. 2. The organized bakers and boatmen 
were among the most numerous and powerful in Italy. 

30 We have shown in our chapters on strikes and uprisings that the slave 
portion of the proletaries were fed on pease and nuts. See Granier Histoire des 
Classes Ouvriéres, pp. 96-97. ‘‘ Désles premiers temps, avons-nous dit, les esclaves 
se trouverent séparés des hommes libres et firent race ἃ part; ils allérent nourris 
et yétas d’une fagon propre et spéciale, Les juifs leur pergaient Voreille, les 
Grecs et les Romains les marquaient au front, d’oU le nom de Stichus était resté 
commun et général parmi les esclayes. Dés le tempa d’Homére, leur régime ali- 


586 ROME'S ARMY SUPPLIES. 


ing a cycle of 700 years were organized and they enjoyed a 
trade union in all probability trom long before the time of 
Numa. Their scope was wide, their members large, their 
business steady, their work guaranteed; and they had the 
baliny satisfaction of knowing that they were safe. 
Another great and very important organization of the la- 
boring people was that of the butchers. A considerable 
branch of this business was performed by the swarit or. pork 
butchers. It is stated that the wealthy repudiated pork 
and confined their diet of meat to fish, venison and mutton. 
Bnt it must not be forgotten that there were organized 
unions of suarii or pork butchers, and we have evidence 
that they drove a heavy business. What did Rome want of 
pork butchers if her citizen population refused to use pork 
and her slave population was not allowed touse meat of any 
kind? This is a troublesome question, to be solved only 
by the student of history and archeology, from a standpoint 
of social science. By the student of social science it is 
seen, that there existed a very large class of the poor, but 
manly, better fed, self-sustaining, hard working element of 
the proletaries who were freedmen and always organized; 
and as we are assured by abundant evidence from their own 
inscriptions, always capable of living well. This is the class 
which consumed the products of the swarii. The animals 
were raised in southern parts of the peninsula, in great 
numbers and probably were of an excellent breed, Ac- 
cording to Granier they were driven or conveyed in wagons 
to Rome alive. The work of the pork butchers was not 
confined to killing and dressing them. In the etymology 
of the word “confection” we have a history of a part of 
their business. The ancient confectioner was a slaughterer 
of swine; but in addition to this work he prepared his pork 
in a great number of ways. He made sausage meats of 
several varieties, corned pork, smoked bacon and ham, ve 
much as we do now. From data which we have pieces 
there seems to be little difference between the ancient and 
mentaire était rég1é6 et ils ne mangeaient pas de pain fait de froment.” So Guhl 
and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 501-2, after describing the sumptu- 
ous dishes of the Romans of rank, conclude with the remark on the poor, that 
they ‘‘at all periods chiefly fed on porridge (puls), made of ἃ farinaceous sub- 
stance (far, ador), which s2rved them as bread, besides vegetables, such as cab- 
bage (brassica), turnips and raddishes, leek (porrum), garlic (aliium), onions (cepa) 
pulse (legumina), cucumber (cucumis), pumpkins, melons, etc.” They had no 


meat except on occasions such as the entertainments of the theasos and the 20- 
dalictum. 


HONOR PAID TO PORK AND SAUSAGE. 881 


the modern methods of preserving and using the ficsh of the 
swine. But there is one observation which cannot well be 
avoided here. 

Pork, according to the ancient religions, both of the Indo- 
Europeans and Jews, was always repudiated. It was strictly 
a proletarian aliment. The reason why it became popular 
on the table of the Christians and lost its ancient stigma is, 
that the early Christians were themselves proletaries and 
did not belong to the nobles who fed on fish, fat venison 
and mutton. Christianity in boldly proclaiming the revo- 
lution on a basis of equality of all men, was not ashamed to 
live up to its professions. By far the largest number of its 
membership were poor. The poor freedmen were glad to 
get pork to eat. The Saviour himself was one of them, 
without an atom of aristocracy in his veins and consequently 
unhampered by old religious prejudices, restrictions or 
usages. This new sect, poor and persecuted, struggling 
for the existence of its tenets and its members, began life 
at Rome in earnest, although bornin Judea. Its first mem- 
bers were the poor work people—freedmen and slaves—all 
of whom were not above a plate of ham and eggs; and to 
say the least, the new sect exhibited much sound sense in 
calmly adopting the usages of the diet and clothing of the 
commons. 

Its tenets expressed and inculcated the new idea that by 
birth one was as good as another; aud it also logically and 
by implication defended the dignity of pork and sausage as 
it did the makers of pork and sausage and every other food 
available which was found palatable and nutritious. 

We do not find mention cither in the inscriptions or else- 
where of butchers located at Ostia, the port of Rome. This, 
however, is accounted for by the supply of hogs, sheep and 
eattle being in an opposite direction from the emporium, | 
There is an abundant mention of the pecuarii, or cattle 
breeders and their greges or herds. They took the gov- 
ernment pasture lands on shares, and at the close of the 
yee paid to the tax collectors the share agreed upon. 

hat remained over this amount, which was paid in cattle, 
sheep and hogs more frequently than in money, was their 
own; and they sold it to the butchers at the market. 

When the rich gentry made their encroachment upon the 
public land and drove these pecuarti from the pastures, thus 


888 ROME’S ARMY SUPPLIES. 


usurped, as we have already shown,” the slaves were forced 
to do this work; and in many parts of Italy this ancient 
system was at an end. Very little mention is made of true 
trade unions of butchers in the inscriptions thus far discov- 
ered except those of the swari or pork butchers. Granier 
suggests that these conducted the whole butcher business of 
Rome; but this is a matter which we leave in abeyance, 
in the absence of more exact data. 

There were unions of workmen whose task was to fodder 
cattle and other animals of the stock farms, One of these a 
collegium pabulariorum is given us by Donati.” They were 
allied to the haymakers; for hay is one kind of pabulum or 
fodder. It is an inscription of a genuine labor union, and 
is curious, showing how systematic they must have been in 
getting down to nice distinctions, something like the division 
of labor of the present day. 

We have, however, an instance which comes near making 
up the missing link connecti:g the cattle breeders with the 
unions, in shape of a genuine collegium faenariorum,™ or 
union of mowers who prepared the hay for the cattle and 
sheep. The inscriptions, of which there are several, are the 
result of the labors of Gruter, one of the most learned and 
reliable archeologists, who is constantly quoted and con- 
sulted by both Mommsen ard Orelli. But the discovery of 
a union of mowers which once cx: ed at a fashionable 
watering place like the Puteoli, whe « this was found, does 
not sufficiently attest. Orelli supplie- the gap with several 
other unions of hay-makers ὃ 


81 See chapters on Spartacus, Eunus, Athenion and Artstonicus, 

82 See Histoire des Classes Ouvritres, chap. xii. 

83 Don. Cl. 9, n. 3 and 20. 

34 Gruter, Inscriptiones Antique Tot'us Orbis Romanorum, 175, 9. 

8 Orell., Inscriptionum Latinarum Co ectio, Nos. 45, 4,187 which is Gruters, 
and No, 4,194 which is Gruter’s inscription 264. 


OHAPTER XVI. 


TRADE UNIONS. 
THE GREAT TRADES VICTUALING SYSTEM. 


How Rome Was Fep—Unions of Fishermen—Discovery of ἃ 
Strange Inscription at Pompeii, Proving the Political Power 
and Organization of the Workingmen and Women’s Unions 
—Female Suffrage in Italy—The Fish Salters—Wine Smok- 
ers—Union of Spicemen—The Game-Hunters’ Organizations 
—Unions of Amphitheatre-Sweepers—Unions of Wagoners, 
Ox- Drivers, Muleteers, Cooks, Weighers, Tasters and Milkmen 
—The Cooking Utensil-Makers—Unions of Stewards—Old 
Familiar Latin Names, with Familiar English Meanings Re- 
produced—Gaius and the Twelve Tables— Numerous Notes 
with References to Archxological Collections and to Histories 
Giving Pages and many Necessary Renderings, of the Ob- 
scure Curiosities Described, 


Untons of fisherman, piscatores,’ existed in numbers at 
Rome, Ostia, Pise and other points on the sea and the 
mouths of the Italian sireams. Considering the fact that 
fish were in high regard with the wealthy people, the fish- 
ing business was extensive. An account of a union of the 
piscicapii, published in the Wiener Jahrbiicher,’ causes 
Orelli to remark that before elections for the ediles and 
duunivirs in the municipal cities, the unions furnished 


1 Orell., Schole Artifieum et Opificum, No. 4,115. The inscription of this pair 
of trade unions—the fishermen and divers—reads; “ Ti. Claudio Esquil Severo 
decuriali lictori, patrono corporis piscatorum et urinator. QQ. IIL. eiusiem 
corporis ob merita eius quod hic primus statuas duas, unam Antonini Aug. dom- 
Ini N. aliam lul Augustae dominae nostr. 5. P. P. unacum Claudio Poutiano filio 
suo eq. Rom. et hoc amplius eidem corpori donaverit HS. X. Milia N. ut ex usu- 
rig eorum quodannis natali suo xvi. kal, Febr. sportulae viritim dividautur prae- 
sertim cum navigatio scapharum diligentia eius adquisita et confirmata sit. ex 
decreto ordinis corporis piscatorum et urinatorum totius aly Tiber quibus ex 50. 
coire licet 8. P. P.—Romae. Grut. 391, 1. 

2X. p. 12-15, des Weiner Jahrbuchs, 


890 ROME'S VICTUALING SYSTEM. 


members to be voted for as candidates to the municipal 
offices; and what is more strange, women, if it happened 
that there were any thought proper for the places. The 
inscription which records this fact was found among the 
ruins of Pompeii. 

The discovery of this ancient city has been of incalcu- 
lable value to the students of sociology, in affording mod- 
ern science an opportunity to compare ancient with mod- 
ern life placed in juxtaposition. It brings to our vision 
in realistic form, such as no human being can for an in- 
stant doubt, the social and political life and habits of a 
great people concerning which the surface historiogra- 
phers have been profoundly, painfully silent! Who can 
doubt the veracity of words inscribed on a tablet of mar- 
ble, scrawled upon a wall and having been, perhaps, al- 
ready a hundred years or more in use, and at last, in the 
awful eruption of Vesuvius, at whose foot it stood, over- 
whelmed, buried and lost to view under a thick stratum of 
lava for one thousand seven hundred years; then all at 
once dug out, delivered and held up to the gaze of men 
now living, fresh as though just from the chisel of the 
artifex signorum who graved it for his brother unionist? 
Yet there it stands, its own monument for our blazing en- 
lightenment to decipher. In modern political English it 
reads like some very cranky caucus slate of a New York 
ward Tammany club, Freely translated the inscription 
reads as follows: 

(a) “Phoebus, together with his buyers, aska the 
ple to vote for Holcon, who was formerly president of the 
union and for C. G. Rufus—two men nominated by us.” 
(Meaning two of our men.) 

(Ὁ) “Licinius Roman nominates and calls for the ballots 
of constituents in favor of Julius Polybius for superinten- 
dent of public works.” 

(c) “The members of the fishermen’s union Gomme 
make choice of Popidius Rufus, for member of the 
of public works.” 

(dq) “The international gold workers association of the 
city of Pompeii demand for member of the board of pub- 
works, Cuspis Pansa.” 

(6) “Sema, with her boys, ask that you work with a will 
at the election and secure success, for the office of magis- 


WOMEN IN ANCIENT POLITICS. 391 


trate, to Julius Simple. He is a man in the fullest sense 
of the word; a faithful servant of the people of Pompeii; 
ἃ good man; worthy of assuming public affairs.” 

(f) “Verna, the home-born, with her pupilsin all right, 
and good faith, put Miss or Mrs. Capella’® to the front for 
a seat in the board of magistrates.” 

(g) “It is worthy of you that you work for P. Popid for 
member of the board of public works, with might and 
will.” 

(A) “Fortune (probably a female member) desires the 
election of Marcellus.” 

This isall very simple and homely. But it must be clear 
to every one that such talk was confined to those who 
were federated together and intimately acquainted with 
one another; not that we would arbitrarily construe the 
vernacular of a Roman municipal town, but there is a pe- 
culiarly quaint air of familiarity which savors so remark- 
ably of what is taking place in the unions of our own 
cities and towns that it seems like a mirroring of the an- 
cient upon modern brotherhoods.* 

This remarkable find goes far toward clearing up points 
which otherwise might leave doubts upon our statements. 

Orelli himself expresses surprise, especially upon the 
phases of woman’s suffrage.° Whatever may have been 
the actuating power at the bottom of general elections, it 
is certainly proved by this inscription that in the labor 
unions, women had not only accorded right but also a 
practical hand in securing the choice of their unions 
toward building up a democracy among the ancients. 


8 We read this feminine because the context shows it to be so. Duumvyir has 
no feminine termination and they could not alter the word as a political term. 

4 The Latin of the inscription is ag follows: 

(a) ““Μ. Holconium priscum, ©. Gaium Rufum Ὁ. Viros, Phoebus cum emptori- 
bus suis rogat.” (7. 6. cis suifragium fert). 

(Ὁ) “Tulium Polybium edilem, Licinius Romans rogat et tacit.” 

(ὁ) ** Popidium Rufum Adilem Piscicapi faciunt ” 

(d) Ο. Cuspium Pansam «cilem, Aurifices universi rogant.” 

(ὦ Janium Simplicem wedilem, Virum amplissimum, servatorem Populi Pom- 
peiani, virum bonum, dignum republica, omni voluntate faciatis, Sema cum 
pueris rogat.” 

@ “Capellam duumvirum juri dicundo omni veloptima voluntate facit Verna 
cum discentibus.”’ 

4g) “Ῥ. Popidium Secundum Adilum Omni Voluntate Facere dignus est. 

(h) “Marcellum Fortunata Cupit.” 

5 Orell., Inseriptionum Latinorum Collectio, No. 3,700. “ Ante comitia ἀπ απ» 
viralia et wdiliciain Municipiis Collegia, municipes, et, quod maxime mirum, 
feminas quoque, ut iis, quivus favebant, apud alios suffragarentur, hujuscemodj 
tabellas publice proposuisse, ex Pompejiorum parietinis nuper compertum eat.” 


882 ROME’S VICTUALING SYSTEM. 


In this inscription we have not only a full verification of 
our conjecture that the trade unions were well organized 
about the time of the labors of Christ but that they were 
federated with similar communes all over the known 
world, iz universo and also that they achieved so great a 
progress as to have actually been voting their own mem- 
bers into municipal offices at or probably long before the 
earthquake in A. D. 79. This does not, however, by any 
means show that they were in the majority. We have 
never claimed this. Far from it. The number of slaves 
was always far in excess of the freedmen; and then, there 
always were great numbers of freedmen who would not 
organize and who were two indolent to work either for 
themselves or for masters.® 

In addition to the fish catchers there were numerous 
craftsmen who made it their business to dress, season and 
put up the fish in barrels, casks and packages. These 
were the ancient salarii,’ of the Romans. It seems to be 
an established term. Sa/arius applies in the inscriptions 
to the fish salters; although it may apply to the salting of 
any flesh for food. Used much in early England it differ- 
entiated into the word “salary.” The salarii curatores 
should be rendered fish curers,* instead of superintendents 
of the business of fish salting as Orelli imagines, in at least 
one case.’ We have, in the inscriptions found in different 
places, evidence enough to seitle the question about their 
being organized into unions. Sometimes they are called 
corpores, bodies ; sometimes collegia,” unions. They were 
all engaged in the vast work of victualing the people. 

There were societies of fruit-purveyors of several differ- 
ent sorts. We have already spoken of a queer inscription 
at Rome, noted by Oderic,” showing that one Julius !yo- 
phra, once a cabinet maker, changed this business to that 
of apple-man and with his wife Helen made a living near 
the Roman Circus’ They seem to have kept an apple 


6 Dr. Bucher, Aufstdnde der Unfreien Arbeiter. 

7 Marini, Atti, 2, p. 294. Corpusealariorum. Orell., Inseriptiones Latinarum 
Coll., No. 1092. 

8 This is the origin of the modern word “salary.” In England, at other fish- 
eries and salt works, workmen were paid in cakes of salt by the Romans. See 
Pliny, Nat, Hist., XXXI. 7, and XLI, fin; Dion Cassius, lex. viii. 22, and 11], 23. 
Digest, 2 lex. 15, tit. 8. 

9 Orell., Inser. No. 3,464, note, also No. 1,092. 

10 Supplement to Orelli’s Collectio, by G. Henzén, Vol. III, p. 170 of index sub 
gaption: ‘‘ Varia collegiorum nomina. The several synonyms are heré explained. 

11 Oderic, Inscriptiones, p. 74. 


UNIONS OF SPICE AND WINE MEN, HUNTERS. 393 


stand. So trivial a circnmstance would scarcely have been 
worth the labor of graving upon a tablet of stone to be 
wondered at by their fellow men 20 centuries afterwards. 
The more probable solution is that he belonged to the 
cabinet makers’ union, and from infirmity or other disa- 
bility was pensioned off and allowed to pick up an occa- 
sional denarius by selling apples in the open air. In that 
case the union would naturally put his case on record. 

The vinarii,” or vine dressers, and the vinitores often 
brought wagon loads of grapes to the city. We are not 
informed as to the exact manner of supplying the people 
with these grapes. They were fruit of a season and were 
probably disposed of somewhat as at present in any Italian 
city. Many of the houses of the rich had slaves of their 
own who went to the open market places and procured 
these fruits in their season. The fruit of the olive tree 
was sometimes used in the family. 

Rome had its mercatores, wholesale and retail, who al- 
ways keptasupply of every kind of fruitinseason. There 
was a strong union of the wine dealers vini susceptores 
legalized in the code of Theodosius; and they are evi- 
dently the same as the vinarti quoted above. 

We may class the spice dealers’ unions also among the 
purveyors of fruit; as these people had a strong organiza- 
tion called the collegium aromatoriorum.“ An inscription 
proving this, has been discovered at Rome and cited by 
Muratori. 

The lords of the land were often too dainty to eat the 
common products we have enumerated and were fond of 
indulging in what they considered the nobler fruits of the 
chase, venatio. Some 15 inscriptions have been discov- 
ered portraying different phases of this sport and its pro- 
ducts. At least one genuine union of hunters has been 
found ; the collegiwm venatorum brought out by Muratori, 
found in the vicinity of the fortified town of Corfinium of 
the Peligni and not far fromSulmo. Doubtless there was 
game in abundance at the time those hunters were there. 

It would certainly be interesting to know more than an 
inscription on a slab of stone can tell, in regard to the 


12 Orell., Inscr. Nos. 3,921, 4,302, 6,430. 
15 Cod. Theodosti, lib. XVL., tit. IV, icg, 4. 
14 Muratori, Thesaurvis Velerum Inscriptionum, 611, & 


894 ROME'S VICTUALING SYSTEM. 


exact object of these hunters, away in the wilds of the Ap- 
penines; especially as they might have been runaway 
slaves who, under the protecting shield of some law regu- 
lating hunting fraternities, carried on business here.“ 
Another inscription cited by Orelli® under his “ critical 
observations of Hagenbuch, portrays a commune consist- 
ing of anumber of persons, some of whose names are 
given, hunting, apparently for other than live game; per- 
haps for the ores of copper. It is credited to Cardinali 
and was found at Velitres. <A still more singular one is 
that cited by Gruter and found at Naples. Orelli places 
it in his Aes Scenica—scenes in nature. Were it not too 
long we would give its rendering, as it speaks of wild 
animals and scenes. Singularly enough its words vena- 
tione passerum, sparrow hunting, is insisted on by the great 
master * as meaning st/utiionum, of ostriches. We know 
that the venator passerum sometimes applies to turbot fish- 
ing; and we are inclined to think, notwithstanding the 
great respect we entertain for this expounder of abbrevi- 
ations and hieroglyths in his practices in archeology, that 
he may be mistaken. 

Another family or union of hunters; collegium venatorum 
is given by Gruter," as coming from Monselice which is 
quoted by this author not as a business union but as a 
family because the words familia venatoria occur upon 
the stone. Orelli, however calls it a collegium in his in- 
dex to Artes et Opificia. 

A beautiful specimen of a genuine hunting club, colleg- 
ium venatorum, was picked up at Beaufort in France™ 
which verifies our suspicion, that some of the hunters’ 
unions were escaped slaves who, without losing their or- 
ganization or parting company, fled to the far distant for- 
ests and there established themselves in the new art of hunt 
ing, thus maintaining their existence in the wilderness, 
This is one theory. We shall presently speak of another. 
The inscription reads rather strangely.” There was a 
union of hunters who used to fight wild beasts in the am- 
phitheatre, or the arcna, but who broke away through 


16 Mur,, Thesaus., 631, 2. 

16 Orell., No. 4,895. 

 Gruter, Inser. Totius Orbis Rom., 484. 6. 

18 Gruter, Jnser. lot. Orb. 331, 11. 

19 Mémoires Présentés ἃ V’ Acid., ἃ. Ὁ, livre II. p. 399, 


GLADIATORS FIGHTING WILD BEASTS. 395 


conspiracy. It is well-known that gladiators most of whom 
were slaves were compelled to fight and kill each other or 
fisht and be killed by wild beasts on tle sands of the am- 
phitheatre, enacting scenes of the most terrible and bloody 
character known either to the past or present history of 
the human race. They often had a horror and sometimes 
were repelled by their own conscientious scruples, against 
these ghastly scenes enacted in presence of thousands of 
spectators shouting, gloating and betting on their bloody 
exercise of muscle and wit. This seems to have been a 
union of them who, apparently in good faith, had formed 
a conspiracy to escape and remain together in the frater- 
nal bond. At any rate this is the opinion of Orelli-Hen- 
zen.” This second theory, then, although somewhat in 
contradiction to the reading of the inscription quoted, 
suggests that the “ collegium venatorum qui ministerto are- 
nari fungunt,” was no other than a union of servants of 
the ring, a part of whose duties, in addition to what we 
have mentioned, was to undertake long journeys officially 
in quest of the wild beasts that were used in the amphi- 
theatres, during the emperors. These fierce beasts are 
known to have been sought, and highly prized by the 
spectators who delighted to witness a gladiator fighting 
an enraged lion, tiger, leopard, wolf or bear. Beaufort is 
at the foot of the mountains of Savoy where to this day, 
bears of a large size give the farmers and herdsmen 
trouble. Wolves also still linger among the great forests 
of the inaccessible mountain slopes; and although we are 
not aware of panthers or tigers or any of the largest feline 
animals being found in modern Italy or France, yet they 
might have existed there in ancient times. But there 
was game enough to have attracted the hunters for the 
great games of Rome. 

The archeologists have found as many as five inscrip- 
tions of these unions of the arena. On one of them is 
written “arenae gladiatorium purgandae.” A union of 
gladiators who clean the amphitheatre—giving incontest- 
able evidence of a union of amphitheatre cleaners.” The 
unionists were not slaves. Slaves had no privileges. 


20 “ Collegium Venatorum Deensium, guiministerioarenario fungent. Ded. 
¥x. decreto soluto voto.” 

21 Orell., Collegia Corpora Sodalicia, No. 7,209. Inscr. Lat. Coll., Vol III, p 
456. Cf. Mémotres Présenté aU’ Academic, Vol. 2, p. 399, 1854. 


890 ROME’S VICTUALING SYSTEM. 


They were freedmen, and those we mention were char- 
tered and existed according to law. 

But whatever might have been the special object of the 
hunters, their general object was, of course, to supply the 
table of those who could pay, with the delicacies of the 
chase. The unions had wagon transports to the stations 
in the forests, communicating with the cities. The diffi- 
culty of taking game must have been very great, consider- 
ing that cunpowder was not in use. Bows and arrows 
were used and for the manufacture of such implements 
they had unions of workingmen making devices for trap- 
ping, for archery and harpooning. There being a great 
demand for them, not only for hunting purposes but for 
war, these weapons were of the best quality; and archery 
won a high station in ancient times as an accomplishment, 

In the great system of victualing the people of ancient 
Rome and its almost innumerable provincial towns and 
cities, some of which were fully as aristocratical and fas- 
tidious as the Romans themselves, the teamsters’ numer- 
ous associations played a no inconsiderable réle. We find 
numerous evidences in the inscriptions, that they were at 
one time organized. There were the ox drivers Jumenta- 
γι," who worked at the port of Rome conveying grain, oil, 
wine and other commodities to the storchouses of the 
weighers’ and measurers’ association, mensvres portuenses.™ 

These and the unions of muleteers, co//. mulionum et asi- 
nariorum™ that existed everywhere in Rome and out of 
it, did most of the work «of conveying De ovisions from pro- 
ducers to consumers. Perhaps, in meking this remark we 
are exaggerating somewhat on the amount of work ex- 
pected of them. ‘Their system was such that they could 
have performed it all; but there seems never to have been 
a time when the trade unions obtained a complete control 
of this work. ‘The large class of capitalists® were in con- 
stant competition with organized labor and always had a 
laree force of mules or oxen at work. Nor must it be 


22 One was found or observed by Muratori, Thesaur. Inser.511,3. Thesecond 
by Connegietur, Vom, Rat. p. 219. A third by Cardinali, Iscriz. Velét, Ὁ. 44, found 
st Veletri. A fourth, that at Beaufort and a fifth, prob. at Pisa by Marini, xi, 
Gorn. di Pist, Ὁ. 25. 

58. Orell., Inser. Lat. Collectio, No. 4,093. Momm. De Coll. et Sodal. Rom. p. 91, 

2+ Gran. de Cassagn., Hist. des Classes Ouvrires. p- 510, Grut, 462,1. Orell,, 
Coll. Pubiica et Privata, No. 7,194. 

25 Idem No, 7,206, col, mulionum et asinariorum, 


UNIONS CHAMPLONED BY CLODIUS. 391] 


understood that anything like all the work of any kind, 
was a great length of time, ever performed by the unions 
alone. The competition between the unions and the spec- 
ulators must have raged with activity for at least 200 
years, and finally the hatred of the speculating oligarchy 
went into legislation. 

After endless turmoils, among which the unions, cham- 
pioned by Clodius, not only restored their old rights of 
organizations but gained many more, the struggle culmi- 
nated in Cesar suppressing nearly all of them. But the 
unionists were strong and influential and in course of time, 
after the death of Cicero, Cesar and other enemies, they 
reassumed most of their fallen power. Nothing was able 
to grind them out entirely. 

History gives us little in regard to the methods by 
which the armies of the ever victorious Romans were sup- 
plied with provisions. If there is any mention by histor- 
ians of a union or association of sutlers who made it their 
business to supply the armies stationed upon Roman ter- 
ritory, we have failed to find it. There are inscriptions, 
however, which are beginning to reveal asubject pregnant 
of importance in solving misty queriesregarding the phe- 
nomenal successes of Roman arms. We have already 
shown that from the end of Numa’s reign the Roman arm- 
ies were supplied with arms ina great degree by the 
unions of armorers. 

It is here relevant to prove, if possible, that they were 
also supplied by them with provisions. For at least 500 
years the armies used union made wagons, union made 
swords, union made javelins, bows and arrows, helmets 
and shields, wore union made shoes, trowsers, hats and 
coats, and tore down the walls and battlements of their 
enemies with union made catapults and battering rams. 
Did they not eat union made bread, union cured meat and 
drink the delicious wines and beverages prepared by the 
organized victualers? True, when far away in their for- 
eign conquests the Roman soldiers depended much upon 
the pillage and plunder of their unfortunate victims; but 
at home, when the armies were at quarters this question 
sharply applies. The student of sociology is particularly 
interested in this subject, because this matter of union 
labor in supplying the legions goes farin settling the long 


398 ROME'S VICTUALING SYSTEM. 


mooted problem hanging over the decline and fall of 
Rome. 

tome prospered in peace and in arms, until the glut of 
conquest changed her statesmen from the wise tolerance 
of Numa and Servius Tullius to the rapacious slave -hold- 
ing policy which sought to destroy the unions that made 
possible her unparalleled success. But when gorged with 
enormous wealth, she lost her manhood and swine-like 
fell upon and devoured her own nurslings and friends. 
The sin struck back upon herself like the fangs of the 
tortured crotalus and poisoned her own blood with a 
reacting plague of ingratitude and pollution. 

The stones have already revealed to us that there ex- 
isted unions of victualers who made a business of supply- 
ing the armies. They were called “collegia castrensiari- 
orum,”™ sutlers. We are not informed of the exact rela- 
tion they had with the armies; whether like our sutlers 
they hung around the flanks and peddled with the sold- 
iers, or whether they supplied the armies by contract with 
the senate or consular generals. 

In addition to the unions already mentioned we find 
that the cooks and waiters also had their organization of 
self-help. They may all be classed as one family or com- 
mune, although in some cases at least, the cooks and the 
waiters were apart. In the inscriptions there are three 
unions of cooks; one a “collegium coctorum”” who took 
charge of the stately business of cookery in the palace of 
Augustus Cesar, at Rome. Another is mentioned on the 
slab as “cocus,’™ a cook which was found at Rome and is 
cited by Marini,” and the third also speaks of a man who 
was an Alban cook, evidently president of the society. It 
was found on the site of the ancient city of Alba. 

Mommsen cites the “collegium praegustatorum’™” men- 
tioned by Gruter as a genuine trade union of waiters, who, 
as this designation implies, were foretasters as well as 
waiters. The rich in Rome were ever beset with fears of 
being poisoned. They were obliged to have their food tasted 


23 See Biicher, ‘‘Aufstiinde der Unfreien Arbeiter,’’ pp. 8-16. Geldoligarkie, 
Pauperismus, Sklaventhum. 

27 Orell., Nos. 7,189, 6,344 and elsewhere. Also Gruter, ‘‘Inscriptiones An- 
tique Totius Orbis Romanorum,”’ 649, 5 and several others. 

% Cardinali, ‘‘Dipl.’’ 410. 2 Marini, ‘‘Atti,’’ 2, 610. 

39 Romanelli, “‘Topog.”? I, 3, p. 213. δΣ Grut., “TInser., mags 581, 18 

39 Momm., “16 Coll. et Sodal. "Rom., 5.18. note 25. 


SPLENDID WORK OF THE UNIONS. 899 


of by the waiter in their presence. If the waiter ate it 
with impunity they need have no fears. The waiters be- 
ing in constant communication with the cooks were sup- 
posed to know all the dangerous designs that might origi- 
nate among the kitchen people, to be consummated in the 
dining rooms; and were thus held responsible for the 
honesty of both themselves and the cooks. They were 
required to taste the milk they served to the gentry direct 
from the jugs or pots, ampullae of the milk men, or the 
collegiwm lacticariorum a milkman’s union mentioned by 
Mommsen” as a corpusorlaborunion. This interlinking 
of many trades, whose sympathies and contact sometimes 
fitted them for carrying out cunningly concocted plots 
with the waiter thus became practically a sort of key to 
the treachery. Even the manufacturers of these milk jars 
had unions, one of which, in the collection of Gruter was 
found inscribed on aslab of slate or stone discovered 
at Narbonne.” 

A stone has been dug up bearing the inscription colleg- 
tum vasulariorum. It exhibits the relics of a union of 
manufacturers of cooking utensils. Most of their produc- 
tions were of copper or bronze. The vascula were of vari- 
ous shapes; spits, ladles, cups, bowls, soup spoons and 
many otherimplements of cookery. Hammer work with 
the ancient artisans was a fine art. Sometimes the best 
workmen, if not slaves, had organizations, which were 
called the malleatores, hammerers and are mentioned by 
Orelli as inscribed on a stone.™ 

There also were the basket makers’ unions the products 
of whom, sportulz, figure in the decree of laws governing 
sacred unions as found in the Roman temple of Barber- 
inis and given in full by Orelli in No. 2,417 of his great 
collection, which is in itself a curiosity. Other dishes 
used by the cooks were two-eared flagons or flasks for 
wine and other liquors, a phorx, besides a number of 
others, for nearly all of which we have proof of unions hav- 
ing existed, who conducted their manufacture. 

Finally the tricliniarchs or stewards who had the su- 
preme charge of kitchen and dining room. Their name 


δι Gruter, Inscripttones Totius Orbis Romanorum, 643. 10. 
32 Orell , Insbriptionum Latinorum Collectio, No. 3,229. 
33 Fabrett, p. 724. 443. 


400 ROME'S VICTUALING SYSTEM. 


was derived from the celebrated ¢ricliaiwm or dining-couch 
of the ancients. It wasa seat, generally cushioned, which 
extended around three sides of the table, upon which 
people did not sit, but reclined—a practice so demonstra- 
tive of exuberant luxury, if not of lasciviousness that it 
was abolished as one of the abominations by the Chris- 
tians and seems to i:ave completely disappeared from the 
earth. There is extantat least one monument giving clear 
evidence of a society of this kind, called in the inscrip- 
tion ¢ricliniarum soci. Itis inthe museum of Rome and 
bears a very queer, unpolished style of Latin. 


& Fabett, 249, 69. 


CHAPTER XVI. 


INDUSTRIAL COMMUNES 


AMUSEMENTS OF OLD. UNIONS OF PLAYERS. 


Tue Coitecia Scantconum—Unions of Mimics—Horrible Mimic 
Performances in Sicily—Bloody Origin of Wakes—Unions 
of Dancers, Trumpeters, Bagpipers, and Hornblowers—The 
Flute-Players—Roman Games—Unions of Circus Performers 
—Ot Gladiators—Of Actors—Murdering Robust Wres'lers 
for Holiday Pastimes—Unions of Fortune-tellers—Proofs in 
the Inscriptions—Ferovious Gladiatorial Scenes between the 

᾿ Workingmen and Tigers, Lions, Bears, and Other Wild Beasts 
made compulsory by Roman Law. 


Tue Greeks and Romans are known to have given at an 
early period much attention to amusements, in which it 
appears there was a larger admixture of the lowly, with 
the noble class than occurred in other pursuits. The 
theatre with the Greeks, was quite a democratic affair. 
The earliest theatres were rude; but during the heroic 
ages immense buildings were constructed. That of Me- 
gapolis in Arcadia was of gigantic size. Their size was 
such that roofs were out of the question, and people sat 
on stone seats for from four to eight hours in daytime 
exposed to sun andrain, during the performances, listen- 
ing to, and bound up in enthusiastic delight over the ini- 
mitable sallies of Aristophanesin the “Babylonians,” satyr- 
ing the tyrant Cleon, or thrilled by the sublime grandeur 
of tragedy and mimic of Sophocles and Euripides nt 
Athens. Someof the great theatres were capable of hold- 
ing 60,000 spectators. The great theatre at Ephesus was 
660 feet in diameter and one in Syracuse 440 feet. An 
immense wooden theatre, built by Scaurus at Rome, 55 


ΠῚ ORGANIZED AMUSER& 


years before Ohrist, and at the moment when intolerance 
to the labor unions and profligacy among the grandees 
were beginning to crumble the proud Romans into de- 
moralization and decay, was capable of accommodating 
80,000 people. 

We find no fewer than six genuine trade unions; called, 
on the stones, collegia scaenicorum.’ They are coeval with 
the age of the Roman theatres. Their membersof course, 
fared better than the gladiators,’ another class who con- 
tributed to the Roman pastimes; but they were hard- 
worked people and all belonged to the proletaries. 

We shall bring to view as illustrative of our object, 
principally the Roman life in this section of the ancient 
trade unions, not because we are wanting of archeologi- 
cal specimens; for there are very many profoundly in- 
teresting relics of the life of ancient labor now being dis- 
covered among the ruins of the Greeks. Renan, Wescher, 
Foucart and Bockh have eloquently told the story and 
the solemn silence of crumbling marbles, like skeletons 
seem to be speaking in incoherent phrase of a day when 
the whole Greek world was ablaze with labor communes, 
whose secrecy was suggestive of a smouldering social 
volcano. But if we gave them all it would make this 
work tediously voluminous. Besides, the inscriptions in 
the Latin tongue seem to bring the matter under inves- 
tigation more conspicuously before us, not only because 
they are topographically less remote but because the lan- 
gauge in which they come to us is smoother and more in- 
telligible to the readers of the western world. 

In the Wiener Jahrbuch for 1829 there appeared a de- 
ciphering of an inscription on a plate of bronze containing 
an epitaph of the president of a union of mimic actors. 
It is written in the second person. He had lived to be 
nearly a hundred years old; had never aspired above his 
fellows and had died bidding them farewell. It is in the 
Museum at Pesth. Several others have been found in 
Austrian territory. Orelli* describes several anaglyphs 


1 One found at Wasserstadt, Aquenicum, a suburb of Buda, by Labus and 
ablished at Milan, 1827 reads: “‘ Genio Collegio Scm@niaricram Felan, Secundus 
onitor Decreto Decurionum. 
2 Chapter xii., Spartacus, init. 
3 Orélli, Inseriptionum Latinorum Collectio, in his Oollegta Oorpora, Sodalicia 
No. 7,183. Vol. ΠῚ, Henzen. 


A CURIOUS STONE, 403 


in stone and metal composition, which have withstood the 
erosions of nature fully 2,000 years. In the Res Scaenica 
and Ludi, one is quoted from Muratori,* bearing uncer- 
tain evidence that it was a union of histrionic artists. It 
was from Preneste. Two remarkable tablets bearing 
record of the year 112 A. D. are noted by Gorius.’ They 
were preserved in the museum at Florence, and unless 
recently removed, are there still. Upon these slabs are 
inscribed the names of soldiers of the seven Roman co- 
horts, of the pretorian force of Misenum ever on the alert 
conducting the scenic plays. Claudius Gnorimus is be- 
ing made an aedile or superintendent of public works by 
the battalion; plays are going on bv the acting comrades 
with their buffoons. Among all these are to be observed: 
ist. The head mimic actor; 2d. The mimic Greek lead- 
ers; 3d. The clowns; 4th. The Greek clowns; 5th. Tue 
ureek actors; 6th. The jesting dandies; 7th. A working- 
man. All the names of the soldiers are given in the vo- 
cative case. Consequently the inscription is too long to 
be given entire in any work which we have seen. It 
portrays the kind of military theatrical scene which used 
to be enacted 200 years after the beginning of the Chris- 
tian era, or about 1,700 years ago and of course, much 
earlier.© Another inscription appears among the Res 
Scaenica in Orelli’s catalogue which still more clearly rep- 
resents a mutually protective union of actors. It was 
found at the French city of Vienne, afew miles from Ly- 
ons, on the Rhone, by Millin.’ It is also very ancient 
and shows that in that far off country of the Allobroges 
there was a great population long before Czesar’s inva- 
sion. 

Although we are endeavoring to give the facts consec- 


4 Muratori, Thesaur., 659, 1; Gruter, Inser. Tot. Orb. Rom., 330, 3, 

δ Cf. Etruscan Inser., I, p. 125 and 11, p. 447 and Mur., 886-887, 

6 Consult Orellius, Inseriptionum Latinarum Collectio, No. 2,608. Muratori, 
Thesaur, 886-7. Gorius Etr.,1.p,128. ‘‘ Memorabiles sunt tabulae anni Ὁ. Chr, 
212, duae a Gorio Etr. 1. p. 125 (2,447). et Mnr. 856 et 887 editae, Florentiae nune 
adsertae, in quibus referuntur nomina militum ex Cohortibus VII. Vigilum et 
Classis praetoriae Misenatis, qui Ludos scenicos egerunt, quum Claudius Gnort- 
mus aedilis factus esset a vexillatione, Indosque ederet, ‘ agentibus commilitoni- 
bus cum suis acroamatibus’ In his notandi; 1. Archimimus. 2. Archimimi 
Graeci. 3. Stupidi. 4 StupidiGraeci. 5. Scaenici Graeci. 6.Scurra. 7. Oper 
arius. Omnia militum nomina vocativo efferuntur,” For more on the vexillum, 
zed flag, and vexillatio, consult our chapter on the ancient red flag of the work 
ingmian. 

7 Voyage, 2, p. 21. 


é 


404 ORGANIZED AMUSERS. 


utively, we shall here be compelled, for want of data, to 
mention in an anacoluthical manner, some of the most 
interesting of these unions known to have existed coeval 
with those times, or approximately so. 

The communiones mimorum, one of which*® was dis- 
covered in the ruins of the theatre Rovillensis, and others 
in great numbers in Greece* and elsewhere, were unions 
of mimic actors. They constituted an order by theni 
selves. It appears that they marched around inthe cities 
and took from their friends and the public whatever gifts 
were offered. We mention these data to exhibit to our 
readers the collossal scale on which amusements were 
conducted, that the mind may be prepared to compre- 
hend the vast amount of labor of the lowly, which the evo- 
lutions of this business entailed. 

Following up our scheme of inquiry into the dark chasms 
and gaps of history, from a standpoint of sociological in- 
vestigation, our point of intensest interest is the question 
whether these purveyors of pastimes were organized. Of 
this there is abundance of evidence in the inscriptions. 
In the catalogue of the archzologist Orelli, there appear 
no less than 12 tolerably well preserved slabs which show 
not less than a hundred unions! 

At Rome there is an inscription, much broken and de- 
faced by time and neglect,’? which bears positive proof 
that the theatre players were not only organized but that 
they, like the gladiators belonged to the plebeian stock. 
Caput VI, of Orelli’s work, headed Ludi, Res Scaenica et 
cet., has no less than 116 inscriptions, a large number 
of which are seen ata glance to be either genuine unions 
or corporate communes. But as some of these unions 
were those of gladiators, we reserve their description for 
that more tragical and brutal class of amusement. 

A very remarkable mimic performance for enjoyment 
was once in vogue during the insurrection of the Sicilian 
slaves B. C. 143-134. It may not be generally known 
that in addition to accredited kings and tyrants of Sicily 
there once reigned a king of the slaves. The extraordi- 


8 Orell., Inscr., No. 2,625, also Nos. 4,094. 4,101. 

9 Mommsen, De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum, p. 83. ‘“ Communia mim- 
orum Romanorum, et in nomine et in institutis τὰ κοινὰ τῶν περί τὸν Διονύσον 
τεχνιτῶν referent, quae apud Grecos ampla et plurima fuerunt.”” Idem, note 6, 
“Communia Mimorum multa inveniuntur,” ete., ete. 

to Orell., No. 2,619; Marini, Afti. 2, p. 488, 


FOOD OF THE WORK PEOPLE. 405 


nary history of king Eunus is so interesting and so re- 
plete with passages which enlighten the student oi so- 
ciology on points that we have reserved for it a separate 
chapter as a special illustration of our theme.” It is 
enough here to bring forward the episode alluded to in 
evidence of the fact that in ancient times theatrical per- 
formances were sometimes conducted in presence of ene- 
mies whereby to tantalize and to wreak revenge. ‘The 
Sicilian capitalists, landlords and slaveholders had for a 
long time been growing niggardly and cruel. It was a 
common thing tor a slave master owning from 500 1o 
1,000 slaves, to call their poor little children together 
precisely as the herder calls his swine, and feed them 
nuts, pods and dried figs ” because the helpless, enslaved 
and horribly cruelized beings were considered no better 
than hogs. One Polias, an enormously wealthy Agrigen- 
tine not only thus abused his slaves but often whipped 
large numbers of them at the post at night, to prepare 
them for obedience the following day. Damophilus, who 
owned 500 slavesat Enna in Sicily, was another extremely 
rich planter. He starved his human chattels, while at 
the same time driving them beyond their powers. One 
day several of them ventured to ask him for more cloth- 
ing; for the place is many feet above the sea and chilly 
during some seasons of the year. Their supplication 
though given in a respectful manner was treated not 
only ‘with refusal but with a severe castigation. His wite, 
Megallis, was, if possible, the most heartless and brutal of 
the two. She, with her own hand stabbed and whipped 
to death several of her female slaves, first torturing them 
with her knife and her stiletto or needle.* Unable to en- 
dure their inhuman tortures the infuriated slaves sud- 
denly arose in rebellion and seizing their tormentors 
murdered them in great numbers, Damophilus was blud- 
geoned in the theatre of Enna in presence of his wife, 
Megallis. A council was held on her case, before ier 
husband’s dead body, in the theatre. Our authority does 


11 See Chap. VII. An account of the Mimic plays at the sieges, pp. 229-230. 


12 See Dr. Bucher, Aufstdnde der Unfreien Arbetter, p. 63-64, qnoting Stobeus 
on Florilus, LX1I, 48. We have also in meny places given quotations proving 
this by other authors. See index, Mvod of the Slaves and Freedmen. 

18 Consult chapter ‘+ On Eunns ἘΠῚ the first Sicilian war, where quota- 
tions explaining these brutalities, tal ken from the iragments ot Diodorus, are 


given, together ‘With excerpts trom Bucher and others. 


406 ORGANIZED AMUSERS. 


not establish that the mimic performance was gone 
through with during the wild gloatings of that bloody 
night; but no doubt the tables were turned upon the 
trembling millionaires who before were wont to shout 
with almost equal savagery at the mutual murder of their 
myrmidons acting as their slaves. The result of the trial 
of Megallis, was her condemnation and sentence to death. 
She was dragged to a rock and plunged headlong into 
the hideous abyss by the women themselves. Their 
daughter, a tender girl who had many times remonstrated 
against her mother’s cruelty, was treated with respectful 
courtesy, guarded from danger and under escort sent to 
a place of safety. This uprising lasted 10 years; during 
which time many places were captured by siege. The 
slaves who, according to history,“ at length arose to the 
number of 200,000 in Sicily, inaugurated the system of 
holding histrionic mimes composed in their own rude 
vehicles of thought and represented by performers who 
could best reproduce, in presence of their previous tor-~ 
mentors, scenes which they and their children had suf- 
fered when they were chattels. In this manner they 
doubtless wreaked a rude and gloating satisfaction too 
malignant for true humanity, but certainly not surpris- 
ing, considering their former misery.” 

Spartacus, the celebrated gladiator, after the battle of 
Picenum, when he held in his hands the officers and men 
of the Roman army as prisoners of war, although a 
humane and kind-hearted general, delighted his soldiers 
by compelling those proud and high-born gentiles to re- 
enact upon the field of battle and in honor of the manea 
of Crixus their fallen hero, the same gladiatorial scenes 
which he and his comrades when slaves, were destined 
to perform on the arena. In the captive’s hand was put 
the gladium and in the humiliating garb of an ergastular- 
ius, or convict, condemned to fight in the mock amphi- 
theatre and for his audience the vast army of victorious 
rebel slaves and gladiators, many a haughty Roman knight 
with his unspeakable contempt for the very condition of 


14 For all known particulars of this great servile war, see Bacher, Ausfldnds 
der Unfreien Arbeiter. 

16 Biicher, Aufst., 8. 66-67. Diod. XXXIV., frag. 34. Lod THe Dionysichen 
Kistler, pp. 105-131, ‘where are explained the numerous th habits to which 
the Greek artisans were addicted. 


ORIGIN OF WAKES. 407 


slavery, was forced to make the runs and re-enact the 
bloody work it had been the now victorious rebels’ own 
undignified misfortune to perform upon the Roman sands. 
Surely, the knights of Lentulus, Poplicola and the other 
captured soldiers could now bave a practical insight into 
the causes of the great insurrection, when, under sting- 
ing urgents of their mock scholae praeceptores, they 
punched each other, to the music of jeer and of derision 
from 70,000 vengeance-wreaking infuriates ! 

Wakes held over the deceased bodies of friends are 
not of Christian origin but of a much higher Pagan an- 
tiquity. Again, where history is silent, the inscriptions 
—those whispering chroniclers like grinning skeletons 
of the murdered—survive to lisp their testimony be- 
fore our courts of science. This subjectof the origin and 
practice of holding wakes, supposed by some. to belong 
to the Christianized races, is really to be sought among 
the stones which tell the savage tales of haughty masters’ 
funeral feasts whereat poor workingmen were forced to 
fight as gladiators; and when they fell by mutually inflicted 
gashes, were buried beside the great dead hero with the 
object of remaining guard to him as they had done in life. 
This is the true origin of wakes. They were originally, 
extremely bloody, and should be classed among other 
specimens of moribund or fading heathen customs, that 
are gradually disappearing from the earth. 

Scholars reading the Latin classics, are sometimes puz- 
zled to comprehend the reason why Cicero, Suetonius, 
Florus and the rest, so unexceptionally speak of the dan- 
cer, saltator; the female dancer, sal/atriz, and the little girl 
dancer, saltatricula, with a species of contumely, Of 
everything not human, however humble, they could speak 
in praise. Their favorite horses, dogs, cats, even cows 
could earn a good word and a caress; and all things ger- 
mane to their household were worthy of a feeling thought. 
Butit is a seemingly strange fact that dancers who worked 
so hard to amuse the ancients, get only a reproachful 
. mention. 

Among amusements it may be best to class the various 
kinds of musical instrument players. There was a regular 
union of the trumpeters, aenvtores." Another sort of 

τὸ Friedlander, Darstcllungen aus der Siitengeschich’e Roms, I, 16, 


408 ORGANIZED AMUSERS. 


trumpeter was the buccinator, who played the shepsa: <’s 
horn which had a long range of sound.“ ‘These trwnpet- 
ers also accompanied the army. Usually the horns were 
crooked. Mommsen who has worked out the evidences 
in regard to the Roman arrangement of centurians, in ac- 
cordance with the military notions which distributed the 
trade unions into squads of tens and hundreds, thinks that 
another trumpeter, the liticen’ also had his union, prob- 
ably a mutually protective association like the musicians’ 
unions of the present time. The liticenes, were clarion 
blowers and their music was shrill and exciting. Still an- 
other kind of trumpeters were the tubicenes” who are like- 
wise known to have been an organized profession or trade. 
They played the tuba, It is difficult to understand how 
a separate society was necessary for each instrument. If 
there were a number of different instruments in each, 
corresponding to a band of music organized for self-sup- 
port, as in our times, it would not appear remarkable. 
The union of scabillarii™ does not appear so inconsist- 
ent; since the ancient scabellium was an awkward instru- 
ment played upon by the feet, while very probably the 
hands were also employed thrumming another instrument 
whose harmonies combined, made a band of themselves. 
The bagpipe is known to be an ancient instrument—so old 
that its invention is ascribed to a god of the mythical an- 
tiquity. Whether the old tibia utricularis was the identi- 
cal bagpipe of the Scotch Highlanders is a question; but 
judging from the derivation of the word there is a strong 
reason to suppose that no great change has taken place in 
its construction. The bagpipers had an association called 
the collegium utricularium™ and there are several inscrip- 
tions to that effect. In addition to the one found by Do- 
nati, we have one described in Gruter’s collection and cat- 
alogued by Orelli.* It was found at Lyons. It is some- 
thing like an epitaph and the work bears the marks of 
itaving been dedicated to the name of the president, mag- 


11 Of this we have assurance in the work of Grater, Inseriptiones Totiua Ort 
Romanorum, No. 261, 4; a marble slab giving unmistakable evidence. 

Δ. Idem, 1,116, 4. 19 Orell., Jnscr., No. 4,105. 

2 Idem, Nos. 2,448 and 1,803 both were collegia or unions. 

8! Orell. Inger, 4,117 ; 2,648, 

© Orell., Nos. 4,119, 4,120, 4,121, all were unions, also Donati, 2, p. 470, ὃ, 
aites astone found at Gabelli, which has merited considerable comment. 
inscription registers a genuine union, 

Ὁ Orell., Inscr. Lat. Coll. No. 4,244. Nos. 9.208 and 5,808 are also unions. 


WIND INSTRUMENT PLAYERS. 409 


ister, of the organization; although, in this case no men- 
tion is made of the usual word collegium or corpus, 

The cornicen or horn player was another musician * who 
is found mentioned on the same marble with a liticen at 
Rome. But the music of the horn blowers and that of the 
clarion players was so similar that it may, in this case, be 
a confusion of the two in one. 

The flute players deserve a more particular mention. 
Among the Romans they were called tibicenes, and among 
the Greeks auletrides. In very remote antiquity the latter 
existed at Athens and other cities of Attica. They were 
poor girls of lowly origin who went about playing their 
flutes and earning here and there a little coin, sufficient 
to keep them from suffering. Some of them were very 
beautiful; and as this natural accomplishment was some- 
times more charming even than their music, there goes up 
a charge against their character.* It is now known that 
these flute players were organized in a trade union or some 
kind of a labor federation. In order to carry on their 
business they were required to pay a small tax to the gov- 
ernment as a license, which tax was collected by the vec- 
tigalarii as stated in our chapter on the customs collect- 
ors. This was another union whose members were re- 
quired by the state to collect the last denarius, even if 
they had to torture, imprison or sell the poor, impecuni- 
ous creatures as slaves. It may therefore have happened 
that a beautiful auletrid, before surrendering her life as a 
slave and legalized concubine of the wealthy Roman or 
Athenian who bought her at the shambles, would some- 
times procure the inveterate tax money by accepting the 
best available offers which promised life and liberty. 

At Rome a genuine flute players’ union, collegiwm tibr 
cenum Romanorum existed * during the emperors which 
was shielded from the repressive laws against organiza- 
tion by being a sacred commune. Probably the girls 
played sacred music on occasions.” That there were 
male members in this commune is certain. The wording 
of the inscription shows this one name taking the mascu- 
line termination. There were also at Athens and the Pi- 

% Idem, No, 4.105. 
25 Cf. Sanger’s History of Prostitution, chap. iil, p. 46. 


26 Relnes, pp. 184-167. 
21 ‘6 Qui sacrig publicis presto sunt.” Orell., Inscr. No. 1,803, 


410 ORGANIZED AMUSERS. 


reus many of the aulitrides or Greek flutists who lived 
wuder protection of their gallant unions. A study of the 
excellent work of Guhl and Koner * will afford the reader 
much additional knowledge upon the subject of ancient 
music. 

The great ludi cercenses which, although in point of his- 
tory, treatment of performers and other features, were 
very different from the gladiatorial style of amusement, 
so resemble these latter in many other respects that it 
seems consistent to treat of them as belonging to one 
variety. The Roman circus was not the only institution 
of its kind. There was evidently a circus at Lyons. An 
inscription mentioning a union of players, speaks of tha 
right of organization at Lyons, for all who wish.” 

Everything built to entertain amusement seekers among 
the Romans, whether at Rome, Pompeii or elsewhere, if 
public, took the amphitheatrical shape. There were 
- numerous race-courses at Rome, some of which were of 
prodigious extent. The circus Maximus” was enormous. 
“ According to the latest calculations, in late imperial 
times, it must have contained 480,000 seats. It is about 
21,000 feet long by 400 wide.”* It is very old, having 
been begun by Tarquinius Priscus. These figures are 
sufficient proof of themselves, that Rome once contained 
an immense population. Large numbers of slaves were 
necessary to supply the labor of these enormous public 
works. The many scenes of hippodromes, chariot-run- 
ning, foot-racing, of archery, mock manoeuvres, and sham 
battles were observable from a great distance. They 
thrilled vast audiences. 

But the inner life of the poor who were to manage and 
carry out the innumerable features of those games is a 
subject which the reader of history learns little. They 
were all of the lowly class and eked out a living under 
many difficulties and humiliations; and many of those 
who were not slaves but existed in the capacity of freed- 
men, took refuge from abuse and overtoil under the mea- 
gre privilege left them to unite in mutual self-aid. 

38 Guhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, Tr. F. Hueffer, (Lon. Ohatto 
and Windus.) 

29 Grut., 431,1. Inser. Tot. Orbis Rom, 


30 Guhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, Tr. pp. 422-428, 
81 Guhl and Koner, pp. 423-4 note. See fig. 431 note. 


CARNAGE OF THE SANDS. ey ἢ ἢ) 


But the celebrated gladiatorial amusements are more 
generally known to us at this day, although the circus 
performance has outlived them, being yet common on a 
much smaller scale. There was no mockery about the 
amphitheatre. The combatswere real. We havealready 
spoken of the large traffic in lions, tigers, leopards and 
other wild animals for the combats. Not only did the 
Romans pit lion with tiger, panther with bear, lynxes and 
leopards with serpents, but they matched tigers, lions 
and serpents of terrible ferocity with men. When at the 
great games the stock of fierce wild animals was killed off 
they sent hunters in quest of more Romanelli® pre- 
serves aN inscription which for clearness has been re- 
garded by the archeologists as an object of much value. 
The inscription commemorates a family (probably acom- 
munity) of hunters of Pompeii, who procured noble game 
from the forests, and mentions Popidius Rufus as the 
manager of the familia gladiatorum. 

We have elsewhere seen that there were unions of 
sweepers of the amphitheatres, collegia arenariorum. They 
were not required to fight inthe arena. They dragged 
the dead gladiators off the sands, shoveled up the blood, 
new-sprinkled the floor with sand, sharpened the gladia 
or swords as well as the javelins and other toois, stood 
ready to perform any service; even perhaps that of cut- 
ting off the heads of vanquished gladiators who heroically, 
when hors de combat, bleeding and dying with their gaping 
gashes, impatient of death, bent the head to receive the 
severing stroke of the broadsword.” 

Marini found two queer inscriptions, graved on one 
stone, of gladiators who “fell fighting, steel in hand* 


82 Romanelli, Viaggio a Pompel. tome 1, p. 82; Marini, Atti, 1, p.165. It is 
clear that there must have been lions in the forests of Mt. Olympus for Polyda- 
mus the wrestler (B. C. 404, see Plato, Bekk, Lond. chap. X11 uote) killed a huge 
lion there. Lions are known to have lived in Germany and hyenasin Eng. See 
Buckland, Relique Diluvtane, Lond,, 1822 because their bones are now being 
found in the Pleistocene caves. 

33 Bulwer Lytton’s, Last Days of Pompeii, where these awfnl scenes are graph- 
{eally set forth. 

34 Marini, At#t, 1, p. 165. The modern ages are actively studying out the . 
horrors of the gladiatorial combats. We refer the reader who may doubt as to 
whether those people fought under the most intense humiliations, to the cuts of 
Guhl and Koner, pp. 562-3, trans. showing the distressing scenes of these fichts 
with the wild animals, also to Carey, Principles of Political Economy, Part I11, p. 
123: “The great mass having sunk to barbarous rudeness, bloody gladiatorio!| 
games and combats of wild beasts took the place of dramatic representations 
while the few were becoming more refined and fastidious.” ὁ the Lconographic 
Cyclopedia, Division IV, New York, 1851, R. Garrigue. Tafel 15, magnificen 


‘ 


412 ORGANIZED AMUSERS. 


Inscription No. 2,552 of Orelli’s Res Scaenica is designated 
by him as representing gladiatorial combats in the ¢lis- 
eum. It is a horrible thought for an age like this to en- 
dure; yet there was a time when killing men for sport 
was so popular that crowned heads were turned from 
meditation to convulsions of delight by the sight; and 
ladies dressed in the costliest attire of fashion could sit 
for hours bewitched with the whirl, the charge, the lunge 
of steel and shrieks of pain, the spurt of blood from the 
wounds of naked men, the roar of lions and screech and 
growl of tigers, bears and wolves, the murderous hand-to- 
hand fights of the hoplomachi with heavy swords and the 
whole swirling, mazy, gory labyrinth of the Roman arena! 
Surely, forced as we are to admit that such scenes of cru- 
elty really once existed, as it were, among our forefathers, 
we feel almost constrained to admit that the many thous- 
ands of years which had flown before the present era, had 
produced little better than savages to people the world. 
Those awful brutalities were the product of the slave sys- 
tem. They could not have taken place where men were 
free. 

The gladiators had several different names. Some were 
called gladiators, some mirmillions, some agitators, some 
pugnatores, some ergastularit, according to their social 
rank and the kind of weapons with which they were al- 
lowed to consummate their murderous tasks. But slaves 
though they were, they found means to accomplish frater- 
nalunions. That there were unions of gladiators inscriptions 
exist so plentifully to prove, that the most skeptical can no 
longer doubt. There are several inscriptions, evidently 
signs of gladiator brokers,® showing that there were specu- 
lators in this species of human flesh. Being slaves and not 
freedmen, except in cases where they won freedom by kill- 
ing their adversary, human or wild beast, thus achieving 
their manumission, they could only with difficulty organize 
for mutual help. 

Orelli, in Res Scaenica, No. 2,066 reproduces the remark- 
able inseription of Donati, found in Rome, which is acknow. 


steel engraving of the arena, where are seen fighting men, women, elephants, 
tigers, lions, panthers and serpents, for the amusements of myriads in the seats 
above! ‘ihat they fought naked see Jdem Hecht, Section 1X, Tafel 7, Vol. LI. 
Plates, showing men killing men. 

35 Orell., Inscr. 4,197 and 4,247 of Artes εἰ Optficia. 


ORGANIZED FORTUNE-TELLERS. 413 


ledged to have served a union. Of itself it is an object of 
surprise; and has not yet been studied enough to shed all 
the light that was latent in its curious paleograph. There 
are recorded in the Res Scaenica of Orelli not less than a 
dozen genuine trade unions of the gladiatorial art. This of 
itself makes it conjectural whether there was not some law 
relative to the organization of slaves. 

Fortune-telling was so common that there is a law in the 
code of Theodosius providing for a union of fortune-tellers, 
corpus nemesiacorum.* They had a secret order whose 
members worshipped the goddess of fortune, called Dea 
Nemesi. They were something like our clairvoyants; some 
of them like our psycologists but more nearly resembling 
the aruspices and diviners of oracles. Such was the super- 
stition among all classes that they were held in high esteem 
by rich and poor and probably patronized a good deal, thus 
affording an opportunity to combine profit with mysterious 
wisdom. 

There are some great stories connected with superstition. 
Eunus the slave king of Enna in Sicily was a fortune-teller. 
The poor downtrodden slaves, crushed to the lowest condi- 
tion which left breath and animation in their tortured 
frames, when they heard of his wise sayings—some of which, 
like those of our weather prophets, came true—and when 
they were informed by him that he was destined to quit 
the servile post of waiter in his master’s family and assume 
the royal robes of a monarch, they believed him; and this 
superstitious credulity actually wrought the fact, He was 
fortune-teller, fire-eater, prestidigitator and stump speaker; 
and combined with all this a bluff managerial talent and a 
rollicking good nature and winsomeness which determined 
and cast the die to the greatest insurrection known in history 
unless we except that of Spartacus. Ifhe had no organ- 
ization at the start he soon effected one. He also showed 
much shrewd resignation of his prerogatives of kingship 
when he gave to the terrible Achaeos, and the impetuous 
Cleon the command of the armics. He showed a wisdom 
akin to revelation when he decided not to take arms per- 
sonally but to stay in his palace and blow fire out of his 
mouth, dawdle with the trinkets of his throne and let these 


26 Nemesciaci, a dea Nemesi, quae eadem est cum bona Fertuna. Coa 
Theod lib, XIV, Nat. ad leg. 2, tit ViJ 


414 “ORGANIZED AMUSERS. 


generals fight his battles with a soldiery of slaves who be- 
lieved that every word he uttered was dropped from the 
Almighty. 

Witchcraft and fortune-telling have been twin trades 
from the earliest times and were well worth organizing for; 
and as they were intimately allied to the mysteries of early 
religions the membership had less difficulty in procuring 
laws exempting them from suppression. But they carried 
it to intrigue and machination, so that oftentimes it did not 
restrict itself tosimple amusement. It gained a strong foot- 
hold upon the solemnity of religion and exercised so powers 
ful a control of men’s consciences that the hints and pre- 
sages of the soothsayer sometime sdecided the fortunes of 
battle. 

Great numbers of unions of mimic actors existed among 
the Greeks and Romans.” We have especially noticed that 
part of the ancient world inhabited by the Roman stock of 
the Indo-European race; but this was merely for the pur- 
pose of making the fact perspicuous that the ancient work- 
ing people hada labor movement and that the freedmen 
were organized. In Greece, Syria Phoenicia, Gaul, Germany 
and the regions of the Danube are also found inscriptions 
and other evidences that once a great trade and labor move- 
ment existed covering most of the then Roman world.™ 


87 Mommsen, De Coll. et Sodal Romanorum, p. 83, note 6. *‘ Communia mem 
orum muita inveniuntur.” 
38 Wallace, Numbers of Mankind, p. 142, makes some remarks which, though 
written a century ago. are applicable to the study which engaves these pages; 
Te gays: ‘Az the riches and luxury of the great men in Rome increased so pro- 
digiously, this must have occasioned a vast circuiation, and a general plenty 
of gold and silver; nor was it possible to confine the money to a few hands: 
however, the necessaries of life continued at a moderate price, and did not rise 
in their value in proportion to the high rates which were set on the materials of 
luxury.” This shows that yearning, at least, for the socialistic system largely 
prevailed among the ancient lowly. 


CHAPTER XVIIL 


TRADE UNIONS. 
THE ANCIENT CLOTHING-CUTTERS. 


How THE ANCIENTS WERE OLOTHED—The Unions of Fullers—Of 
Linen Weavers, Wool-carders, Cloth-combers—Inseriptions 
as Proof—Later Laws of Theodosius and Justinian Rewised 
—Government Cloth Mills—What was Meant by Public 
Works—Who managed Manufactures—The Dyers—Old- 
fashioned Shoes of the Forefathers—How made—Origin of 
the Crispins—The Furriers’ Union—Roman Ladies and Fin- 
eries of Fur—The great Ragamuftin Trade—Their Innumer: 
able Unions—Ragpickers of Antiquity-——Origin of the Cen- 
ciajuole—Organization of the Real Tatterdemalions—Origin 
of the Gypsies—Hypothesis. 


Ir 1s quite possible to establish the fact that the clothing 
trades were organized. Woollen goods in those times were 
not manufactured in large mills with costly machinery. 
Weaving was done on small hand looms, and the fulling of 
cloth was a trade by itself. Cotton was used for tents, thea- 
tres and also to some extent for clothing at an early date; 
yet our limited data will not permit us to state that cotton 
manufacturers were organized. But the workers in wool 
had societies, some of which were screened from the restric- 
tions imposed on many other trades, on account of their in- 
nocent usefulness. There is a law of the Theodosian code’ 
providing for the right or privilege of mutual organization 
to the fullers, fullones. Weconsequently havea fullers’ union 
fullonum sodaliciwm * commemorated on a marble slab, found 

1 Cod. Theod., De Exeusatiantbus Artificum, lib. XIII, tit, LV, lex. 2, 


3 Murator, Thesaurus Veterum Incriptionum, 951, 9. Foundat Sunes among 
the Appenines. It is an inscription in marble. Cult of the union, erya, 


410 UNIONS OF CLOTITES MAKERS. 


at Spoleto; another, picked up at Falaria, inscribed with 
lette s so well preserved that no hesitation is indulged in 
by the eritics in pronouncing it a genuine trade union of the 
fullers, as the word “collegiwm” appears three times and 
“ sodalicitum” twice;? both terms convey the meaning of 
mutual union or organization; and as both these inscriptions 
appear to be of the era of the republic, they are probably 
very old. If, however, the two tablets above cited are not 
sufficient as evidence of the union of fullers, we have a gem 
from Pompeiiin the from of an inscription of the fullers who 
worked in some public establishment. These artisans, as 
Mommeen observed in his disquisition on labor unions, evi- 
dently shielded themselves from the severity of the law sup- 
pressing the colleges, by having recourse to a certain amount 
of piety * which they scarcely felt in their hearts, A society 
of sacred fullers sounds ridiculous!* Yet this inscription 
commemorating a fraternity, or at anyrate, a force of work- 
men fulling cloth for the use of the people, bears pious words 
which would incline one to imagine that some of their wages 
was devoted, like a collection at church, towards defraying 
the expenses of the holy temples instead of providing for 
the earners’ hungry babes. ‘This inscription is one of the 
many contributions to ethnological science which the exhu- 
mations from Pompeii have produced. Of course then no 
one can question its greater antiquity than the earthquake 
of Vesuvius, A. D. 79; and it might have existed many 
hundreds of years anterior to that event. 

The linen weavers during the emperors, enjoyed the free 
right of organization, according to a provision in the codex 
Theodosii,® and we accordingly have an inscription quoted 
in Orelli,’ of the linen weavers, lintearii, found at Nemausum, 
by Muratori. But the stone is in a bad condition. It 
might have been a private sign, in which case it proves 
nothing to our purpose.* 

The wool earders, lanarii pectinarti, used to card and 


8 Cf. Orellius, Insertptionum Latinarum Collectto, Nos. 4,056, 4,091, 3,291 all 
of which were fallers. 


4 Mommeen, De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Rom Cap. V. im. 

5 Vide Orell, Inser. Lat. Coll,, No. 3,291, Opera Publica, es fomachie filifi in- 
genui Sacred. pub. Fuilones.” Pompeit 

6 Cod, Theod., Jib. XXX, 6. 8. 16. 

ΤΟ -ell., Inscr Latinarium Collectio, No. 4,215 also Cod. Theod., llb. X, 20, 16. 

8 For futher information on linen weavers, see Granier Histoire des Classes 


Ouvrizrs, Ὁ. 310: “ Lee principalis corporations marchandes de |’ empire étaient 
cel es des tisserands, linteones etc.” 


THE STATE EMPLOYED TRADE UNIONS, 41% 


weave with similar cards and band-looms as were used by 
the colonists of the United States. In all probability the 
teasel was used in dressing and combing the cloth the same 
as now; since no application of mechanical invention and 
science has ever superseded the use of the teasel in combing 
cloth, although new experiments of great ingenuity are con- 
stantly being made. 

The weavers and carders were also organized, Of this 
we also have proof in the inscriptions. Gruter found at 
Brixia® a fragment of a slab on which were engraved a few 
words signifying that the sodaliciwm or union had added 
another emancipated slave to their numbers, either as ap- 
prentice or otherwise. The organization was one of wool 
carders. The same author records several others, one of 
them discovered in the village of Rummel agri Silvaedu- 
censis."° At Rome there were several others discovered.” 

Inscription No. 2,303 of Orelli is placed by him among 
Opera publica, public works, which is very strong evidence 
that the state farmed out the manufacture of wollen goods 
to the unions, who produced the goods for the government 
in its own mills. Did the Roman state own woollen mills? 
It would be well for political economists to consider this 
important question before proceeding to accuse the labor 
movement of this day of making demands which are * un- 
precedented” in the methods of manufacture and distribu- 
tion of the means of human life and comfort. Theevidences 
which are coming to light through the labors of archzeolo 
ists, who dig up, interpret and record the tell-tale palso- 
gtaphs of an ancient civilization are accumulating proof 
of the conjecture that once in Rome, at Athens and elsewhere, 
the governments were owners of woollen factories; and that 
they were run for government by trade unions, watched, 
curtailed, hampered and restricted of course, by the jealous 
optimate politicians lest the immense advantages natural to 
such a method should conduce to the liberty and social 
emancipation of the proletaries. The student of sociology 
may dimly discern some obscure light from great writers to 
the effect that not only the woollen mills were counted as 
public works but also many other establishments of a nature 
to supply food, clothing and shelter to the population. 


9 Gruter, Inscriptiones Totins Orbis Romanorum, 648, 2, 957, 8, 
19 Idem, 987, 2. 11 Idem, 648, ὁ 0° 


418 UNIONS OF CLOTHES MAKER& 


When the linen or wool was carded, spun, woven into 
cloth and fulled, it was necessary to have it dyed. It is 
however probable that then, as now, the goods were dyed 
in the yarn. This required another trade—that of dyers. 

There was a class of dyers, those who colored the cele- 
brated purple hues, who were especially provided by 
law; ” the blattearit. They enjoyed the free privilege of 
organizing their numbers and possessed trade unions, be- 
ing exempt from the restrictions which so curtailed and 
embarassed some of the unions of other trades. 

Another class of dyers were the murilegult who fished 
for shells and purple-fish that secreted an ink used for 
coloring silk and probably other materials. No inscrip- 
tions have been discovered that we are aware of which 
describe them, but frequent mention in the Roman law 
in connection with the franchise extended to some unions, 
corroborates the assurance that they possessed organizae 
tions. In fact their fraternity was mentioned and pro- 
vided for in the codes both of Theodosus and of Jus- 
tinian.* These workmen colored the exquisite red and 
purple of the ancient red banner.“ 

Thus we have the cloth ready for the tailor. The an- 
cients wore a sort of loose cloak or flowing mantle called 
sagum. It was usually of long wooland colored. Tailors 
who made them were called sagarw™ and they were or- 
ganized; but as they were a branch of the tailors’ pro- 
fession there appear no special inscriptions of them ex- 
cept in the lists of epitaphs. There was a union of tail- 
ors provided for by a law in the code of Theodosius, un- 
der the designation given them, of gynaeciarii™ which is 
a warping of a Greek word and a Greek custom into the 
Roman tongue. At Athens the gynaecewm was that por- 
tion of any house where the women lived. They also 
worked there for their masters; and by this we know 
they were often slaves. Butin Rome it served as a man- 
ufactory of clothing in addition to being the harem of 
the lord. Under the emperors there was a man to over- 
see this work.” As the emperor was the head of the 


12 Cod. Theod., De aay Artificum, lib. XIII, tit. avs leg. 2. 


18 Cod. Justiniani, Ix, 7 14 See chapter on the "Ancient Red Flag, infra. 

15 Cod. Theodosii, lib. X, ‘tit. 5 leg, 12, also X, 20. 

16 Oe Inseriptionum . Latinarum Collectio, Nos. 4,251 and 4,723, Sepul- 
17 Cod. Theodosis, lib, X, leg. 2° 8, 7 an ore 20, ἃ, 


ie Cod. Justiniant, lib, XI, 7, 8. 


IMPERIAL WORKSHOPS. 419 


people he was considered the government and his palace 
like the residence of the president of the United States, 
was government property; so that it seems to be a fact 
easily proven that certain manufacturing establishments 
were carried on by the ancient governments; since it is 
well known that the spinners’, weavers’, dyers’ and tail- 
ors’ overseers who were called gynaeciarii, had shops in 
the emperors’ palaces and conducted the manufacture of 
mantles, togas and other articles of clothing on quite an 
extensive scale for the household of his majesty, includ- 
ing family and retinue. These female clothiers worked 
in the same manner for others of the great gentes or lordly 
families. This prepares us for a distinct comprehension 
of the desire of ancient labor to be organized. It lifted 
the member one step higher than the slave and placed 
him or her in the co-operative supervision and care of 
the fraternity. The Roman gynaeciarius was generally 
a man who had charge of the workshop. 

On account of a misapprehension of this word’s true 
meaning, lexicographers define the gynaeciarius as an 
overseer ofa harem! This isa cheap way of degrading 
the character of hundreds and even thousands of poor 
working women who plied the honest needle wherewith 
to eke out awretched living. But it is the inscriptions— 
a late study—which bring out the original home-mean- 
ing, otherwise lost. Not only the code of Theodosius 
but that of Justinian contain well worded provisions for 
the organization of tailors into trade unions, This asso- 
ciation was taken advantage of by the women as well as 
their chivalrous male companions in poverty and lowli- 
ness and they were only too glad to enjoy the patronage 
of their emperors, and work in their houses and those of 
the grandees, under a foreman, doubtless also a member 
of the union. The gens family thus furnished shop, tools 
and stock and the workers here performed the work. 
But family and state were identical terms. 

We now come to the shoemakers. If the reader, in ad- 
miring the pictures of the ancients, will carefully observe 
the apparel in which their feet are shod he will notice 
that the shoe has the form of a sandal; and that it is 
laced to the foot like a modern half-slipper. That is to 
say, it is mostly sole; there being very little upper-leather, 


420 UNIONS OF CLOTHES MAKERS. 


especially about the instep. This was the principal art- 
icle of foot clothing manufactured by the ancients for 
popular use. Italy, Greece, Spain, Pheenicia, North- 
ern Africa, are almost semi-tropical countries. It is the 
pinching cold of Central Europe that has forced differ- 
entiation in the shape of shoes and boots. The Roman 
sandal, solea, was manufactured in enormous quantities 
largely, no doubt, by slaves. But as we have positive 
evidence of unions of shoemakers, solearii, we know “hat 
they wers also produced by free labor. The archeologist 
Marini, found at Rome a beautiful tablet’ on which is 
engraved in unmistakable terms the name of the union 
and states that it was a collegiwm saliarium baxearum 
This means that the members manufactured one particu- 
lar kind of sandal or shoe—the baxea which was of a cer- 
tain Greek pattern. In the Vatican is another mentioned 
by various authors,” which, however, does not so unmis- 
takably represent a trade union. The Crispins, it is well- 
known, were a very powerful trade union of a later date, 
whose members carried with them a bigoted species of 
priesteraft. But as their existence is of so curious 8 
character and their organization so secret, we have failed 
to find any genuine inscriptions. Their identity however 
has come down to us in history, and marks an era in the 
Christian religion, connecting it with labor and practically 
verifying its precepts by its commingling of the nobility 
with the proletariat, thus leveling all to one plane. 
Diocletian was the tyrant who persecuted the early 
Christians. Under his reign two brothers—noblemen be- 
longing to a gens family—were converted to religion, 
Their names, as the story goes, were Crispin and Crispin- 
ian. For a poor slave or freedman to embrace Christian- 
ity was not so much of an offense because he had no ree- 
ognition, no family; but for a nobleman to forsake the 
worship of his ancestral manes and tutelary saints, abjure 
faith in the miraculous gods and goddesses who for un- 
accounted ages, by sea and land had presided over the 
destinies of men and had been believed in with an iron 
bound confidence and a terrorizing authority that left not 
a shimmering of option wherein to plant an independent 


19 Marini, Atti, I, p. 12 
20 See Orelli, Znscriplionum Latinarum Collectio, No. 4,218, Artes οἱ opificta. 


THE FIRST CRISPINS. 42. 


thought—such an offender was thought to deserve the 
punishment of death! These Crispins, therefore, having 
thus offended by embracing the new faith, were obliged 
to fly to Gaul, where, according to vague tradition, they 
settled at Soissons, preaching by day and shoemaking 
evenings, until in A. D. 287, they were executed by order 
of Maximian. They had first founded the order of Cris- 
pins which exists to this day. Many centuriesafterwards, 
1645, Crispins were chosen as the patron saints of a re- 
ligio-industrial community at Paris—a secret order called 
the freres cordonniers—brother shoemakers. This secret 
order has had a varied experience. It was suppressed 
several times but grew again; and to-day the order of 
Crispins exists in the United States, and many other 
countries of the world, asaregular and genuine trade 
union of shoemakers. 

There was also a union of soldiers’ boot makers, caligarii, 
spoken of by Lampridius.* The archeologist Gruter™ 
brought to light an inscription which may serve as proof. 
It commemorates the existence of a family of shoemakers 
who made such shoes, sutores caligarit, but is too brief, or 
at Jeast the section of it which we have seen is too incom- 
plete for a specimen to fix judgment upon, Another stone 
from Auximum is more elaborate but rendered vague by 
the endless abbreviations which the Latins seem to have 
been so fond of.” 

Mommsen gives a long account of the Roman manner 
of dividing the unions into decurians, centurians™ and other 
numbers, somewhat in the manner prescribed by king Nuina, 
more than 600 years before Christ. ‘This inscription alluded 
to refers to the centurians, and the division to which the 
union was allotted. Of the ordinary shoemakers, swtores, 
we do not find any inscriptions proving that they possessed 
trade organizations, Perhaps they were all slaves, as was 
the-case with some trades. There are hopes, however, that 
more inscriptions may yet be discovered to prove that the 
sutores had their organization. 

In Rome, as at the present time, it was fashionable to 
wear furs; and we also know that the furriers were organ- 

21 Lampridius, Alexander Severus, 33. 

32 Gruter, Inscriptiones Totius Orbis Romanornm, 649, 1. 


2 Orell. , Inscr. Lat. Coll., No. 3,868. 
34 Momm., De Coll. et Sodal. Rom., Cap. II, p, 27-32. 


ἐδ UNIONS OF CLOTHES MAKERS. 


ized into trade unions. The furriers were called pelliones. 
They were classed as innocent, and allowed the privilege of 
combination by a special clause in the code of Theodosius "ἢ 
and had numerous unions of the trade. Among other 
branches of the furriers were the fringe and border makers, 
limbolarii,* who trimmed ladies’ dresses with furs or costly 
silk or laces. The limbolarii or fringers were connected 
with the ladies’ head dressers on the one hand and teztores 
and textrices, male and female weavers on the other. That 
they worked in the head dress or hat business is certain; 
but we are in the dark about the method and personnel of 
the hat manufacture for either sex. 

A very remarkable and numerous trade union called cen- 
tonart, patchworkers and junkmen or ragpickers, crops out 
every where among the inscriptions. Near the ancient town 
of Come in Curia, Gruter™ observed many queer inscrip- 
tions, among which are several which clearly indicate that 
at this municipium of Rome the rag pickers were numer- 
ous enough to get elected into the ‘municipal offices. In- 
deed this is his own comment upon the matter. There is 
no ground for doubt about their being genuine trade unions, 
as the wording of the stone distinctly says: “collegrwm cen- 
tonariorum.” At Milan, the same great pioneer of the re- 
naissance dragged forth another of these long forgotten 
Witnesses of the ancient mode of living, to shed its light 
upon social science * Thisled to further investigation, and 
Fabretti® from the same field brought out two other tab- 
leis of centonarii bearing equally good testimony. The 
centurian legion is mentioned upon one of them, and by this 
we are apprised of the fact that the law dividing the unions 
into tens, hundreds, etc., held good as far away as Milan | 
in the extreme north of Italy. 

Another, found at the ancient Mevaniola, is quoted by 
Orelli.” Itis a slab of stone on which is inscribed the name 
of the president of the association. It is quite evident that 
eee institutions had something to do with manufacture of 

ich articles of clothing if not also of any and everythin 
dies could pick up the makings for. If among all their col- 


% Code Theod., lib. Sin ts iv, leg. 2, De Excusationibus Artificum, 

% Orell., Inser.., No. 4,2 

7 Gruter, Inser. Totius Orbis | aaa pe Nos. 471. δ, 358. 6 and others 
3 Gruter, Inser, Totius Orbis Rom., 477, 1 

39 Fabrett, Explicatio, p. 73, 72. 

τὸ ., inser. ., No. 5,122, Collegium centonarirum Municipii Mevaniolas. 


RAGPICKERS AND PIlECE-PATCHERS. 423 


lections of rags picked up in the streets or obtained by beg- 
gary or otherwise in their wanderings by day, they found 
in their culling and sorting, material of mixed colors and 
qualities sufficient to make a coat, no matter how versicol- 
ored and bizarre it looked when finished, they set about 
cutting, patching and putting together the pieces, and of 
them creating a garment readily disposed of among the 
poor slaves and outcasts whose wretched lot it was often to 
work in sun and storm, heat and cold, without clothing, as 
naked as the gladiators who fought on the sands of the am- 
phitheatres. 

The immense number of inscriptions bearing record of 
these facts, affords proof of the formidable misery which 
poor despised humanity were obliged to suffer in ancient 
days. In proof of the position above stated, we have from 
Regium in Cisalpine Gaul a splendid stone containing 
over 100 words showing that the membership was allied to 
manufacturers, but of what sort is not given; that they had 
a temple of some kind of their own; and that they took an 
active part in public affairs by force of their organized num- 
bers.” 

We are inclined to the opinion that whoever investigates 
the subject of the ancient ragpickers from the numerous 
and unmistakable data already at command, will arrive at 
our conclusion that they were a sort of social jack-at-all- 
trades, undertaking in poverty, with limited means, and un- 
der many checks of social humiliation and contempt, any job 
that fell in their way by which they could make a living. 
Muratori exhibits in his enormous folio collection Nos, 563 
2 and 564 1, of his Zhesaurus,” two others, found at the 
town of Sentinum, a place in ancient Umbria, which, on the 
whole, adds little to the points already given. 

In the Neapolitan museum is, or was a collection of bronze 
Biavucs, statuettes, plaques and tablets, all conveying 
thoughts valuable to the study of ethnology—the Heraclian 
or Herculanean museum. Stored there is another interest- 
ing tablet of these centonarii or ragpickers. It was found 
by Fabretti, directly or indirectly, at Patavium.* Accord- 
ing to Heineck it is very old.“ Another from the ager Co- 

31 Orell., No. 4,133; Gruter, 1,101, 1 and Murator, 563, 1, 

#2 Vide Orell,, 4,134: ‘‘Similia decreta, nec minus verbosa, adulationisque 


plena ” 
33 Fabretti, Hzplicatio, p. 485, 160, *A Heinec, Antiqu, p. 288, 


ig CLOTHES MAKERS. 


mensis, classed by Orelli, among the societies of artisans is 
equally suggestive.* It is ascribed to Muratori, and is from 
Torcellum. Mommsen’s great collection * contains another 
stcne bearing an inscription of an A‘sernian rag pickers’ or- 
ganization and Orelli gives a very fine specimen from 
Brixia, which he arranges with his collegia, corpora et so- 
dalicia.** One that Orelli mixed up with his Dit Immor- 
tales seems to commemorate one of those unions, combinin 
several kinds of labor under one set of rules.“ When the 
monument was lettered the union had already existed 151 
years. It is at Milan. 

These things show how dear the union was to freedmen. 
We have already cited twelve of the evidences of a power- 
ful organization of freedmen on Roman soil. There are 
over 40 more good specimens in the museums and other 
collections, and their record is made good for all time in the 
voluminous catalogues of Archzologists. The great num- 
ber of inscriptions of the centonarii, or rag and old junk 
gatherers, in comparison with most other organized trades 
.may be accounted for if we reflect that very many of the 
ancient lowly obtained their manumission late in life, after 
they had been worn out in toil, whose products had gone 
to their masters. 

Manumissions were easily obtained at an advanced age 
because the owner of a man would be glad to free himself 
from the expense of maintaining him after he became old, 
decrepit and useless. Doubtless the owner often killed his 
ultra-aged slaves rather than accord them the boon called 
liberty to die in possession of. But we may be sure that 
such was ever the longing for freedom when offered the 
slave under whatsoever motive that he seldom refused to 
accept the gift, though its acceptance entailed 2") the anxi- 
eties and dangers of the precarious competitive struggle ior 
existence. Assuming at an advanced age the responsibili- 
ties of life, he drifted into any labor, no matter how grovele 
ling, and became the junk-man, rag-picker and pateh-piecer; 
and with the mutual aid of his union succeeded in living 
happier in responsible independence than he was before in 
his irresponsible thraldom. 

A second reason for their large numbers may be, that 


35 Orell., Inscr., No, 4070: Mur. Theasaur, 518, 8. See also Orell., No. 4071, 
τὸ Momm., Inscr., No. 5,060. 37 Orell., Inser., No. 7,201. 
38 Orell., Znscr., No. 1702. 


ANCIENT GYPSIES. 425 


many times no work could be found; consequently to ob- 
tain enough to live upon they took to picking what others 
threw away and found that by scouring the streets and 
alleys they could bring to their rag and junk markets suffi- 
cient to relieve the pinch of hunger, and with the otherwise 
unusable stuff, make fires to cook their food and warm 
themselves in winter. 

The fact that these centonarti are found to have existed 
not only in Europe but throughout Asia, is a matter deeply 
suggestive to the student of ethnology. That they had al- 
ready had their bands, and their bodies or corpores at the 
dawn of manumission from this primeval state of slavery 
_ there seems little doubt. The inscription that we cite from 
Orelli’s catalogue” shows by its own words—the identical 
ones engraved in antiquity upon a piece of stone—that the 
union had existed de facto already 151 years. Further 
light is suggestively shed here, to the effect that the union 
had been able, traditionally or otherwise, to count the years 
of its age with precision. 

These seemingly phenomenal things are cleared up when 
we come to discover that when the great wave of political 
antagonism to the growth and influence of organized labor 
struck backward and overwhelmed the unions which, as we 
have clearly shown by the inscription from the ruins of 
Pompeii, were able in some municipalities to elect their own 
superintendents of public works, a few were excepted with 
the proviso that they should keep themselves piously sub- 
ject to the rules of the ancient religion, should fear and 

onor the lares of the gentile immortals and preserve their 
identity and their habitat by an inscription or register of 
each union in perfect accordance with the law. Provided 
with this inscription whereon was registered their habitat, 
the name of the deity they had chosen as their tutelary 
guardian, and the business which they professed as a means 
of existence, the law accorded them the right to organize, 
jus coeundi. But these regulations they must strictly ob- 
serve; because they made it very convenient for the police 
whose duty it was to watch over them and report their be- 
havior to senate and tribunes of the people. 

Under the more ancient jus coeundi or right of combina- 


% Orell., Inser., No. 1702, note 2 of explanation: “ Collegii supra scripti anni 
161, ex quo collegium isthoc constitutum fuerat.” 


426 UNIONS OF CLOTHES MAKER& 


tion into unions of trades and professions, it certainly, as 
proved by many inscriptions of the period of the emperors 
of Rome, could not have been obligatory that the unions 
should chisel out these lithoglyphs, so precious to us now. 
So when the law came, some of them searched back for 
their chronology and pedigree and had them inserted with 
the rest of the inscription. We know from abundant evi- 
dence that the oldest societies stood the best chance of es- 
caping suppre:sion. They were especially exempted by 
law. This exemption was based upon the respect for the 
laws and traditions of Numa, Solon and Tullius. The new 
societies, however, were looked upon with distrust; and it 
logically follows that if a collegium, corpus or sodaliciwm 
could prove its age by trawng its record back to a time an- 
terior to the agrarian or servile troubles, it would have an 
almost certain chance of remaining unmolested. 

We have enlarged upon this curious subject of the rag 
pickers with a view of preparing the mind of the reader 
with facts in regard to our theory—which we will admit to 
be original and unique—upon the origin of gypsies. 

It is admitted that history has failed to record the origin, 
life and migrations of the gypsies. Of course everybody 
agrees both that they are a caste and that they are, so to 
speak, the pariah dogs of these later days; but everybody, 
upon reflection, also admits that they always were and still 
are organized. The fact is, their organization has always 
been exclusive and severe. Another fact always was and 
is, namely, that theirlanguage is Latin although mixed with 
Sanscrit and Greek; and this is the most incontrovertible 
stronghold to our suggestion that gypies are the still linger- 
ing, self-constituted, tribal relics of the archaic children of 
the great gens families of the Aryan race, both Asiatic and 
Indo-European. 

We suggest that being outcasts of the domus or paternal 
home through the law of primogeniture, they served for 
unknown ages as slaves on the paternal estate; and at the 
dawn of the period of manumissions were among the first 
to form self-supporting, or mutually protective unions out 
of which the least qualified, most cunning and romantic 
never developed, but continued to pick up a living by petty 
theft, rag, junk and slop-gathering, horse-jockeying and 
piece-patching, warping their tongues to fit localities, and 


427 


ORIGIN OF THE GYPSIES. 


,2Oos oo 
bsses2a ANCIENT GYPSY BEAUTY & HER PIPES 
So ot es ; ONE OF MARK ANTONY’S LIBERATED SLAVES. : 
Fs i Ξ © g 2 3 _ From & slab Ofmarble found near Rome ‘Lhe wage slaye’s ancestral mother, 
esse a ——— Se τς τος ἸΘΕΞΞΞΞΞΞξξββθθε 
Ξ = B.S @ Ε 3 BS Ay eae en eee ey, KRom.t. Vane VIL. ER Sa ΞΥΣ ΞΡ 5 ΞΞ 
= ἐξ ᾿ 
ἜΝ Ὁ κε | 
ΞΞΞΕΘ ει, 
Φ .»»- 
po ἃ ἢ 
mn BHO wn SSE SSS ΡΣ PERRO Reema eee 
oeox# ‘33 
=OB2SRE 
Seep ὦ ὦ 
ΞΞ ΞΟ 
Sa ἘΠ Θ᾽ & 
TPoH δ, Θ 
aoe ΠΙς ea] 
Oe et 
S25 588 
Ξ P= Oo. SS 
a ee ΕΞ ΕΝ mes 
Og ἘΠ ότι : 
oonBe 8s OF 
ΞΡ πῶ Θ 5.99 
ὅθ Oo ws 
— Pd msoesg 
is eases SoS 
OC fR 2 8 2 
Se mgt so 
Sse = Ξ.Ξ Ξ = 
ES Sore, Onno 
Base Ξ sa 
a8..6 08 
ΟΦ ΘΟ 5S s a2 Se 
δρῶ ΞῈ ἢ ᾧ 
=| Se osu? 
‘aS poe og 
BP SOodaes ἘΞΞΞΞ 
ἘΠ ον" 
eS ὃ Ὁ 5 5 ho 


OHAPTER XIX. 


TRADE UNIONS. 


THE PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN IMAGE-MAKERS. 


ORGANIZATIONS oF ? roPLE who worked tor the Gods—Big and litue 
God-Smiths—Their Unions object to the New Religion of 
Christianity because this, originally Repudiating Idolatry, 
Ruined their Business—Compromise which Originated the 
Idolatry in the Church of to-day—The Cabatores—Unions 
of Ivory Workers—Of Bisellarii or Deity-Sedan-Makers—Of 
Image-makers in Plaster—The Unguentarzi or Unions of Per- 
fumemakers—Holy Ointments and the Unions that manu- 
factured them—LKtruscan Trinketmakers—Bookbinders— 
No Proof yet found of their Organization. 


Drrectty connected with and ἃ component part of the 
ancient state, particularly that of the Indo-Europeans, 
was the great subject of the gods, deorum immortalium. 
This with them was no wild fancy but an institution so 
closely interwoven in all the affairs of public and private 
life that no person of patrician birth who could lay claim 
to a family ' could possibly, without heresy often punish- 
able with death, disregard or question. The worship of 
the nianes at the domestic altar, and of the penates, the 
mysterious home of the lares and all the holy immortals 
was compulsory. All paganism was excessively, tyranni- 
cally, inexorably, cruelly, religious. Itignored the whole 
proletarian class; and most logically, according to its 
tenets; for they, possessing no family, no property, no 
paternity, could have no tutelary saint except by proxy 
2nd in an eleemosynary way, used by them superficially 


1 The proletaries or working people had no recognized family. To be born 
into an ancient family was to belong to a great and noble gens, 


AN INDUSTRY IN HOLY ΓΟΚΝΙΤΌΚΕ. 429 


to flatter conscience,’ and in all cases borrowed by them 
from the grandees, who sometimes permitted the loan of 
a family god* to act the sham of tutelary protector, and 
this sometimes out of mere contemptuous pity. But this 
archaic, aristocratic worship was in practice mechanical. 
Its temples, the work of the proletaries, were massive, 
often magnificent structures. Idols were numerous, some 
of them specimens of the finest sculptures the world ever 
produced. Its altars were solemn, massive and awful; 
its sepulchres, sarcophagi and mausoleums, striking in 
the solemnity of their incidents and surroundings; its 
little images and deities were visitants of every respecta- 
ble household; its sacerdotal and sacrificial paraphernalia 
numerous and indispensable and the oracles and shrines 
of the aruspex and soothsayer had each to be adorned 
with furniture which best convenienced the cunning, flat- 
tery, superstition and makeshift of priestcraft. 

All these things required tools to make them and were 
the product of skilland industry of the proletaries. Great 
numbers of these emblems of Pagan piety are preserved 
in the collections ; and by them we know how to appreci- 
ate the methods of mechanics who produced them. 

The cabatores had a union that made images of the 
greater gods. By this is probably to be understood, the 
most powerful immortals, Jupiter, Ceres, Vulcan and the 
like. They had their shops in Rome and Athens. If 
they were numerous we are without evidence of the fact; 
although their skill covered a considerable range. The 
cabator and the imaginifex made images of many kinds 
but the manner of their operations is obscure. We know 
more of their extent. The business of the former was to 
make the less elegant statues, reliefs, and perhaps pic- 
tures of the great deities; while the latter busied himself 
with the manufacture of the household and toy gods for 
which there was always a steady demand. In this man- 
ufacture of deities there was from the most ancient epoch 
of which we have data, enough demand to keep large 


£¥Fustel, Cité Antique, livre ΤΙ, passtm, 

®Mommsen, Dé Collegiis et Sodulicits Romanorum, p. 86: ‘*Legibus colle 
Diane et Antinoi et collegii Asculapii et Hygie ” Note 13, Idem, p. 78. “In 
familia Augustali multa collegia opficum ΤΑΙΒΕΟ Ἢ Idem, Ὁ. 10, De Gute Minerva 
sf Na tort quidem accepit simulacrum, ,.. Nautiorum familia ra Minervss 
retinebat 


430 IMAG E-MAKERS. 


numbers of mechanicsemployed. It grew with the num- 
bers of the human race, and increased as human taste for 
luxury increased. Belief did not perceptibly change. 
Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, even Anaxagoras and Diogenes 
worshiped the immortal gods whose emblems, statuettes, 
and profiles adorned not only the temples but the resi- 
dences of all respectable citizens. Such images, liable to 
accident and decay, had to be replenished or repaired, and 
the labor required to do this gave the incentive of organ- 
ization. 

We shall show in another chapter, that on the intro- 
duction of the Christian faith at Rome in after years, one 
of the objections most vigorously raised against the new 
doctrine was, not that it would interfere with them in 
point of conscience, but that it would interfere adversely 
to their means of earning bread! It threatened to sap the 
fountain of economic existence. The early Christians 
wanted no idols. The image-makers who wrought holy 
emblems out of wood, brass, gold, pear] and sometimes 
of amber and the precious gems, gaineda living by their 
trade; and consequently, Christianity, however it might 
otherwise please their sense of mutual love, of equality, 
fraternity and freedom, yet so long as it threatened their 
means of livelihood in the slightest degree they opposed 
it with every effort within their reach; whereupon a share 
of the Pagan idolatry was bargained for, sufficient to re- 
store the manufacture of images and idols. Then working 
people, always prone to accept, threw away their objec- 
tions and embraced the new religion in such numbers 
and with such zeal that the old religion began to dissolve, 
and in course of a few centuries crumbled to the dust, 
while the workman’s craft of image-making continues to 
this day. 

Of the most celebrated idol manufacturers, Phidias, 
perhaps stands foremost. Like all proletaries his fam- 
ily is unknown. No blooded historian could taint the 
noble prestige with a line enlightening mankind upon his 
pedigree ; and writers of his own class, there were none, 
His superlative genius, however, wrote his history in the 
exquisite images of Athena, in the great works on the 
Propylea of the acropolis and the Parthenon, wrought 
by his combined imagination and chisel. Ivory and gold 


GENIUS IN SHRINE MANUFACTURE. 431 


entered into this last chryselephantine colossus; and his 
adornment of Olympia with the statue of Jupiter as a vir- 
gin goddess signalized his age by an exhibit of the me- 
chanical in the most exquisite and costly details. Pericles 
the renowned optimate and politician, stood in astonish- 
ment and admiration before this workingman’s genius and 
originality. 

Myron, the cotemporary and celebrated rival of Phidias, 
could sculpture a quoit-player, a cow or a god with equal 
perfection. His Hercules, his Jupiter and his Minerva 
were so perfect that Roman warriors in capturing them 
were captured by them. When, afterwards, Lysippus, 
Praxiteles, Scopas and a great many others adorned this 
art with perfection it never had before or since, it became 
a trade at which many thousands earned a living, 

Great schools of image-making flourishedin Greece and 
Rome from times long anterior to Phidias. The Etrus- 
cans had schools of idol manufacture conducted, as in 
Greece, by the proletaries or working people. Once 
when the Romans beat them in battle and at the siege 
took Volsinii nearly 300 years before Christ, about 2,000 
holy images and statues were a part of the trophies of vic- 
tory. The Etruscans were hard working, faithful people 
who had trade unions in great numbers. Some of these 
were image-makers; and they well knew how to live and 
profit upon the superstitions which thus attached to the 
Pagan faith. 

While Rome produced few image-makers of brilliancy 
she patronized enormously the manufacture of all sorts 
of holy trinkets. The household from the earliest times 
was the true patron, and ladies bought many little imita- 
tions of gods and goddesses together with an endless 
variety of sacerdotal paraphernalia, such as suited their 
fancy as to merit and price. . 

Orelli gives us an inscription of a genuine union of the 
bisellarvi, wio manufactured the great sacerdotal seat or 
chair; a splendidly finished and richly upholstered téte 
ἃ téte for the gods.‘ There were also signs either of 
unions or private business of persons working ivory, ebu- 


_ ‘sInscriptionum Latinarum Collectio, No. 4,187, note 1, also Gruter, Inscrip- 
tionnm Totius Orbis Romanorum, 12, 8, and Muratori, Thesaurus Veterum Inscrip- 
tionum, 544, 1, 


452 IMAG E-MAKERS. 


rari The inscriptions are givenby Orelli.* But we have 
more positive evidence of a trade union of ivory workers 
in a direct mention of them assuch in the Justinian code 
which provided for them the right to organize and labor 
in the holy cause.® 

The evidences indicate that the tectoriolae or little plaster 
images of which Cicero’ and others have made mention, 
were the work of the albari.* An inscription found at 
Rome and published by Gruter,® appears to signify by its 
reading that the business was managed by one C. Ateius 
Philadelphus but gives no clue to warrant that he was 
managing officer of a trade union of the plasterers’ craft. 

Besides the wonderful chryselphantine ivory workers 
belonging to the great school of Phidias, already men- 
tioned, there were the eburarti, who, as we have already 
stated, were fortified by a law in the code of Justinian, 
and were excepted in the late statutes on trade unions.” 
These craftsmen made little statuettes, symbols, ivory 
chains, variously shaped charms and talismans propitiatory 
of the gods. They for this purpose carried on a consid- 
erable trade with the Africans and Phenicians whereby 
to obtain pure and delicate ivory. Indeed, the supersti- 
tion inculcated by the ancient religion led to a veritable 
industry which through many a long century furnished 
bread to these mechanics and their families. 

Orelli,” gives an inscription of an association or genu- 
ine trade union of the gods’ bed makers, or pulvinarit.” 
They were organized under the society name of sodaliciwm 
which Cicero characterized as low and mean; but we pre- 
sume that as in this case their calling was to manufacture 
the elegantly upholstered couches and silk embroidered 
sleeping furniture of the mighty immortals, the piety and 
solemnity which enveloped their workshops rescued them 
from the rigors of the conspiracy laws which Cicero and 


δ Orell., idem, Nos. 4,180 and 4,302. 

6 Cod., Justiniani, x, 64,1. 

7 Cic., Fam., 9, 22. 3. 

8 Tertulian, De Idololatria, cap. viii. This author, however, admits that be- 
a images placed in the walls, the albarié did several other kinds of plaster 
work. 

9 Gruter, Inser. Tot. Orb., 642, 11. 

Y Orell., Nos. 4.180, 4,302. 

1 Inscriptionum Latinarum Collectio, No. 4,061, 

12 We say ‘‘ genuine” incases where we find full approval as to their gen. 
aineness. Orelli, Fabretti, Muratorius, etc., are high authority. 


ROME’S VOLUPTUOUS HOUSE OF LORDS. 4δ8 


Cesar instituted for their extinction, Another inscrip- 
tion was registered by Oderic, of these couch makers.” 
It says that one Julius Epaphra was a fruit seller, form- 
erly pulvinarius who worked at the couch makers’ trade 
furnishing them for the great circus; and Orelli cites 
Suetonius to show that such seats or couches were com- 
mon at the games although their usurpation by the gran- 
dees did not please." 

We close our section on the image-makers with the wn- 
guentarit or perfumers. The reader by this time begins 
to see that in reality all these fine things “fit for the 
gods,” which were manufactured by the unions in such 
quantities, were appropriated and used by the rich who 
in thus usurping or assuming what was destined for im- 
mortals, substituted themselves therefor; and in that way 
threw a halo of glory around themselves and their great, 
inapproachable gens families. The whole of it was a sort 
of self-deification, using political priestcraft to puff their 
vanity, inflame their egoism, and widen the chasm which 
forbiddingly yawned between them and the proletarian 
classes. 

These fine things, so pleasing to the sense of feeling 
and vision were not enough. ‘They also required some- 
thing to gratify the olfactory sense; and perfumes of the 
richest kind were mauufactured for them. There were 
unions in considerable numbers who did this work. At 
Capua before and during the servile war of Spartacus, 
there were perfumery factories which were celebrated 
all over Italy. The perfumers can scarcely be called 
image-makers, but their art completed the category of 
delicacies and amplified the means of satisfying the vo- 
luptuous cravings of the enormously wealthy. Their per- 
fumes were used in the temples, and at the sacrifices. 
They were esteemed at feasts and were used in dress. 
At the great circus, and afterwards the coliseum, the re- 
served seats of the grandees were known by their aroma. 

The perfumers were not only workers but also mer- 
chants; and necessarily, because they had to carry on a 
considerable traffic with the east and south to obtain 


18 Oderic, Inscriptiones, p. 74. 
14 Spectare cum circenses ex pulvinari non placet nobis,” Suetonius, 
Claudius, 4. 


a IMAGE-MAKERS. 


gums, spices, nuts, seeds and other raw material for their | 
products. The perfumers or wnguentarii also had similar 
unions in Athens and Corinth where they carried on 
a considerable business. There are found quite a num- 
ber of inscriptions of different kinds of these workmen 
and their societies. One archeologist cites an inscription 
found in Rome, upon which there has been some com- 
ment made, arising from a disagreement about its exact 
meaning.” Publicius Nicanor, was a perfumer on the 
Via Sacra, and one Maximus Accensus, was one of the 
members of the union whose duty was to do up the 
goods. Most probably it was a union of perfumers chart- 
ered under the names of two foremen, or one foreman 
and one director as was customary in order to comply 
with the law. Marini® cites another inscription showing 
that these prominent officers were females, or at least one 
of them. The slab was found in Naples. Orelli™ has an 
inscription found by Gruter at Venusia in Lucania, which 
celebrates the setting free of a bondsman and family, by 
the father, out of the money obtained as proceeds of the 
perfumery business. His name was Philargyrus, a per- 
fumer. This was probably a private business of the Au- 
gustine period. The marble is broken here, leaving us 
with this conjecture. 

All the image-makers and perfumers’ trades were 
countenanced and provided for by King Numa who be- 
lieved that religion was a thing most proper to cultivate. 
He further believed that it was impious to wage war; or 
at any rate, to risk the chances of war lest the sacred 
temples and altars be desecrated by its ravages. Thus 
from a high antiquity, and largely out of respect to the 
memory and works of this king, the image-makers were 
classed as the futherers of the holy cause and exempted 
from many of the restrictions and persecutions which in 
later times became the source of bloodshed. 

There was a regular trade society of the pearl fishers, 
margaritarii,* who, it appears, communicated with the 


15 Donati, Roma, Vetus et Recens, p. 827,51. Itis aleo mentioned by Muratort, 
Thesaurus, Veterum Inscriptionum, 

16 Atti, 2,p.516. De Unguentartis. 17 Orell., 2,988. 

18 Orell., Inscriptionum Latinarum Collectio, Nos. 1,602, 4,076, 4,218. One of 
these, No. 4,076 is a genuine trade union. No. 4,218 comes under the title of 
Artes et Opifica, leaving it questionable as to its having been a private business. 


BOOKBINDERS. 435 


workshops in the cities, which their labor sapplied with 
pearls in the rough. Diving and scraping in the distant 
waters for pearls was, at the starting point of this preca- 
rious business, a trade which to render successful, nee led 
to be fortified by a federation with the inlayers and other 
pearl finishers working at home. Much of this pearl was 
used in decorating the images which the demands of an 
idolatrous faith places upon the market; and by thus fur- 
nishing labor, gave bread to the working people. On a 
superficial view, the fact that the great artists, such a 
Phidias, Myron, Polycletus, Aleamenes of the heroic school 
of Ageladas, or the still more versatile school of a few 
years later of which Lysippas, Praxiteles and Scopas were 
the heroes, we do not find the pearl industry to have ex- 
tensively entered into the composition of the great sculp- 
tures. But we must remember first, that the descriptions 
are defective, and next, that the originals are lost. We 
know that pearls were used in archaic times. If they en- 
tered into the composition of idols—and there seems to 
be no ground for doubt of this—it must probably have 
been by inlay 0. 

Great skill was required in the whole pearl business. 
Among the Etruscans and Romans the art turned rather 
toward the trinket manufacture. Many of the little gods 
of the household, emblems, talismans, mementos and 
charms were gemmed with pearls. Of course, these 
things, at this late period, if dug from the ruins, would 
fail to discover the perishable pearls; because the delicate 
carbonate crumbles with moisture, neglect and time. 

We find a few dim accounts of book-gluers mixed up 
with the amanuenses or scribes. They acted the part, so 
to speak, of the modern printers. These, together with 
poets, teachers and persons engaged in medicine and sur- 
gery, were always, or nearly always, of lowly birth.” 

19 A more thorough ransacking of this subject may bring to light much of 
value regarding the unions of image-makers who inscribed their record in the 


Greek tongue. 
20 Guhl and Kohner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, p 526. ‘“ Three classes 


amongst the slaves and freedmen, hel a distinguisiied position by their intel- 
lectual accomplishments, viz: the medic’. chirurgi and literati.” s to the literati, 
idem, Ὁ. 529 we quote as follows: ‘ We have already mentioned the literati, cul- 
tivated slaves, generally of Greek origin, who had to copy books or write from 
dictation. By these slaves manuscripts wee copied with astounding celerity 
with the aid of abbreviations calicd, from their inventor, Ti+ .a freedman o 
Cicero, Tironian notes. These copies, sometimes fol of mis akes went to the 


shops of the bookseller (bibliopola), unless these Kept copyists in their own 


436 IMA GE-MAKFPS. 


Gluers, glutinatores, are spoken of by Cicero." That they 
were numerous is evident from the large amount of work 
required of this kind. ‘The great histories of ancient 
writers were copied times without number and some of 
them were bound in boards or leather or cloth with much 
art and taste. It is, however, beyond our power, as yet 
to discover whether the book-binders possessed a trade 
organization. The fact that most of the other trades had 
unions renders it probable that they also were organized, 


and it is possible that inscriptions may yet be discovered 
revealing the fact. 


shops. Numerous copies were thus prodaced in little time. The satirical writ- 
ings of Ovidus, Propertius and Martialis were in everybody’s hands, as were also 
the works of Homer and Vireil, the odes of Horace, and the speeches of Cicero; 
grammars, anthologies, etc., for schools, were reproduced in the same manner; 
indeed, the antique book-trade was carried on on ascale hardly surpassed by 
modern times.” ΜΙ ΠΟ is taken from Pliny, Natural History, lib. XXIX., intt. 

21 Cicero, Ad Atticum, liber, iV.c. iv. 1. See also Orell., Inscriptionum Latin- 
arum Collectio, No, 2,925, 4,198. Glutimartus, the inscription is on an el it 
tomb inside of a vault, according to Gruter, copied by (Orell., Artes et Opificta, 
Vo). Il, p. 298). See bookbinding, Ed. Bevan. Serieg of British Man ἢ 
Industries, (Article by Freeman Wood, pp. 70-24). 


Lab. Roms. Vrw.IX.. 
ANCIENT SCULPPURED IMAGE FOUND ON A BROKEN STONE AGE ABOUT RE. 0. ° 


CHAPTER Xx. 


TRADE UNIONS CONCLUDED. 
THE TAX-GATHERERS. FINAL REFLECTIONS. 


Unions or Cottectors—A Vast Organized System with a Uni- 
form and Harmoniously Working Business—Trade Unions 
under Government Aid and Security—The Ager Publicus of 
Rome—True Golden Age of Organized Labor—Government 
Land—A prodigious Slave System their Enemy—Victims of 
the Slave System—Premonitions on the Coming of Jesus— 
Demand by His Teachings for Absolute Equality. 


Juperne from all the records within our reach, it was 
Numa who first recognized the necessity of regularly or- 
ganized trades unions for express purposes of purveying 
goods of every kind, in a systematic manner. He was a 
strictly business man; and the most important business 
has ever been that of getting the means of life. In ad- 
dition to the federated trades there had to be the tax 
collectors; otherwise the expenses of the government 
could not be defrayed. For this, there was a set of work- 
men, whose express business was to traverse city and 
country with their credentials from the regularly chart- 
ered union of the Vectigalaria or tax collectors. There 
were, at that early time, no such arrangements as now ex- 
ist, by which the government did its own work of this 
kind. A labor guiid or union did this work. We have 
evidence showing that the men going on their rounds ccl- 
lecting the taxes, were someiimes severe, even brutal to 
the poor farmers, forcing them to comply with the re- 
quirements of the law. 

Of the branches into which king Numa distributed the 


488 TAX-GATHERERS. 


working people we have already spoken elsewhere, rep- 
resenting them as they appear to us from evideuce, 
through a long vista covering what we, for our own 
scheme of reasoning, term the golden age because the 
workmen thrived. Meantime we are weil 2zware that the 
so-called Golden Age of Kome, is reckoned between the 
years 250 and 14 before Christ; but this calculation is 
made by historians of the competitive system, and befits 
itself to conquest and literature, not to the progress of so- 
cial prosperity. It actually begins about the time this so- 
cial and economical prosperity had reached its zenith. 
We cannot admit the Golden Age of Rome to have begun 
at so late a date. From a well sought point of view of 
sociology this era began with the recognition, by the iaw 
of Numa, of the right of free organization; and the la- 
borers’ methodical assumption of the business of supply- 
ing the people with the meansof life. This was the true 
golden age of Rome; and as it also covers the largest 
part of the era ordinarily admitted to have been the 
golden age, including the great period of Roman conquest 
and the splendid era of literature, it only varies in hav- 
ing commenced 670, instead of 250 years before Christ. 
if it was necessary for the scheme of Numa to have the 
public lands formed by the guilds or societies of practi- 
cal agriculture it was also as necessary for him to institute 
some reliable means of collecting the fruits of this labor 
and distributing them among those whom the law recog- 
nized as the true owners. We have had abundant evi- 
dence that among the ancient Indo-Huropean Aryans, no 
persons except those born to an inheritance possessed the 
right of owning the public domain. Even the patricians 
who were the privileged class, and the makers οἱ the laws, 
did not, untila comparatively late date, attempt to get per- 
s nal possession of the ager pudlicus of Italy. The plebei- 
anus who were the only workers, never owned any land. 
‘‘he siate owned the land and the proletaries worked it. 
‘The fruits of the lands had to be brought to the people. 
What is meant by the state ownership, in ancient law, is 
citizen ownership—the state holding it in common for the 
citizens. But who were the citizens? It certainly was 
not the working people, who were the outcasts, the de- 
scendacts of the slaves, or the slaves themselves. ‘hey 


ANCIENT PLAN OF TAXATION. 439 


owned nothing and could own nothing. But their ἔππο- 
tion was to do the work; and Numa permitted them to 
organize and do the work socially or in common. 

After the harvest the grain had to be distributed 
among the citizens who, according to the law, were the 
owners of the land, the state holding it for them in trust. 
The workers were always obliged to recognize their lowly 
condition, and were always glad to get enough of what 
they produced to keep them alive. 

The plan instituted whereby to collect these products 
and distribute them among the privileged citizens and 
others, was organization of the vectigalarzi or collectors of 
incomes, who did this work through a system of societies. 
The society had a manager or principal overseer, procu- 
rator, and was also supplied with a quaestor or inspector, 
who was perhaps the chief clerk. Then came sometimes 
a secretary, a treasurer and ftoremen and the working 
hands, all of whom constituted the membership of the 
union or commune. The old name of the secretary was 
sometimes set down in the inscriptions found by the an- 
tiquaries, as cornicularius,’ which signified that the secre- 
tary had risen to the place by promotion. It appears 
from the numerous inscriptions cut in stones, that these 
customs collectors had societies or unions all over the 
provinces under Roman domination.? At Lyons, after 
the conquest of Cesar, there were several of them.* Their 
work was to collect the proceeds of the harvests. 
Others collected the products of the manufactories: others 
the proceeds of the fisheries. Even the proceeds of the 
brothels were collected and distributed in money.‘ All 
the multiform labor of collecting had to be done, and the 
state made it obligatory upon the customs-unions to do 
their work well. This accounts for Granier’s’ remark 


1 Later an agsistant secretary, Cod. Theodosii, VII. 4, 82. 

2 See Orell., Inscriptionum Collectio, 6,642, Vectigalia and many others. : 

8 Boissean, -Inseription de Lyon, VII. 25, p. 272, found one which reads as 
follows: ‘‘ Memoria Aurelii Ceciliani prepositus. Vectigalium posuit Epictatua 
Alumpus—Lugduni.” Meaning that Epic the apprentice inscribed the slab to 
the honor of the director one Aurelius Cecil, in Lyons, 

4 Singer. History of Prostitution; Rome, p. 68: ‘The Prostibul@ (strangers 
not organized) paid no tax to the state; while their registered rivals (organized 
meretrices, see p. 66 idem), contrib::ted largely tothe municipal treasury.” Greece, 
ais ** Any speculator had a right to set up δ dicteriors by paying the tax to the 
state.’’ 

5 Histoire des Classes Ouvriéres, chap. xiv. Ancien: Trade Unions and Their De 


. 


440 TA X-GATHERERS. 


that these customs collectors were sometimes brutal te 
the poor farmers whose unions failed to garner as much 
as the law required.’ Itis evident that the collectors had 
to put themselves in direct business relation with the 
union of vectuarti or teamsters; as they more frequently 
took the produce itself than the money. Their practice 
was to supply the citizens, not so much with the money 
these proceeds of labor were worth, but with the proceeds 
themselves." 

The trade unions were recognized by the state and held 
responsible to the state for their work. If in conveying 
the grain from the farms to Rome, the wagon was attacked 
by mountaineer brigands and the goods lost, the citizens, 
who were the state, held, not the teamsters but the whole 
union responsible. In almost all cases, however, the pro- 
duce of the ager pubiicus was transmitted to Rome by sea. 

For instance; a certain quota of the province of Aquit- 
ania, or the neighboring province of Lugdunensis, where 
are found many relics of these societies, is claimed at Rome, 
Lugdunum or Lyons was connected by water every step 
of the way to Rome, The society at Lyons sent the grain 
down the river Rhone by bargestothe Mediterranean, At 
Arles, a ship took it on board and consigned it to Ostia, the 
mouth of the Tiber and port of Rome. Now the barges of 
the Tiber had to belong to a union. So there were unions 
of bargers, caudicarit. The first society guaranteed the 
safe arrival of the grain as far as the mouths of the Rhone, 
Ora Rhodani. Here were the ships of another society 
to further convey it to the port of Rome, so hither it had 
to be conveyed on board a ship. Thus is seen why the sea- 
faring men also must have an organization; otherwise, if the 
ship was lost, captain, crew and cargo, there would remain 
nobody responsible; and the citizens would be the sole suf- 
ferers. It became necessary therefore, since the goverp- 
ment had jobbed out one part of this business to a commune, 
that it do the same thing in their case, because the rich citi- 
zens who were to be fed by labor, though, personifying 
Buerment could legislate or conduct war, could not work; 

cause upon it there was a taint. So the order of the navi- 

6 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book V. ehap, 43, explains tue power of the 
law permitting and furthering these organizations 


Granier. Histotre des Classes Ouvriérs, chap. xiv. Much 8. ΤΠ «nal informa- 
tion may be obtained by reading this valuable chapter of AL. \.sanier s work. 


THE RESPONSIBLE UNION&S 441 


cutarfi existed; and being chartered by government, was 
made responsible for the loss of any cargo. When the cargo 
arrived at Ostia, the mouth of the Tiber, sixteen miles from 
Rome, it was conveyed to the granaries of the city by the 
societies of boatmen, known as caudicarii, bargemen, under 
guarantee, precisely in the same manner as in former cases, 
Thus for the least possible trouble and with utmost security, 
the government or non-laboring citizens got the greatest 
possible amount of produce from the ager publicus, or com- 
mon land. Yet the people who labored were satisfied and 
thrived better than they were ever known to thrive under 
any system, because their industry produced enormously 
and their strong arms made labor easy, agreeable and safe. 

Now the customs collectors or vectigalari were interested 
in all these details of supply ; because the government looked 
to them directly or indirectly for everything the citizen 
population had to live upon from year to year. 

But the supply of grain, wine, oil and other agricultural 
products was not all these tax collectors had to attend to. 
There were many artisan societies. These we have treated 
separately and in regular order, according to their import- 
ance. They all had more or less to do with the tax or cus- 
toms collectors, with whom they were interlinked in the 
great social bond. Sometimes, as in the case of the pork 
butchers union,* there were officers appointed whose busi- 
ness was to go personally, or send, into the stock farm 
country and collect the tax either in money or in kind. 
This would, of course, entail an immense amount more labor 
than that attached to butchery. It would entail the whole 
business of the drover. Weighing would require much at- 
tention and an inspection of all the various operations of 
several vocations. 

Slabs have been found to the number of 262, bearing in- 
scriptions of the vectigalia, of different dates, ranging mostly 
from the time of the first Cesars to that of the emperor 
Constantine. These 262 include only those registered by 
Orelli in his work on the Roman Antiquities. Great num- 
bers of those unions probably existed of which no record 

8 Granler, whose researches into these societies and the laws governing them 
reveal an astonishing versatility and accuracy, says that very many, if not all the 
commercial trades had officers, whose work was to oversee the customs collec- 
tions, See idem, pp. 310-315, There was a Boatmen’s insurance mentioned by 


ΤΠ xxill. cap. 44. Beckmann, Hist. of inventions, (Bohn) I. p. 284. (Caudica- 
τ» 


442 TAX-GATHERERS. 


was kept, and antiquaries of the future may yet reveal more. 
Ou the whole these facts regarding inner workings of the 
ancient human family present a picture of deep interest, re- 
vealing as they doa system of industry unique in its method 
of supplying the great population of Rome at that time con- 
taining probably about 2,000,000 inhabitants’ and its nu- 
merous municipia or provincial cities and town with means 
of life. The vectigalia evidently covered more of the im- 
mense business of those times than the ordinary reader 
would ascribe to them. Orelli,’® speaks of iron miners who 
sometimes interlinked with the mines situated at great dis- 
tances trom the city; yet it would appear by this mention 
that the miners far away in the mountains and perfectly or- 
ganized, were in close and systematic, if not happy mutual 
communication with the forgers’ association stationed at 
Rome. 

The most remarkable part of the system was that it was 
government work; that the work was performed by trade 
unions instead of isolated individuals as in the competitive 
system; and that during many centuries through which this 
system existed, both in war and peace, the ancient working 
people were prosperous and happy. Of course, this organ- 
ization does not apply in any form to slaves. This terrible 
scourge of the human race still existed ; but there are strong 
proofs that the trade unions were at one time making in- 
roads upon the slave system which required care by the 
masters and slave owners in order to conduct business; 
whereas the trade union system endorsed by king Numa 
lifted all the troublesome details and responsibilities from 
the shoulders of the patricians who regarded individual la- 
bor as a disgrace. Labor being a humiliation to the pro- 
pertied class who managed the government land but did not 
perform the actual work, it was a matter of convenience for 
them to have trade unions. The state, then, was their great 
patron and protector. Rich individual slave owners like 
Crassus or Cicero or Nicias could job out their slaves’ labor 
to persons of enterprise, but the very pride of their blood 
prevented them from undertaking any exoept the noble en- 


9 Consult Dr. Beloch. Bulletin de Statisque de U’ Institute Internattonal, tome, 
I. année 1886, p. 62 sqq. Roma. 

10 Roman antiquitics, No, 1,239 vectigalia ferrariorum also ferrifodinaril 
Bee also Mur. 972,10. The inscr. reads; “Ὁ. M. Primonisferrariariorum vitalis 
eontuber.”? Found at the mines of Nimea. 


NO REVOLUTION. 443 


terprises of war and politics. There was nobody to com 
pete with the nnions and the state became their great em- 
ployer. But we bave seen in our account of strikes and up- 
risinvs that human cupidity, taking advantage of the slave 
system and by means of it, grasping, holding and tilling the 
ager publicus, finally destroyed the public trade unions. 

That the trade union or social system was good there 
seems to be no ground for doubt; but the workman being 
stamped by the old religio-political jealousy of paganism 
which branded him as a wretch, preventing him from taking 
political action, whereby to secure and fortify his system, 
gave the crandees all the advantage because they made the 
laws. When, therefore, the unions found that they must 
exercise their political power, which they did in later times, 
it was too late. They were themselves too deeply tinged 
with the deadly, nnmanly sense that their masters were 
superior to them by birth. There had been no Christ to 
boldly declare a new state of things based upon absolute 
equality by birth and natural rights of all men. Seeing the 
encroachments upon themselves as well as upon the public 
lands their sole source of raw material, the trade unions 
tardily fell into the struggle, learned to wrestle valiantly, 
suffered a mere pronounced hatred of their masters, grew 
in self-dignity bat gradually lost in vested rights, forced up 
8 great social strugele but incurred the deep-rooted hatred 
of Cicero and Czesar, grew poorer, more numerous, more 
secret, vindictive and conniving and wrought up a spirit all 
over Greece, Rome, Judea and the provinces, which ren- 
dered possible the kindling of that marvelous revolution that 
destroyed the identity of ancient paganism. 

But there is one thing our researches fail to discover. 
We do not find clear and sufficient evidences of a system 
of agricultural communes. These may have existed. We 
sre in doubt. Everything else was organized. Where is 
this missiny link? Had it existed, would not the great trade 
nnion system have grown so complete as to gradually ob- 
tain the ascendency, political as well as industrial and thus 
been able to realize thousands of years ago, the revolution ? 


CHAPTER XXL 


ROMANS AND GREEKS. 


THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


Uxions Or Romans anp GrEeKs compared—Miscellaneous Soci- 
etiés of Tradesmen—Shipcarpenters—Boatmen—V esselmak- 
ers—Millers—Organization of the Lupanariti—Of the Anci- 
ent Firemen—Descriptiou of the Greek Fraternities—The 
Eranoi and Thiasoti—Strange Mixture of Piety aud Business 
—Trade Unions of Syria and North Palestine—Their Offi- 
eers—Membership and Influence of Women—Large Num- 
bers of Communes in the Islands of the Eastern Mediterra- 
nean—Their Organizations Known and Described Froin their 
Inscriptions. 


Arn antiquity was at one time a hive of trade unions. 
Nearly every species of business was organized, specially 
was this the casein southern Italy, where Plato found a 
system of communism extensively prevailing, supposed by 
some to have been planted there by Pythagoras.’ The early 
inhabitants of the Italian peninsula were well acquainted 
with trade unionism; and traces of it, if ποῦ mentioned are 
discernable in history and this fact stands as the funda. 
mental solution to many of the otherwise incomprehensible 
things which have puzzled modern historians. Neverthe- 
less the nobility and its laws of primogeniture reigned in 
cireles of politics and power. Plato is known to have vis- 
ited Italy several times in search of material for his ideal 
state. He was, however, so much of an aristocrat, or so 
enslaved by his environments that he signally failed to give 


1 Druinann, Arbeiler und Communisten in Griecheniand unc Rom. somewhere 
remarks that Pythagoras and Nuiua were not only contemporaries hut personal 
friends. Ifso, we cannot wonder that Numa beiriended the trade unions, 


ORGANIZED SAILORS, 445 


the world the benefit of his communistical lucubrations. The 
nearest he could possibly get to a decent govern:icnt was 
to one of bosses, policemen and slaves, aud the sociologist 
of our day is forced to drop Plato with a species of chagrin 
or disgust. Aristotle did better; but both were aristocrats, 
enslaved 10 great men of wealth. Both Solon and Numa, 
long before them had planted the real, practical government 
which the world is at this moment following. Though Aris- 
totle could analyze the course the world should and does 
take, yet he was too Pagan-bound to see beyond the galling | 
bands of slavery. 

The Fabri navalium, ship carpenters and boat makers, of 
the Tiber bad well regulated unions which were considered 
among the most respectable of the organizations. These 
Associations were found along the banks of the navigable 
rivers and the coasts of the sea on both sides of the penin- 
sula and also in Sicily. 

Of the boatmen’s unions, collegia naviculariorum, the 
greater number, according to our evidence, were to be found 
in the country. There could not have been many boatmen 
at Rome; but we have a mention, among others, by the 
great jurist Gaius, who speaks of them in discriminating the 
right of organization in later times.*_ The unions of boatmen 
were naturally confined to the sea shores. We might speak 
of them as possibly connected directly or indirectly with 
the lawless boatmen who swarmed the sea from Naples to 
Syracuse, and whom Plutarch says Spartacus found to be 
treacherous, without principles and looking only for grain. 
Even to this day the Mediterranean is lined with them from 
Gibralter to Barcelona and thence to Toronto. At Genoa 
and Nice and on the Baltic, they are still well organized 
and take advantage of every opportunity to gain a lira by 
fair means and in all their methods to attain this end are 
thoroughly sustained by one another, as they enjoy all the 
mutually assisting quirks known to their union. 

The collegium vasculariorum? (metal vessel makers), was, 
of course, a union of potters; but it appears their art was 
mostly, if not quite confined to manufacturing vessels in 

2 Gaius, Digest, 1, 1Π. *«Ttem collegia Rome certa sunt, quorum corpue 
sanctis coll. atque constitutionibus principalibus confirmatum est, veluts pis- 
torum et quorundam aliorum et naviculariorum et in provinciis sunt.” 

9. An old inscription mutilated by age and ill usage reads: «'P, Monetius so- 


ciorum libert 5. Philogenes vascvlariis Vet\riaC. 1. Salyiasibei et sueis.”? (Sea 
Fabretti, Inscriptionum Antiquaruin Lapliculio, 632, 276.) 


446 THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


metals. The vascularit were skilled workmen. They often 
wrought beautiful urns in bronze and other material. Some 
of the delicately chiseled amphorae having two handles were 
of their workmanship, although most amphorae were made 
of potters’ clay. Many vessels in gold were the work of 
their bands. They are known to have realized well by vir- 
tue of their trade union; because their patrons were largely 
the proud gens who were not stingy about the amount of 
cost, if they could have their esthetic tastes gratified. 

The collegium pistorum, union of millers, who ground 
grain in mortars and afterwards in mills, was also a trade 
organization. This trade was a very important one, as it 
furnished the farines for the family use of all who could at- 
fored to eat wheat fiour or any of the cereals, course or fine, 
When we further take into account that it required at least 
seventy men to grind as much grain in a given time as is 
now ground in a steam mill by a single man, we may realize 
that in Rowe and vicinity there must have been several 
thousand workmen constantly employed at this handicratt 
in order to produce enough to supply the demand. It 
must not be forgotten, however, that there were many people 
at Rome and everywhere, and from the earliest times, too 
poor to enjoy bread and who were obliged to subsist on 
peas, roots and other cheap food.* Nevertheless the mil- 
lers were numerous, and being organized, they succeeded 
in competing with slave labor and got considerable of the 
work to do as a free industry. 

Originally or in the remotest antiquity, all such work was 
done by slaves on the paternal estate, under the eye of the 
paterfamilies or head of the family; but when those de- 
graded slaves became numerous and began to think for 
themselves, as we have previously seen, they secured manu- 

4 Feeding the laboring class poor foodisof early record. Herodotus futerg 
125) expressly tells how cheap fed were laborers who built the t Egyptian 
monuments. They were glad to get onions, garlic and roots. The same para- 
graph explains the cost of their living: “Σεσήμανται δὲ διὰ γραμμάτων Αἰγνπτίων 
ἐν τῇ πυραμίδι, ὅσα és τε συρμαίην καὶ κρόμμνα καὶ σκόροδα ἀναισιμώθη τοῖσι 
ἐργαζομένοισι' καὶ ὡς ἐμὲ εὖ μεμνῆσθαι τὰ ὃ ἑρμςνεύς μοι ἐπιλεγόμενος τὰ γράμματα 
ἔφη ἑξακόσια καὶ χίλια τάλαντα ἀργυρίον τετελέσθαι." earlier, Homer, 
(Odyssy, XIV, 414, 415, 416,) says; 

: “"AteO’ ὑῶν τὸν ἄριστον, teva ξείνῳ ζερευσω 

Τηλεδαπῷ πρὸς δ᾽ αὐτοὶ ὀνησόμεθ᾽, διπερ ὀΐξυν 

Δὴν ἔχομεν πάσχοντες ὑῶν ἕνεκ᾽ ἀργισδάντων."" 
Shows that the poor fed on pork, See Guhl and Konor, L4fe ef Re Greeks and 
Romans, Ὁ. 601 for the later Roman food, Virgil, Helogue, Il. v. 9, τὺ, parsely 


smallage and onions; So Horace, Ad Pisonem; V. 249; "" Nec ai quid fricti cice 
probat et nucis emptor.” Plny, ΧΧΥΙ. 3. 


ADVANTAGES OF ORGANIZATION 447 


missions and thus the trade unionists were mostly freedmen 
who liad the sagacity to organize. The advantages in those 
days, of a good, sound, business-like union for each trade 
must have been very great; especially so, as their unions 
were communistical, and used as means of convivial enjoy- 
ment, as well as for economic ends. 

Of the colleqium incendariwm, or firemen’s association men- 
tion is made by Mommsen, who wonders why they should 
be suppressed; since burial and firemen’s societies were 
among those saved.* 

The collegium Vinariorum, (wine dealers and wine vault- 
erg) was an institution of later date than Numa, who did not 
encourage wine drinking. If thereare data extant regard- 
ing them at so early a time, we have failed to find them. 
During the time of the emperors, however, they were the 
subject of discussion as to whether they should be sup- 
pressed or exempted. The collegiwm lupanartorum (bro- 
thel keepers), as is seen in the passage here cited, was an 
institution well known in the later ages of the Roman em- 
pire and two centuries befure Christ there were secret asso- 
ciations of the lupanarii,’ of which an account has gone 
into® history. These were curious products of the mania 
for organization that must have existed at Rome. But it 
must be remembered that the whole plebeian class of inhab- 
itants were out in the cold, competitive world, and de- 
pending each upon his or her trade or profession which he 
or she considered right, so long as it was patronized by the 
elegant people of the other class who had social as well as 
political institutions upon which they could base a guaranty 
of safety. 

During a visit in Europe we became indebted to Mr. 
Henry Tompkins of the Friendly Societies’ Registration at 
London, from whose hand was first received a copy of his 
pamphlet on the Friendly Societies of Antiquity. We also 
made the personal acquaintance of Professors Vogt, Errera, 
Huber, Vigano and many others who referred us to volumes 


6 «Ut enim senatus 6. g. et fenerum canss gtineendiorum jus coeundi re- 
Hquerit, qua ratione vetiti sunt, ii qui fune:ane “**zio intererant incendiorum 
ae societatem inire?’”’ (Mommeen, De Colagt’s e¢+Sodaliciis Romanorum, p. 
89). 

ὁ Corpora oranium constituit vinariornim inpanatiorum caligariorum et om- 
aio omii\m artium bisque ex sese de‘ensores dedit et jussit quid ad quos judices 
pertinerit. (Lamprid, Alex. Severus, Ο. 33). 

7 See Sanger’s Hist. of Prostitution, p. θᾶ. 

8 Livy, XXXIX. 8-19, 


445 THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


of Drumann, Foucart, Wescher, Liiders, Mommsen, De 
Broglie and others. It is through the great labors of such 
men that the modern students of the labor movements are 
made aware of what wonders in the social problem were 
wrought in antiquity. But their evidence is nearly all de- 
rived from the silent inscriptions upon slabs, urns and sar- 
cophagi that survive the corroding vicissitudes of the sad 
centuries. In fact the industry of the archwologists may 
yet reveal as valuable contributions to the science of soci- 
ology as the fossil diggers have revealed to their branch of 

aleontology. It is now made certain from multitudes of 
inscriptions which have weathered the storms of more than 
two thousand years, that great numbers of social organiza- 
tions of the laboring classes existed simultaneously in Asia 
Minor, Egypt, Greece and Italy. 

The variety of names for them found on the relics are 
more attributable to epochs and languages than to differ- 
ences in their character and tenets of association. Where 
the Greek was spoken they were called after the term eranos, 
meaning a meal of victuals in common, or food for which 
a@ common assessment was made upon members who enjoyed 
it by mutual consent. Thus it came to be a method of pro- 
curing or earning the meal—a trade union. Hence the 
eranol were organizations or co-operations for the purposes 
of self-support; and partook more of the character οἵ the 
community method, such asin our day exhibits itself at the 
Société de Conde sur Vesgre, than of the more prevaient 
co-operative associations,’ like the Equitables. 

This term Eranos is unmistakable in meaning. An oblo- 
quy attaches to it, pretty much the same as to our word 
communism, wherever it is used in the classics; because 
the societies existed during that period of the world’s career 
in which the sovereignty of the individual was more fierce 
and intolerant toward the meeker spirit of mutual help than 
it is now; for the eranoi were the Greek guilds. Yet evi- 
dences are abundant that such communities existed in large 
numbers; that they obtained no little moral and pecuniary 
aid from outside; that they were persecuted by the politi- 
cians, hated by the optimates, and were obliged to assume 


® Consult Laders, Die Dionystschen Kanstler, Hinlettende Ueberstcht, 8. 1-49. 
Verechiedenheit und Ausbreltung der Organisationen. 


GREEK LABOL UNIONS. 449 


a good deal of vencration for ihe vods, and play other go- 
cial as weii as political counter-taciics to exist. 

Another name, that of Thiasos, was given to a similar, 
and it would a; pear cotemporaneous class of organization. 
In fact so far as we are able to detcrmine, the thiasoi and 
the eranot were pretty much one and the same thing. But 
as the term t/iasos with the various forms of verb and sub- 
stantive, refers to demonstrations of joy, such as marching, 
dancing, singing and the like, in the open streets, it appears 
they were one kind of organization with two names—that 
of eranoi, the secret union which met twice and sometimes 
four times a month ; and of the more generally known thiasot 
whose members sometimes paraded in large numbers in the 
open air.” 

Mr. Tompkins, who has devoted his very useful life to 
statistical matters regarding the Friendly Societies of Great 
Britain, is prone to picture analogies between the ancient 
and the modern form. Studying the former from the light 
he and others have rendered, we are strongly suspicious, 
because they were distinct from the bacchanalia and the 
more ancient erotiae, that they were unions of trades whose 
tenets involved nearly all the elements of the socialists of 
to-day, rather than of the present standard of liberty and de- 
velopment to be found in the Friendly Societies of Great 
Britain. According to Mr. Tompkins’ list, which was al- 
ways Official, the Friendly Societies in 1868 numbered 23, 
000, with an aggregate membership of 1,700,000, and a 
capital of nearly 50,000,000 dollars." The comparison 
therefore is at least respectable. We quote from his pamph- 
let on Friendly Societies of Antiquity : 

“Ποῦ us now consider what these companies were which 
are called by the names of eranos and thiasos, and of which 
the following and other inscriptions have revealed the num- 
ber and importance. These companies were formed of 
members who met together to sacrifice to certain divinities 
and to celebrate their festivals in common ; besides this they 
assisted those membeis who fell into necessitous circum- 
stances, and provided for their funerals, They were at once 
religious associations and friendly societies.“ Sometimes 

10 See further on these distinctions in subsequent chapters, also much re 
wpecting them and the Jewish and Egyptian cummunes. 


il Report of the Registrar of Friendly Societies of Gieat Britain, for the year 1868. 
is This author might have here said ‘trade unions;” fer numbers of the 


450 THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES, 


they daringly partook of a political and commercial character. 
Tiese private corporations (recognized by the state), had 
their presiding and other officers, their priests, their funds 
supplied by the contributions of members and the liberality 
of benefactors. They assembled in their sanctuary and 
made decrees. They were found in great numbers in the 
important cities, and especially in the maritine ones. At 
Rhodes, for example, there were the Companions of the 
Sun, the Sons of Bacchus, of Minerva Lindienne, of Jupiter 
Atabyrius, of Jupiter the Savior. At Athens (or rather at 
the Pirwus), there were the Heroistes, the Serapistes or 
company of the worshipers of the god Serapis, the Eranstes 
the Orgeons and lastly the thiasotes.” 

Many of these were trade unions possessing a common 
fund, the amount of which depended upon the number of 
members who paid regular contributions, and the amount 
of the donations that were given from wealthier people who 
were in sympathy with them. There is plenty of evidence 
that women as well as men formed the membership of these 
societies. Woman took her stand with all the dignity and 
the honors of the man; and there are several slabs of stone 
and other relics on which are inscribed some of the partica- 
lars in regard to the kind and importance of the honors 
awarded her for faithfulness and ability in performing the 
duties of an executive officer. The monthly meetings or so- 
ciables held in enclosed garders and groves were largely 
conducted by the women who gave the attractive convivial 
feature, which may account for their long existence and 
extraordinary status and power, that enabled them to do 
what no social society of our more enlightened age is doin 
—write their record as the dinotherium and the trilobite 
have done, in the irrefutable argument of their stone remains 
and inprints. There are at present very few societies of so- 
cialists of which we have any knowledge that are in the 
habit of chiseling out their archives with such a degree of 
minuteness and upon such imperishable material as was 
habitual with the ancient eranoi and sodalicia. 

It is true, we are making so profound an impression that 


friendly societies of Great Britain have become, since the repeal of the conspir 

acy laws in 1824, genuine trade unions of the best pattern. During the exist 

ence of the cruel law of Elizabeth they maintained the title of friendly and 

burial societies almost exactly Jike the colleges and eranes. 

: oe Η. Thompkins’ pamphlet on the Friendly Societies of Antiquity. Lon- 
on, " τ 


WROTE THEIR HISTORY ON THE STONES. 451 


the histories and printed records of our existence and of our 
important transactions are slowly becoming a possible thing; 
and such records may possibly save us from oblivion ; but 
the true and thorough histriographer of the labor move- 
ments of the world has a broad and attractive field—not 
yet all laid open—in the study, and interpretation of the 
multitudes of reliefs, anaglyphs, and other queer paleographs 
upon slabs, urns, amphorze and such objects of those by-gone 
ages; a work which falls to the lot of the archeologist to 
develop and complete. The truth is, the history of labor 
has been neglected ; and there is reason to believe that very 
nearly all of that which in this more propitious age is at- 
tracting profound consideration by the wise and benevolent, 
has been gone over and tried, amid the vicissitudes of wars 
and other antagonisms of the outside competitive world, more 
than two thousand years ago. 

Bat the fact that their non-competitive plan failed of gen- 
eral adoption need not be adduced as an argument against 
them. They seem to have been very successful so far as 
they were intended to apply. They were trade unions for 
the most part among the mechanics and laboring people; 
ani so far as their societies concerned them, they succeeded. 
It had not become particularly a broad question. When, 
however, Christ took up the principle of community of in- 
terests involved in their tenets, and organized his system of 
advocacy, there immediately arose upon it a world-wide 
culture and an opposition ; because this threatened the over- 
throw of the competism which has always been the basis of 
both social and political economy. 

That the communes, called the eranoz in Greece, the Gre- 
cian Archipelago, Asia Minor and Egypt, in the Greek 
‘tongue, and the coliegia, sodalicia or coetus in the Latin, 
were the chief cause and originators of Christendom, we 
can, after mature reflection, entertain little doubt. 

Already faim glimpses of proof are extant that the prin- 
ciple or thesis of our modern community of interests, “no 
excellence without anity in labor,’ and that “endless toil 
in collecting good, both by experiment and observation,” 
which is now giving preponderance to Aristotle’s philosophy 
over that of Plato, is significantly crowding Christianity 
out from the impractical self-denying school of St. Jerome, 
back into its primeval socialism, or non-competism, in the 


402 THE COUNTLESS ΟΟΜΜΌΝΕΗΚΜ. 


defense of which Jesus, Nestor, and a thousand others have 
snffered. 

Fortunately for us, the ancient trade unions were in the 
habit not only of writing their minutes and preserving them 
in their own archives, in each state where they existed but 
many of the great events were further inscribed either in 
alto, demi or basso-relievo; and many times this was done 
on marble or good blue or sand-stone, which has withstood 
all the erosions of time. 

In some places, as at the Pirgeus the ancient seaport of 
Athens, in the Isle of Santorin, in Rhodes and in Asia Minor, 
the societies were very numerous. It is a well known fact 
that during the period of the existence of these nations, 
ranging about 58 years before Christ down to the destruc- 
tion of the Alexandrian archives by Theophilus and St. 
Cyril, about A. D. 414, the laws against these poor people 
and their organizations where almost whimsically severe. 
M. Renan says of the Roman communes, that there was 
still less favor here given the disinherited classes than in 
other countries. During the Roman Republic, in the “ af- 
fair of the Bacchanales,” 186 years before Christ, the policy 
of Rome on the subject of these associations had first been 
proclaimed.” 

Tt was the nature of the Roman people to cleave to fra- 
ternizing organizations, and especially to those of a religi- 
ous character. This kind of association, however, was hate- 
ful to the patricians—the dispensers of the political power 
—who recognized the family and the state in actual force, 
as the correct social group. These patricians took the 
minutest precautions against allowing the plebians the scope 
of developing into a counter power, They had to be scru- 
pulously authorized before they could become an associa- 
tion—probably by charter. They could not appoint a per- 
manent president or magister eacrorum. The number of 
their members had to be limited. The meanest restrictions 
were enacted against their accumulating too large a fund 
for their commune. Similar peevishness continued against 
the disinherited classes during the existence of the Roman 
Empire. The archives of the law contained every imagin- 
able provision for the repression of their growth. 


14 So we find the great social wars or tne rebellions of slaves, assisted by thy 
anemployed orfginal inhabitants, to have raged from about this same period. 


NAMES AND DUTIES OF OFFICERS, 453 


M. Renan further asserts that the Syrians gathered into 
these societies inoculating them with opinions which the 
patricians vainly sought to destroy. The Revue Archéolo- 
gique says that there was a “ contest of opinions between 
the communes and the patricians,” which is very natural; 
since the whole gist of the former was to do away with 
competism and the system of intermediary commission men 
depended upon, by the patricians, as a principle for their 
very existence. 

The Greek societies are known by inscriptions now in the 
Archeological Museum at Athens, to have had the follow- 
ing officers: 

1. Three presiding officers—of both sexes: (a) the presi- 
dent (prostates), male; and (0) the guardian in charge ( pro- 
eranistria), female. ‘They had also, (c) a president of finance 
(archeranistes). 

2. A stewardess or housewife (tamia). 

3. A manager or trustee; of whom, doubtless each era- 
nos or union had more than one (epimeletes). There are 
evidences that the functions of this important office were 
divided among the men and women of the union. 

4, The recording secretary or scribe who wrote the min- 
ates for the archives (grammateus). 

5. Lawyers (sundikoi), whose exclusive business was to 
watch and defend the society and its members, individually 
as well as collectively, against the persecution of the outside 
competitive world which was always too prone to enforce 
any one of the many repressive and intolerant laws and 
measures above referred to, against them. 

6. The manager of religious rites (hieropotos). 

7. Priest, one who attended to the religious ceremonies 
or rites (Averokeryz). 

A glance at ancient mythology will show that a great 
many isms, creeds or denominations existed in hierarciiical 
affairs; and that the power of each was nearly coequal so 
far as political and social status or respectability was con- 
cerned, All seem to have been shielded by the law of the 
land. So the communes took refuge under the favors 
of religious discipline, and are known to have been obliged 
to do so to keep themselves reconciled to their persecutors. 
By these tactics and by the smartness of their own lawyers, 
who gave their time to the labor of love, they kept the hos: 


454 THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


tile and restringent clauses of the law a “dead letter,” in 
spite of the patricians and optimates. M. Renan and 
others declare that there were radical “ differences of opin- 
ion ” on the part of the unions all through those centuries, 
The truth is, that then, as now. their very existence was an 
organized socialistic state, though of a low order. 

We find that some of the eranot or Greck-speaking com- 
munities worshiped, and even dedicated themselves to one 
god with its peculiar litany, some to another. Here isa 
translation from the very slab or “ stone tablet ” referred to 
in the command of the decree, which strangely enough, has 
survived all the ages since the beginning of the third cen- 
tury before Christ. On looking it over, who shall doubt that 
this was a great and perhaps wealthy community, in every 
way respectable? It was dedicated to the mythical god, 
Jupiter, and chronicles the fact clearer than the recusant 
historian could have done upon papyrus, that it was an 
honorable and responsible body, and in nowise allied to 
the bawdy erotomania that inspired the orgies of earlier 
origin and that formed the subject matter of Anacreon’s 
dithyrambics and the voluptuous bacchanalian ditties of 
Pindar. This translation is clipped verbatim from Mr, 
Henry Tompkin’s pamphlet.* “It has been proposed: 
seeing that Menis, son of Mnistheus, of Heraclea, is full 
of good will toward the thiasotes, and of zeal for the tem- 
ple, that at present, being treasurer, appointed under the 
archontate of-—-— he has fulfilled that charge with zeal 
and honesty; that he has finished the portico and the front 
of the temple of Jupiter Lebraundos in a manner worthy 
of the god; that he has managed the common funds with 
honesty and justice, and that to all the thiasotes he has 
been irreproachable both before and after taking office as 
treasurer; that he has not hesitated to add his own money 
toward the expenses of the temple, showing thus, in an 
evident manner the good will that he has for the thiasotes, 
and that he has fulfilled the sacerdotal office in a manner 
worthy of the god. For all these things the thiasotes 
have decreed to award a vote of thanks (eulogium) to 
Menis, son of Mnistheus, of Heraclea; to crown him with 
a chaplet of foliage; to consecrate, in a part of the tem- 
ple where it will be best seen, his likeness, painted on a 


16 For the original See Rev <Acrhéologique Paper by M. Weeches. 


SPECIMENS OF GREEK COMMUNES. 495 


piece of wood, according to law, in order to show to all 
those who wish to prove their zeal toward the temple what 
honors they may obtain, each one according to the good 
he may be able to do for the thiasotes ; and to engrave 
this decree on a stone tablet, and to place it in the tem- 
ple of the god.” 

We have proved in our own mind that the thiasoi whose 
members, the thiasotes, paraded in the open streets, “danc- 
ing in honor of the gods,” were identical with the secret 
eranoi who met much oftener to enjoy their meals, con- 
vivials, discussions and social pleasures in common and to 
contrive for each other situations to work. The eranot 
were much less known, though their purpose was far 
more significant." They met from two to four times a 
month to transact business and to discuss their “ differ- 
ence of opinion.” It was here that the above mentioned 
officers felt the responsibility of their functions. The 
treasurer was of so much importance that he was called 
president of finance. Doubtlessthe male president (pros- 
trates) was considered to outrank the female president 
(proeranistia), if indeed the aristocratic idea of ranks was 
permitted to enter the commune. The number and im- 
portance of the offices seem to have resembled those of 
the Patrons of Husbandry, or Knights of Labor. 

We are unable, as yet, to determine exactly what class 
of women it was who shared the communistic proletarian 
societies of Greece and the Greek-speaking inhabitants 
under trade union laws during the power of the Greek 
philosophies, but are of opinion that they were of the two 
most respectable classes recognized by law. It is quite 
certain that their movements at Athens were watched by 
the Areopagus or court of Mars, whose jurisdiction was 
over criminal cases and public order and decency. The 
two classes were the wives of mechanics, their daughters. 
and the aulitrides who made their living by playing the 
flute. It is almost certain that the wonderful, coexistant 
class of women known as the hetairai also participated in 
these Hranoi as members. But to prove that the aule- 
trides frequented them we give a translation of a Greek 


18 Athenaeus, Deipnosophistai, VIII. ‘* Epavoi δὲ εἰσιν ai ἀπὸ των ci pSaddAope- 
vey εἰσαγωγαί, ἀπὸ TOU συνερᾶν καὶ συμφέρειν ἕκαστον" καλεὶτει δε ὁ αὐτὸς και ἐρανοᾷ 
ιαὲ Lagos καὶ δὶ συνίοντες ἐρανισταὶ καὶ συνϑιασίτοιε 


456 THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


inscription cut in marble, edged with bas reliefs. Itis of 
the Roman epoch and is from the Isle of Santorin in the 
Grecian Archipelago, not far from Nio. As Santorinwas 
ap agricultural country they might have been mostly cul- 
tivators. No matter how repressive and intolerant the 
iaws, they could not disband. It isa slab first observed 
at Athens by the Archeologist M. Wescher, in which the 
erano. fairly unveil their secrecy and come out in their 
own name. Before giving the rendering of the inscrip- 
tion, however, we beg to paint as we conceive it, a picture 
of ancient competitive life which formed the basis of 
Greek society. It ran tothe extent of gambling; and the 
ethics of society may be said to have been fixed by law and 
public opinion at little higher than the gamblers’ code. 
Society outside the eranoi and the thiasot was a vast 
gambling hell; and the long existence of the associations, 
we can account for in no other way than that they in their 
secret recesses possessed a charmed circle. It was the 
infinite love that emanates from the infinite difference 
marked by the gulf yawning between competitive frater- 
nal life.” The poor Greek working people must have felt 
all this difference. 

Let anyone imagine himself obliged to contemplate the 
fashionable logic of a gambling den: A number of peo- 
ple sit round a table, each with his pile of gold, the sum 
of which is the stake involved. There is skill there. 
There is also genuine talent. Brilliant aptitudes in one, 
in the choice of cards or dice; intuition in another, to 
catch and forestall a niggling thought and checkmate a 
winning deal; shrewdness in a third at the study of fea- 
tures and in the reading of their inadvertent language; 
and in a fourth, tact to swoop in the sum of the aces 
against the competitors. There is no mutual adaptation 
of these natural gifts toa common good. These are the 
non-productive adornments in the “code’s” diplomacy, In 
the usages of the gambler opinion has fixed a sort of 
reckless general law that acts as each gambler’s guide; 
and to obey this law is to conform to the ethics of a code 
which is the competitor’s idea of duty, The duty of each, 


17 Aristotle lived apparently in daily contact witn these communes and seems 
to have been influenced by them .. - ἔνιοι δὲ κοινωνιῶν bi ἡδονισὴν δοκοῦσι yive 
Sat, ϑιασωτῶν καὶ ερανιστῶν" αὗται yap ϑυσίας ἕνεκα καὶ συνονσίας. Ethics, VIII. 


GAMBLING HELLS OF COMPETITION, 457 


whether in the exigency of the winning, or of the losing 
game, is to behave with decency. Such are the ethics at 
the gambling stakes and each must conform. 

The excitement of the competitive game goes on. The 
lookers-on forget self, home and duty in their admiration 
of the contestants’ skill. Their variety of method, their 
quivering versatility, their genius, bold of one, delicate of 
another, exhilarate as they amaze. But when the one 
more skilled in gaming or more favored in fortuity, sweeps 
the stakes and stalks off in triumph with the gold of his 
helpless neighbors, there must come a reaction of feeling, 
though the rules of the gambling table require resigna- 
tion. The defeated need not try to hide discomfiture. A 
hungry wife and children, blighted hopes, bafiled plans 
and chagrin, beget despair. They are the conjurers of dis- 
trust, jealousy, vengeance, hate, suicide. Even the winner 
dies in misery; for a little selfish ecstasy adds nothing 
to the sum of a life’s possibilities and joys. He is often 
the next victim in the shifting vicissitudes of the trade. 

Now this is a fair picture of that hell which constituted 
ancient society. The household, the shambles of volup- 
tuous commerce and of deal, the judiciary and the war- 
spirit were so many sheols of licensed competism reeking 
with a virus of the gambler’s code and intolerant of this 
socialism of the poor. Unfortunately it is too exact a pic- 
ture of the maudlin present; but the present we are not 
dealing with. 

Society was a vast concern in which fashions, means 
and fine things were huckstered and raffled from hand to 
hand ; and then as now, the working classes or proletariat 
were the sensitive target which every club of misguided 
genius bruised and imbruted. 

Tke discovery, then, of unquestionable proof that there 
existed comtemporaneously with this outside state of 
things an order of human association whose code of ethies, 
or whose accepted opinion of duty, one to another, was 
the antithesis of this; whose rule of home and labor was 
based deep in that love and mutual protection whicn af- 
terwards became the doctrine of salvation as proclaimed 
by a greater teacher,” is a triumph glorius and incalcula- 


18 Plato, Aristotle and Socrates were all deep! y touched by the brotherly love 
of the innumerable eranists whose works though humble were followed by them 


468 THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


ble to the struggling, disjointed love of the labor move- 
ment to-day. The fragment at Athens referred to isa 
piece of blue Hymettian marble with little border work. 
The inscription is in plain Attic Greek of the Aristotelian 
epoch, and its translation from the Revue Archéologique, 
is as follows: 

“By arulable and just administration of the common 
fund of money belonging to the community of eranistai, 
and having ever conducted himself with kindness and 
with honesty; and as he has righteously husbanded the 
funds successively paid by the eranistai themselves, as 
well as the annual subscription, according to the law of 
the eranos; aid in view of the fact that in everything 
else he still continues to show integrity to the oath which 
he swore to the eramistai, therefore Hail Alemeon! 

“The community of the eranistai rejoice to praise 
Alemeon, son of ‘heon, a stranger who has been natur- 
alized—their president of finance (archeranistes); and do 
crown him with a chaplet of foliage because of his faith- 
fulness and good will to them. They are moreover re- 
joiced and praise the trustees (epimaletaz) and also the 
hieropoioi of Jupiter the Savior, and of Hercules, and of 
the Savior of the gods. And they crown each of them 
with the wreath of honor because of their virtue and their 
lively interest in the community of the eranistai.” 

The stone is here broken, leaving us in the dark as to 
the exact date of this interesting relic. The principle 
however, upon which this eranos was conducted, accept- 
ing the signification given this word by lexicographers 
and writers of the adverse school, was communism—means 
taxed from a common membership for mutual support. 
This settled, we next ask: did such an experiment thrive ? 
The above inscription is full of praises and rejoicing over 
its success. Then if it did succeed, and if in conjunction 
with it, it is made clear that the less secret jubilees of the 
thiasoi furnished means out of the same well-husbanded 
fund, for the sweet convivials, and the dance, to the fam- 
ous music of the female flute-players, did not this “ com- 
munity of the eranistai” greatly augment for the “ disin- 
berited classes,” the means of happiness and virtue? 


all. Liiders commenting, qaotes Socrates from Xenophon, Conversationes VIII. 
* Wir sind ja alle Thiasoten deses gottes.” This passage gives stong evidence 
that Socrates was a member of a commune. 


SOCRATES A MEMBER OF A COMMUNE. 459 


These are important conjectures coming from the un- 
written mists of the finest of the world’s ages of antiquity. 
Let the ethnologist and the paleontologist divest them- 
selves of bias, and with these new skeletons of ancient 
history remodel and reproduce an ethologic anatomy of 
these two great rivals for power—individualism and com- 
munal love. For if the desired means of happiness was 
procured through this one experiment of whose relics we 
have given a rendering, then it is evident by the many 
other similar inscriptions thata thousand such microcosms 
embellished the morals and gladdened the hearts of slaves 
and outcasts. 

These microcosms of a farfuture society must not, how- 
ever, be supposed to have been as sweeping or as pure in 
their radicalism as some that are developing at the present 
time; for it must be remembered that though the ignor- 
ance of the present age is averse to the implanting of ἃ 
system which means introversion and revolution of com- 
petitive disassociation, yet we possess at least the boon of 
tolerance which was almost utterly denied the struggling 
poor of those times. 

According to the best information to be had regarding 
inscriptions that are resuscitating the history of the an- 
cient proletaries, the societies called the eranoi and the 
thiasoi were by no means confined to the Hellenic Penin- 
sula and the Ionian and Grecian Archipelagoes. Similar 
societies are known to have existed both on the continent 
of Asia and of Africa. Mommsen, Orelli, Béckh and other 
archeologists, in their Latin works of Descriptiones Re- 
liquarum, have filled thousands of folio pages with sketches 
of all sorts of paleographs which are fac-similes of inscrip- 
tions, monograms, escutcheons and many kinds of hiero- 
glyphic and anaglyphic gravery and embossing in stone 
and metal. These curious things are being dug up in 
different parts of Europe, Asia and Africa, wherever an- 
sient history speaks of the doings of men. 

Great numbers are described that have come from Dal- 
matia, the rivers and plains of Austria, Hungary and the 
Kranish provinces. They exist in countries once occu- 
pied by the Armenians, Phenicians and Chaldeans; and 
as it is now becoming apparent that the most correct phi- 
losophies of the Alexandrians and Athenians were first 


= 
| 


460 THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


inspired by Indians of the east, it is possible that great 
revelations are yet forthcoming from the Hindoo school, 
of which the Sankhya Kapila was the inspiring oracle. 
But however this may be—whether Buddhism was, or was 
not the idiosynerasy that germinated the every-growing 
schism among dialecticians of all succeeding ages, it mat- 
ters little. 

One thing is certain in our mind: that the societies of 
self-help among the proletaries have uniformly followed 
the grouping, self-teaching, perpiatetic method of Aristo- 
tle and Kapila, while their competitive enemies and per- 
secutors have followed the dreamy, non-practical Olym- 
pus-beclouded generalities of Plato. The communities 
always worked well under Numa, Solon, Jesus and Nestor, 
but always suffered under Lycurgus, Appius Claudius, 
Cesar and Cyril. If the strange and newly unearthed 
library of Asshurbanipa!, who was emperor of the Assyr- 
ians a thousand years before Christ, is ever scanned in 
& nNon-prejudicial spirit, its ideographs and its history of 
their systems of nomenclature, computation and collec- 
tion may be found suggestive of similar doings. 

We have already said something concerning the rules 
and by-laws of the societies, which by the marble tablet 
whereon their records are graven, are known to have 
existed. As ageneral thing these decrees and regulations 
are made on the stones that still honor some of the offi- 
cers. Although the evident object of each of these or- 
ganizations was to enlarge the means of happiness of the 
members by providing liberties for them through the as- 
sociative sphere of the collectivity, and may be said on 
this account to have been temporal in their objects, yet 
they all partook strongly of some religious faith incul- 
cated at the services of the gods in the temples. 

Some writers upon the subject are convinced that they 
rereunbled the old semi-religious guilds of trade in Eng- 
jnnd. They also intimate that like the continental guilds 
for a similar object, connected with the Roman Catholic 
Church, they seem to have been under the patronage of 
οι tutelary saint, and that under this tutelage they some- 
times founded industrial, commercial and maratime cor- 
porations. Sometimes they made it a specialty to aid each 
other in acquiring a profession. Our own opinion is, that 


FORM OF THE MEETINGS: 461 


they were a genuine type of the trade union.” The evi- 
dences of this are many; and it is no argument against 
the position if they are found to have been religious. 

The objections will be, that they opened their sessions 
with prayer, and that they admitted women in large num- 
bers. But some of our own trade unions undergo forms 
similar to prayer and Bible reading. As to their having 
had women as members it only proves that they were 
trade unions of a higher, more long-lived and a more suc- 
cessful development than these of the present day; and 
this brings us to the sad reflection that with all the boast 
of modern trade unionists and all the good they are do- 
ing, and with all their philosophy and practical forcing of 
the true political economy upon governments, they still 
fail to equal the judgment of the trade unionists of Greece, 
who based their associations upon co-operation for peace 
ful, rather than co-operation for aggressive self help. 
Another resemblance to the trade unions is seen in their 
extreme secrecy. 

“The meetings of these pre-Christian societies opened 
witb prayer; after which came the general business. The 
place at which they were held was called the synod, or 
sometimes the Synagogue, and the assembly was abso- 
lutely secret—no stranger could be admitted, and a severe 
code maintained order thereat. They were held, it ap- 
pears, in enclosed gardens surrounded with porticos, or 
piazzas or little arbors, in the middle of which the altar 
of sacrifice was erected. The officers made the candidates 
for membership submit to a sort of examination, and they 
had to certify that they were ‘holy, pious and good.’ 
There was in these little confraternities, during the two 
or three centuries that preceded the Christian era, a 
movement which was almost as varied as that which pro- 
duced in the middle ages so many religious orders and 
so many sub-divisions of these orders. Very many have 
been counted in the single island of Rhodes, of which 
several bear the names of their founders or of their re- 
formers. Several of these confraternities, especially that 
of Bacchus, had sublime and elevated doctrines ; and en- 
deavered with a good will to give to mankind some con- 


19 The reasons for their being often religious and borrowing gods or tate 
ary deitles are explained in our chapter on the Roman trade anions, q. Vv. 


462 THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


solation. If there still remained in the Greek world any 
love, any piety, any religious morality, it was owing to 
the liberty granted to such private religious doctrines. 
The doctrines competed in some measure with the official 
religion, the decline of which became more evident day 
by day.” ” 

But it must not be inferred because the eranoi, or Greek- 
speaking unions took the name of the particular god they 
venerated, that they were exclusively religious. 

The archeologist, Hamilton, has produced fac-similes 
of inscriptions on slabs that were found on the shores of 
the Gulf of Symi. The translation of one runs thus: 

“Alexander, of Cephalonia, has been honored with the 
gift of a crown of gold, and also Nisa, his virtuous wife, 
of Cos. This honor is given by the Adoniastes, Aphro- 
diastes and the Asclepiastes. Hpaphrodite and his wife, 
by wish of the Heroistes and of the Aeaciastes, have also 
been honored with a golden crown.” 

These Adoniastes, Aphrodiastes, Asclepiastes, ete., were 
eranoi, whose union was, on account of the peculiar religi- 
ous notions of the members and of the country, dedicated 
respectively to the gods Adonis, Aphrodite, Esculapia, 
ete. Another inscription taken from Ross’s Inscriptiones 
Greques,” is also very interesting as proof that these so- 
cieties were usually dedicated to the popular gods of the 
mythic hierarchy of Mount Olympus. 

It is valuable as a proof of the general position assumed, 
on account of its bold mention of union and confraternity 
thus showing that it belonged to the eranian and thiasian 
school of co-operation or trade unionism. It is from Rhodes, 
and is somewhat defaced. Here is the rendering as given 
in Mr. Tompkins’ review: “ἢ * * crowned with a crown of 
gold by the community of Jupiter Xenos, the Dionysiates 
Cheeremoniens, as well as by the Panatheniastes and the 
* * * * * * crowned with a crown of gold by the Soteri- 
astes (worshipers of the Soter, or Messiah, the confraternity 
of Jupiter Xenos, and that of Minerva Lindienne, followers 
of Caius, crowned with a crown of foliage by the commu- 
nity of Jupiter Atabyrien and the Agathodaemoniastes Phi- 
loniens, as well as by the community of Dionysiastes Cheere- 
moeiens and by that of Appollo.” 

30 Tompkins, Friendly Socieltes of Antiquity. % Researches tn Asia Minor’ 


MANAGED BY WOMEN. 463 


This date “in the year 178” is supposed to mean the 
178th year of the existence of this union. Here we have, 
in the midst of the lady members of this old and probably 
rich and respectable eraos, or union and at the public feast 
or monthly sociable in the enclosed garden that always dis- 
tinguished the open thiasoi from the secret business meet- 
ing of the eranoi, a flute-player; in all probability one ot the 
famous auletrides whose charms are celebrated by Alciphron, 
Athenwus and Theopompus; and of whom a writer in his 
work on prostitution, unconsciously intimates that they 
were abandons” and would doubtless construe it so as to 
make this feast no nobler than the callipygian games, which 
though unfrequented by men must have been, of course, 
“scandalous.” May not anything be scandalous when re- 
garded in a censorious and uncharitable light. But this 
feast of the Communists described was nothing of the sort. 

This invaluable memento is in good care and preservation 
in the museum at Athens. On the bas-relief are these sug- 
gestive figures: A god and a godess in an enclosed garden, 
It is Cybile the Phrygian godess who sits with her head 
crowned. In front of her crouches a lion? The god is 
Apollo in a flowing robe and ina standing attitude. He 
has a salver (patera) in one hand and a lyre in the other. 
There is a priestess or procanistria standing, and a musi- 
cian or auletrid is playing the flute. A lamb for the feast 
is in the arms of a young man. Under this is the inscrip- 
tion of which the following is the translation. 

“ Stratonice, daughter of Menecrates, is crowned by the 
members, men and women, of this thiasos, In the year 178 
she (Stratonice) was female president of the club (proeran- 
istria), a crown of foliage is decreed her and a marble tablet 
ornamented with banderoles to honor her public proclama- 
tion in the assembly of Jupiter in honor of hes Virtue.” 

It is not only interesting but extremely useful as an ex- 
ample for the guidance of future society, that we be made 
acquainted with some of the inner and unrecorded lite of 
antiquity. The same turbulent warlike millions swarmed 
the cities and thoroughfares then, as now. The same unor- 
ganized and inequitable methods of production and appor- 


55 Singers, History of Prostitution, p. 46. 
22 See also Tafel 11. Luaders, Dée ΤΟΣΥΣ ΜΈΛΟΣ Kinst>. Hxplanation of the 
plates, S. 10-11. 


464 THE COUNTLESS COMMUNES. 


tionment. The same egoism and sacrifice of neighbor for 
aggrandizement of sclf, and the same intolerance and big- 
otry in prevailing faiths that inspire the competing Muscovite 
Russians against the Rural Solidarities, the Mennonities and 
the Dutchobors to day—the same selfishness that makes 
man hate man, and church hate church wherever we go. 
In this prodigious whirlpool of self-serving negativeness and 
ignorance—the painful, tiresome desert through which all 
proletarian humanity plods, it is gratifying to discover that 
a great counter element once existed with organizations 
based upon that community of equal interests which is fund- 
amentally revolutionizing the policies of our own brilliant, 
but depraved and selfish century. 

The specimen adduced wasa festival of aneranos—it was 
the thiasos itself, and a glance at Liddell will satisfy the 
skeptic that it was a society of poor, persecuted people, who 
agreed to assess each other in common for their daily food 
and their monthly convivials ; and the proof that these poor 
girls were sometimes members greatly intensifies the inter- 
est in them. Besides, it is a known fact that ameng these 
musical trades unionists were some of the most beautiful and 
intelligent people the world ever produced. It was not 
considered prostitution in those days to do what they did. 
The stern philosopher Zeno, hero of Stoicism, fell desper- 
ately in Jove with one; and if we are to believe Athensus 
wus ready to defend his love with the anties of a madman. 
This was after he had vainly insulted her because she came 
to him for pro tection. JP aOMTSED 


I UT Rp. 
= γῇ Σ ἘΤ ea mm 
SAL ee, κα 


CHAPTER XXIL 


THE ANCIENT BANNER. 


INCALCULABLY AGED FLAG OF LABOR. 


Tue Oxp, Old Crimson Ensign—An Emblem of Peace and Good 
Will to Man—Strange Power of Human Habit—Descent of 
the Red Banner through Primitive Culture— White and Azure 
the Colors of Mythical Angels, Grandees and Aristocrats— 
Colors for the Lowly without Family, Souls or other Serapbice 
Attributes—How the Red Vexillum was Stolen from Labor 
—Tricks which Compromised Peace Tenets of the Flag—The 
Flag at the Dawn of Labor’s Power—Testimony of Polybiua 
—Of Livy--Of Plutarch—Causes of Working People’s Affec- 
tion for Red—The Emblem of Health and the Fruits of Toil 
—Ceres and Minerva their Protectresses and Mother-God- 
desses Wore the Flaming Red—Emblem of Strength and Vi- 
tality—Archeology in Proof—Their Color First Borrowed 
from Crimson Sun-Beams—More Light and less Darkness— 
White and Pale Hues for the Priests—Origin of the Word 
“FLAG ”—It is the Word-Root of “ Flame” a Red Color— 
Proofs Quoted—Mediseval Banner in France and England— 
The Red of All Modern Flags Borrowed from that of the An- 
cient Unions—Disgraceful Ignorance of Modern Prejudice 
and Censure. 


Tue typical color of the great non-laboring classes in an- 
cient times was white and azure blue; while that of the 
atrictly laboring element was red. This phenomenon haz 
come down to us by the power of habit, from high antiquity. 


1 Consult Tylor, Primitive Culture, (Vol. I pp. 70, 8q, N. Y. 1888, Survive’, 


for illustrations on the power of habit: ‘‘ The saying that marriages in May are 
uniucky— believed so 18 centuries avo 21d more, see Ovid, Musius, Y.—surviver 
to this day in England, a striking example bow an idea, the meaning of which 
has perished for ages, may continue to exist simply because it has existed 


There are thousands of cases of this kind which have become, so to speak, land- 


466 THE OLD RED FLAG. 


White, in heathen mythology, was thought to be emblem- 
atical of degree. It was the color used by the gens families 
and by the priesthood. Very often a beautiful azure of var- 
ious shades accompanied the pure white. Following this 
habit of the optimates and their hierarchy, we still imagine 
white to be the color of the robes of angels, and still make 
it a holy color.? All people, ancient or modern, having a 
history and a priesthood with concomitant crafts, have re- 
garded white as the adumbration of holiness, of purity, of 
aristocracy. It isthe color which befits itself to supersti- 
tion and to property; therefore the gens or the gentle, who 
do not work, who are unsoiled, who eat up the products of 
labor, who robe themselves in white and ascend throne, see, 
chancel, pulpit or patriarchal seat, and who talk of their 
“subjects” whom they spurn and absorb, are of all others 
most certain to flaunt the robes of white and azure and shin- 
ing purple. These colors date from a dim era of antiquity, 
and like the etymon they were self-suggestive as the anti- 
thesis of sweat and toil and grime. They embellished and 
decked the bodies of the “ washed,” and could not go hand 
in hand with creatures smoked and smeared at the furnace 
and the anvil. Hence a contempt of labor.® The idea of 
Plato which he copied from the Pagan religion and which 
Christianity unfortunately afterwards copied from him, un- 
der the name of Neo-Platonism was that of white robes, 
white wings, white banners—a mysterious power in the 
clouds, a home at Mount Olympus, and the vaulted dome 
of heaven—and myriads of slaves and menials in red, brown, 
dun and murk who were to plod without souls, liberties 


marks in the course of culture.” This author hereupon cites many instancea 
showing the ext-eme age of our paltriest habits, some of which are really aston- 
ishing, One of the most striking instances which might have been enumerated 
by Mr. Tylor, aloug with the many that he here adduces, is the red banner, which 
for antiquity and pith of antecedent meaning has perhaps no rival in the tale of 
primitive cilture. We have another remark illustrative of the power of habit 
and one which may be regarded as curious and far-fetched, made by Rogers, So- 
cial Life in Scotland, Vol. I. p. 6, in speaking of the giants and cave-dwellers of 
the stone period: ‘*In popular superstition there still linger memories of the 
Neolithic 856." This is really wonderful. 

Revelations, vii. 9,14. So tdem, xix. 8; ‘* And to her was granted that she 
should be arrayed in fine linen, clean and white, for the fine linen is the right- 
eousness Of saints.”” So again xix.14, ‘And the armies which were in heaven 
followed him upon white horses, clothed in fine linen, white and clean.’”’ 

3 ‘suhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, tr, Hiiffer, p- 485, speaking 
o! the ancients says: ‘‘ The usual color of the dress was originally white for the 
toza this was prescribed by law), only poor people, slaves and freedmen wore 
dress of the natural brown or black colors.” Red, a “color,” was always consid- 
srcd finer than brown or black, though all were labor colors, 


WHITE IS HIGH, COLOR LOW; ΚΕ, Α COLOR. 467 


honors or rewards, in the degrading service of keeping them 
white, clean-washed and fat. The idea of Aristotle, the 
practical, was, that labor itself was pure, worthy, and the 
only thing which could possibly lead men to knowledge and 
good; yet even his great mind could not at that early day 
discern a method of ridding the world of slaves, although 
Socrates, a member of a commune that waved the red ban- 
ner, had told them that manual labor was a virtue.‘ 

Again, white was the color of the ancient aristocratic 
flay or military banner, both of the Romans and Greeks. 
This is distinctly told to usin an elaborate description of all 
the phases of the subject, by Polybius,® who wrote just at 
the time when the greater slave rebellions were beginning 
fiercely to rage. 

As long as the ancient military ranks remained undefiled 
by the presence of slaves aud freedmen, or persons of lowly 
condition, the semeion or vexillum, that is, the flags and 
banners were white, azure and gray. But we find that 
curiously enough, the red vexi//wm comes temptingly into 
the Roman tent at the very time when the workingmen be- 
gan to assume military and political importance. It was 
evidently introduced as a means for inspiring this class of 
soldiers to desperate acts of valor;*® because the red banner 
of the communes was so sacred to them that they would 
recklessly cast their lives into the jaws of death in the act 
of recapturing it from an enemy. Maultitudes of instances 
are on record proving that the Roman generals cunningly 
managed to toss the vexillum or red banner, in some surrep- 
titious manner over into the enemy’s camp at a moment of 
onset, thereby enthusing the soldiers with a reckless oblivion 
of danger, as they crushed into it in desperate liaste and de- 
termination to seize from the polluted fingers of the bar- 
barian their endeared and cherished flag." 


4 For more on this great man’s philosophy, see chapters iv. on the Eleusinian 
Mysteries, aud Xxiv. on the Plans of lhe Ancient Benefactors. 

5 Polybiu» .Megal, Historia, VII. c. 39, pp. 676-677, ed, Gronovii, Amstelo- 
dami, 1670: ‘Os ἁπάντων ὡρισμένων καὶ συνήθων ὄντων διασημάτων μετα δε ταῦτα 
σημαίαν ἔπηξαν μείαν μὲν THY πρώτην εν ᾧ δεῖ τόπῳ THY τοῦ στρατηγοῦ σκηνὴν δουτεραν 
δὲ τὲ επὶ της πρέσθεισης πλουρᾶς, τριτου επὶ μεσὴς τῆς γραμμῆς ἐφ᾽ ἧς οἱ χιλίαρχοι 
τρεφουσιν τετράτην παρ᾽ ποθεν τὰ στρατόπεδα. Καὶ tavTas μὲν ποιοῦσσι φοινικὰς 
τε δε καὶ στρατηγοῦ λουκιου, Ta de em. θάτερα ποτὲ μεν ψηλὰ δόρατα πηγνύουσι, 
πωτὲ δὲ σημαίας ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων χρωμάτων." 

6 Τῇ earlier times the plebeian class were refused admission to armies as sol- 
diers solely on the ground that military work is aristocratic. They finally over- 
came this prejudice to some extent 

7 Plutarch, Paulus Zmilius. “The Romans who engaged the phalanx, be- 


468 THE OLD RED FLAG. 


The curiosity of the reader may by this time be aroused 
to understand what may have been the cause of this strange 
affection. We shall attempt to bring out, so far as authen- 
tic evidence can be had, the facts lying at the bottom of the 
ineffaceable love in the strictly proletarian class, for the 
beautiful and mcomputably aged red banner; and in doing 
so, we may help the inquirer in the effort to discern the 
causes of this emblem having so successfully breasted the 
storms of adversity and time and come down to us embalmed 
in the same love and veneration that shrouded and shielded 
it in deep antiquity, when it knew and comforted men only 
as poor and lowly slaves. 

In the heathen mythology two great and celebrated de- 
ities presided over labor—-Minerva and Ceres. The Greek 
names of these celebrated and much adored mythic deities 
were Demeter for Ceres, goddess of agriculture and fruit- 
fulness of the earth, and Athena for Minerva, goddess of 
manual labor and protectress of working women and work- 
ingmen. These two great deities wore flaming red.’ 

Bacchus of the Romans and Dionysus were the same 
myths with Ceres and Athena; that is, they seem to have 
personified in the male what these goddesses did in the 
female; and their vesture, like that of the goddesses, was 
flaming red. So Apollo, who was none other than the sun, 
was allied to them in functions. The reason of this is, that 
both genders of these imaginary beings represented the an- 
cient sun-worship. The brilliant, flaming light of the sun is 


ing unable to break it. Salius, a Pelignian officer snatched the ensign of the 
company, and threw itamong the enemy. Hereupon the Pelignians, rushed for- 
ward to recover it, for the Italians look upon itas a great crime and disgrace to 
abandon their standard. A dreadtul conflict and slaughter on both sides en- 
sued.’ Czesar, De Bello Gallico, often speaks of incidents of this kind. 

8 The state robe of Athena was generally of a flaming red. Abundance of 
evidence also shows the colors of these two patrons of labor to have been red. 
Red was also the color of Proserpine, the daughter of Demeter or Ceres: "his 
was not confined to Greece andRome. Thesame myths wore red in Asia, Atrica 
and even in Britain, See Hughes, Hore Britannica, Vol. I. p. 294, Lond. 1818: 
The British Ked or Ceridwen, is in many respects the same character as the 
Ceres of the Greek mythology and the Isis of the Egyptians. * * * * ‘She was 
arrayed in ἃ vesture of flaming sllk; a strong wreath of ruddy gold was aboiit 
the neck. wherein was set a precious pearl. and rows of coral; yellower was her 
hair than the blossoms of the broom; her skin was whiter than the foam of the 
wave: her hands and fingers were fairer than the opening buds of the water-lily, 
amid the small ripplings of the fountain of waters; or the sight of the hawk ai- 
ter mewing, or the sight of the falcon of three mews; no brighter eyes than hers 
were seen; whiter was her bosom than the breast of the fair swan; redder her 
checks than the rose of the mountain; whoever saw her was filled with love; 
four white trefoils were seen to rise in her way wherever she came, and there- 
‘ore was she named Qlwen or the fair lady.” 


RED AS 1HE EVENING SUNBEAMS. 469 


thought to have been the first object of awe and wonder be- 
fore which primitive man bowed himself down in ador- 
ation. It wasthe great and magnificent orb of day that in 
spring warmed the first sprigs of vegetable life. To the 
grand monarch of the day, the ancient laboring man first 
gave homage for light and heat which caused the fruits of 
his planting to grow and ripen. As this wondrous being, 
always believed to be alive and rational, immense in bulk, 
exquisite in beauty, radiant with heat and life, rose out of 
the sea and skimmed over their heads, he shed forth his 
crimson flames upon their labor and his color was likened 
to the fluid that coursed in their veins. The Dionysus thus 
became the protective principle for the Greek-speaking and 
the Bacchus for the Latin-speaking world, on which the vast 
system of labor organizations we have described was founded, 
cultivated and perpetuated for thousands of years; and their 
natural color was red, or color refined. 

This accounts for the high-born or optimate class repre- 
sented in the priesthood, the military, the nou-laboring ele- 
ment—in other words, the pretended pure, clean-washed 
and unsoiled—having a contempt for color and for labor that 
soiled ; and it also accounts for all the low-born, represented 
in occupations of agriculture and mechanics like the labor- 
ing element, or the tainted, tarnished, sweat-begrimed, hav- 
ing a natural love of color, whose highest type is red. 

It was a thing most natural that the emblems of Ceres 
should be of a red color. She was of herself a majesty of 
no inferior sort. The products of her care were wheat and 
other grain, the supply of which from the earth, furnished 
thered blood always known to be the animating and strength- 
giving fluid of life; although the exact action of blood from 
heart to lungs and thence through arteries, and its return 
throngh veins was a more recent discovery. It is thus very 
natural that we should find among the organizations which 
chose Ceres as their patron divinity, the strictest adherence 
to her coat of arms and her emblems and escutcheons, the 
same colors that she was known to prefer. 

Accordingly the inscriptions contain representations of 
the ancient banner, so well known to have been carried at 
the innocent and legalized parades of the thiasotes and or- 
giastes in Greece, Palestine, Asia Minor and the islands, and 
by the sodales and collegia in almost every town, little or 


470° THE OLD RED FLAG. 


large, in Italy. Even at Carthage and all along the const 
of as Africa remains of these organizations are being 
found. 

A powerful natural reason for their preferring this color 
was probably its beauty. The color red is known in optics 
to be the first one on the list. Then come orange, yellow, 
green, blue, indigo and violet." Whiteisnotacolor. Azure 
isa hue. Red ofa brilliant hue may be seen at a greater dis- 
tance than any other color and it is of all gifts of nature one 
of the most beautiful and inspiring. Many have dubbed 
Ceres the tutelary patroness of the United States." The 
flag adopted by the American Union is, scientifically con- 
sidered, a very perfect one; the metaphorical meaning of the 
red which is placed in the stripes, being the same as that 
involved in the ancient, which has a wonderful history in 
the past of labor. If the modern republic has any divinity 
at all, it is Ceres, Rhea, Cybele, Isis, the protectress of the 
farmers, and Minerva the guardian of mechanics and inven- 
tions. The red means the stripes; not the revengeful, 
bloody red with the present meaning trumped up against it 
in some wilfully ignorant minds, covering with obloquy 
which present society, unable to disabuse itself of the an- 
cient grudge and contempt of labor, still uses against the red 
flag, but the exact reverse—the stripes represent the blows 
which labor in her great conflict to free herself from enslave- 
ment, poverty and oppression, has received upon her back 
from the lash of aristocracy and brutal force. Unwittingly, 
perhaps, the United States adopted these stripes as a com- 
ponent part of its beautiful and suggestive national banner; 
and this act was a strictly scientific one; for it exactly con- 
forms with the ancient symbol red, enormously used by 
Roman and Greek organizations expressive and significant 
of the scourge, the stripes and the lines of blood which 


ταν Conan chapter xxi, supra, also Ltiders, Die Dionysischen Kanstler; Encyclo- 
ΘιΙς ἢ, Ξ 
ore The Encyclopedia Brittanntca, in an exhaustive article on Light, (Vol. XIV. 
p. 582), reduces the primitive colors to three—red, green and violet. This makes 
red to be the monarch of colors, as the oak is the monarch of trees, the lion the 
monarch of quadrupeds, or man the monarch ofmortals A respectable authority 
for modern colors, the Encyclopédie Vechnologique, Tome. I. Art. Couleur, init, 
says: ‘Ces couleurs fondamentales sont: Le rouge, !’orangé, le jaune, le bleu, 
Pindigo et le violet.”” Here also the red is the first mentioned of all colors. The 
Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol: VII. p. 495, says; ‘‘the red holds the highest po 
bition among all dyed colors.” ; 

11 Carnegie, Triumphant Democracy, Ὁ. 180. ‘Ceres the prime divinity of 
the United States.” 


ITS HISTORY AS AN HMBLEM, 471 


streaked the naked backs of the poor and lowly of ancient 
labor.” 

We now procecd to give a history of the red emblem as 
used against labor by the rich and strong, for the seeming 
purpose of making capital out of the reverence and affection 
always clinging in the organizations, which from more an- 
cient times they had inherited as the chosen color of their 
divinities, Ceres, Minerva, Saturn and perhaps Apollo. 

In the first place it is necessary to enter into an analysis 
of the word “ flag.” A glance ata Latin dictionary will 
explain that fiag is the root of the word * famma”—a cir- 
cumstance altogether extraordinary. Andrews for instance, 
defines flamma as follows: “ Flamma, . (archaic genitive 
singular flammai, used by Lucretius, I. 726; 899; V. 1088) 
feminine (fiagma trom FLAG; whence flagro and flagito, 
Greek phiegma, trom phlégo). A biazing fire, biaze, 
flame.” 

This is an aged word and has its real origin in the red 
beams of the sun which almost all men in primitive ages 
adored under the religion of the sun-worshipers. Without 
the slightest doubt this original fiag was one of the names 
of the ancient banner which was red. Because it was red 
and carried by the secret organizations on which the ruling 
minority cast a taint, it never attained to enough popularity 
to be used by ancient writers, and consequently failed to 
come down to us in form ot an emblem, or with the signifi- 
cance of a banner or flag, although it never lost its original 
meaning; and its many variations of form appear in history 
times without number. The innocent original changed in 
time to a multitude of instruments of torture. It got to be 
flagitium, a shametul act, then fiugrum a whip, and as such 
was stuck in bundles ( fasces), along with an axe and carried 
in threatening pomp by the august preetors to scourge slaves 
with. How could the old red flag differentiate into a whip? 

It was simply the work of hate and prejudice. ‘The or- 
ganizations would never give up their red banners; they are 
carrying them still by the power of habit, aitiiough the be- 


12 Slaves and freedmen sometimescomposed ἃ part of the forces of armies 
in the time of Polybius. This author who wrote as early 88 B. C, 145, describes 
the arrangement in the camps, of both slaves and freedmen, as well as their du- 
ties; “Meza δὲ τὴν στατοπδέιαν συναθροιθέντες οἱ χιλίαρχοι, TOUS εκ TOU στρατοπέδου 
παντες ἐλουθέρους ὁμοῦ 7 δούλους ὀρκίξουοι, καθ᾽ cva ποιούμενοι Te ὑρκισμον. ὋὉ δὲ 
ὅρκος ἐσίν' μηδεν εκ τῆς παρέμβολης κλεψειν: ἀλλὰ Kav εὑρὴ τὴς TOUT’ ανοισεν επὶ 
τοις xtAtapxors.” Polybius, Hisloria, Δ 1. 31, init, 


472 THE OLD RED FLAG. 


lief in the power of the once omnipotent Ceres and Minerva 
has long since faded from the earth.” The prejudice against 
their banner and the innumerable communes was based upon 
their supposed meanness, which is also fast being outgrown. 
This prejudice was also heightened “ by the fact that the or- 
ganizations grew powerful, sometimes rich and influential, 
always preaching a cult opposed to the despotism of capital 
and often and especially in Italy, as we have seen, becoming 
a potent factor in politics, which was a crime against the 
aristocracy of ownership and military and political power 
held by the great gens families and their slave-based religion. 

It is thus plainly seen that in ancient days, the red ban- 
ner was an emblem among the labor societies, of blood- 
making, not of blood-letting; while among the grandees it 
was emblematical of blood-spilling and torture; never indi- 
cative of building up, either the human body or the body 
politic. The system upon which the ancient aristocracy 
rested was cruelly and ferociously competitive and its pro- 
duct was slavery while its instruments of creating as well as 
perpetuating this thankless institution were legalized lascivi- 
ousness of its lords, and whips and scourges dyed red in the 
blood of laborers whose backs streaked with crimson which 
flowed from the furrows made by thongs, that their own 
greatness and their victims’ littleness might be more widely 
contrasted.* 

Let us now turn to the working people and their flag. 
In the first place the primitive mind of man conceives a 
fondness for flaming colors, and red, which is the champion 
of tints, attracted their delight by its beauty. One may 
stretch the imagination to conceive that this fact originated 
its adoption by his protecting divinities; for he would nat- 
urally incline to fix their favorite colors in harmony with his 
own tastes or fancies. "We have as a result, of the natural 
and innocent fancy of primitive mind for this beautiful 
ground-color, all the lowly estate of antiquity, fixing their 
institutions in blazoned red, and nailing virtue, peace, social- 


18 See Bouillet, Histoire des Commumités des Arts et des Métiers de V Auvergne, 
passim. Text and plates, representing the “ banni¢res” as were used in middle 


Β. 

14 Juvenal,, Satires. 

15 Lycurgus, whose slave item in Lacedemon we have described, laid down 
@ rule by which slaves were whipped at night without Haye comamltied an of- 
fense after having workedall day. This punishment was to humiliate them for 
submissiveness next day. They must also crouch lest should they stand erect 
they be compared with men. See Plutarch Lgourgus. 


ITS ORIGIN IN SUN-WORSHIP, 47. 


ism, poverty and resignation, to their unobtrusive banner— 
a br diant red. We find them, too, irrevocable in the belief 
thut God, dressed in the crimson glories of the sun and in 
awful justice, threw light and warmth and glory upon the 
crops of their sowing and the mechanical products of their 
hanaicratt; while the power of habit—that second law of 
perpetuation of being—has transmitted, even to this day, 
an ineffaceable love in the poor, for those endeared and 
cherished emblems.” 

The celebrated red himation™ and chiton were for a lon 
time the principal article of clothing. The dancing cite 
and flute-players wore them during the voluptuous age of 
Athens, They were worn at the feasts of Dionysus by the 
communists of the thiasoi. Of this we have the positive 
evidence of numerous inscriptions, some of which, although 
engraved on stone, are very good pictures of the feasters re- 
turning from their march through the streets, 

At Rome this love of the red banner among the plebeians 
was often turned to profit by the rich. After the overthrow 
of the Roman kings (B. C. 510), two officers little less in 
power than the kings themselves, were installed as supreme 
rulers in their place. These were the consuls, A great 
growth of the power of the laboring element, as we have 
shown in preceding chapters on Trade Unions, very gradu- 
ally came into the world; and this new force immediately 
began to make incursions upon and against the consular 
authority. The red flag is involved in this quarrel. It had 
been the kings who upheld the unions; the consuls, who 


16 Examples proving red to have been the primeval color among the servant 
class are being constantly discovered in the inscriptions. Dr. Schliemann, in 
Tiryns, pp. 303-307, gives Prof. Fabricius’ descriptions of the ‘‘ m4tghty bull,” 
recently discovered in ἃ wall-painting of that pre-Homeric city. The animal, 
mostly red, is seep end bounding at the gumes, while an acrobat upon his 
back is girding him in the dangerous scene. These actors, always of the slave 
race (see chap. xvii, Amusements of Antiquity, pp. 401-414), were tugging and 
sweating without pay, for masters, a thousand years before Christ. ‘lhis scene 
is represented in Plate XIII. while fig. 14% gives another proof of the remarka- 
ble proclivity in days before Homer, for red. ‘* Whilst the lower broad stripe is 
zed, the ground of the ornament shows a bright red colour; the two stroles of 
the scale - like ornament are black, the little circles and lines within the scales, 
white. Very noteworthy is the simultaneous occurrence of two different shades 
of the red color.” 

17 Guhl and ΚΌΠΟΥ. Life of the Greeks and Romans, ἡ. 160, eqq. ‘These gar- 
ments are here minutely described. ‘‘ Men also appear in these pictures with 
the cherry coloured chlamys and the red himation.” But we remark that the 
same authors assure us in both their descriptions of the Greeks, and of the Rom- 
ane, that colors were only for the common people. In course of time the hima- 
Bon originally white and worn by the rich, became popular and took on the 
slebeian hue, 


474 THE OLD RED FLAG 


from the very first, endeavored to suppress them. These 
magnates were the natural enemies of the working class ; the 
kings their natural friends. This seeming phenomenon is 
a suggestive fact of history. The kings wanted and recog- 
nized their systematic, organized labor; the consuls, who 
where sure to be rich grandees of blood and family, were 
jealous as well as afraid of this new and growing power 
which the mild and favorable laws of the kings had made it 
possible for labor to develop under. 

This was the origin of the greatest intestine contest Rome 
ever had. It was a death-grapple of lordship with labor, in 
which consular power aped the banner and color of com- 
munes,”* and even bent all energy to involve Rome in Great 
wars of conquest for the express object of wriggling out of 
the terrible plebeian grip.” 

The patrician consuls fought the hated workingmen, ac- 
cording to Livy, with such an unabating determination for 
about five years (B. C. 375-370), as to cause a soiitudo mag- 
istratuum ® or vacancy, in which there occurred what is now 
called an interregnum—neither the lords nor the people, 
holding the helm of power. This was under the plebeian, 
Licinus Stolo, author of the agrarian law, the most renowned 
statute of antiquity—a germ of the same contention which 
cost the Gracchi, Blossius and Clodius their lives, as cham- 
pions for the poor in the memorable agrarian and labor tur- 
moils, and finally brought Rome, with her Cicero and Caesar 
to an ignominious end, because she purloined the egis of 
laborers on whom she glutted herself while maintaining 
slavery as a fundament of her religion and government, 

18 See Encyclopedia Brittanitca, 9th edition, Stoddart, Phil. Vol. VI. p. 279, 
describing the consuls; “ΑΔ cloak with a scarlet border and an ivory staff were 
badges of their οἵου. For more than 600 years thereafter the scarlet which 
darkened into purple became a state color. The consuls stole the red vexillum 
by a similar species of trick, from the communes—a blasphemy against the an- 
cient peace-color of Ceres and Minerva the protecting divinites of laborers and 
the fruits oflabor. The following modern criticism admits this; If the consuls 
‘wished to subdae any outbreak of the plebeians, they feigned that some 
powerful enemy was marching against the city, and thus succeeded in obtaining 
extraordinary powers.” Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. VI. p. 280. 

19 Speaking of those patrician consuls, the same author in dem, column 2, 
says: ‘‘ Having once begun the struggle (against the plebeians), however, they 
maintained it for the space of 80 years, with a spirit and resolution which made 
even a foreign war desirable as a relief from internal contests.” 

20 Livy, VI. 35, fin. ‘ Haud irrites cecedere minzw: comitia, preeter sedilium 
tribunorumque plebis, nulla sunt habita. Licinius Sextiusque, tribuni plebis re- 
fecti, nullos curules magistratus creari passi sunt: eaque solitudé magistratum, et 
plebe reficiente duos tribunos, ct his comitia tribunorum militum tollentibus, 


ver qninquennium urbem tenuit.” Such was the tremendous power of the out- 
cast element that Rome lost her aristocratic hold for 5 whole years. 


PRATORS WITH WHIPS ΑΝ AXES. 475 


In this aristocratic consular arrangement, next after the 
consuls themselves, were many preetors, lieutenants of the 
consuls and lord mayors of the provincial cities. These 
with the Romans were also generally the grandees who dis- 
pensed military force.”' “The insignia of the pretor were 
those common to the higher Roman inagistrates—the pur- 
ple-edged robe (toga practexta), and the ivory chair (sella 
curulis). In Rome be was attended by two lictors, in the 
provinces by six.” The ewrules or ivory sedans, were from 
the state four and six horse chariots and represent extraor- 
dinary power. 

An example of the power exercised by the preetor over 
the poor slave, is given by us in another page, where a 
brave man in Sicily, for killing a dangerous wild boar, so 
excited his lordship’s jealousy, that, taking advantage of 
an ancient law pronibiting persons of lowly “birth from the 
use of the javelin, he or dered the trembling man to be 
crucified upon the spot. These preetors made use of the 
red color of labor for the brutal purposes of war, and it 
looks seriously as though this was a sort of cunning ruse 
or dodge, played upon the credulous, whereby to curry 
favor with the already powerfully organized numbers of 
labor. 

Next after the consuls and preetors in the military pag- 
eant came the lictors. They wore the blue and azure 
cloak when in the field, which was the sagum caerulewzm, 
epithet of death, darkness, night. In this garb the lic- 
tor’s fierce military characteristics were personified. The 
grand magistrate’s attendant, he strutted at the pageant 
in line of march, with a bundle of rods in his hand and 
held on high the formidable axe of execution, that the 
people might understand the presence of a sublime power 
and bow their heads inrespect. Ifa criminal or malefactor 
was caught, his duty was to whip him with the scourges 
and cleave his head from his body with the axc.” 


a Rneyelopadss Brittanica, Vol, XIX. p. 675 

2 Livy, i. 26. ‘Woratius cui soror virgo, ques desponsa ὃ πὶ ex Curiatiis 
fnerat, obvia een ortam Capenam fuit ; cognitoque super humeros palucamento 
epensi, quod ipsa confecerat, solvit crines, et flebiliter nomine sponsum mortium 
appellat. Movet feroci juveni animum comploratio sororis in victoria sua ton 
toqne gaudio publico. stricto itaque gladio, simul verbis increpans. trsnsigit 
pueilum: ‘Abi bine cum immaturo amore ad sponsum, inguit * * * ἘΠῚ lictor 
colliga mans qué paullo ante armatze imperiuin populo R omano pepere runt ” 
The same ferocious order was given the lictor by the father of Manlius. Livy, X 
liber VIII. cap. 7(: “41. lictor deliga ad palum.” A consul, preetor or other su 
perior officers had the right to order alictor to perform any execution. 


410 THE OLD RED FLAG. 


But when there was peace and while they were in 
Rome, the lictors wore the toga, purple or purple-bor- 
dered, because the lictors must be of high-born stock; al- 
though the toga of the unions was red, brown or dark 
red. It corresponded in Italy to the himation in Greece; 
and was the color of the lowly class everywhere, repre- 
senting peace, not war,” as seen in any Latin dictionary. 
This remarkable fact reveals itself more and more plainly 
as the arguments and material evidences upon which it 
is based, receive investigation. Full attention to the an- 
cient communal inscriptions has not vet been given, partly 
on account of the fact that colors do not often survive 
even where they were painted on the tablets; but princi- 
pally, because ensigns and emblems whose colors, being 
sacred were at all times universally conceded were never 
painted at all, but simply engraved on the stone or cast- 
ing in the natural color of the material on which they 
were cut. But it must be borne in mind that the lictors 
who were required to be of the optimate class, wore only 
a purple-red, not the labor-red. This was a mixture of 
the genuine with the azure (cxruleus) or the white. 

Thus color in ancient days, socially speaking, was a line 
of demarcation separating optimates from plebeians.™ 
We have thus shown how in war the sagum and the vexil- 


® See note —supra, on the red himatton, 

24 See Guhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 485-6: ‘‘ The usual 
colour of the dress was originally white (for the foga this was required by law): 
only poor people, slaves and freedmen wore dresses of the natural brown or 
black colour of the wool.” ‘‘In imperial times, however, even men adopted 
dresses of scarlet etc.” * * * «The bride wears a reddish violet stola. adorned 
with an embroidered imstita of darker hue.” These are the poorer class, as they 
seem to come under the general remark quoted, viz: that only poor people, slaves 
and freedmen wore colors. Then (page 486 , occurs this remark; The outside of 
Perseus’ dress is reddish brown, the inside white,” as if to coax with the great 
rising element, while taking care to keep ‘‘pure” within, in difference to this 
fabulous royal potentate, son of the great czrulean Zeus. Speaking of the toga 
of Italy, or the imation of Greece, the same authors, p. 486 remark, that 
‘“ Looked at straight, the blood-red dress thus prepared had a blackish tint: 
looked at from underneath, it showed a bright red color” Thus the toga no 
matt:r by whom worn. was red whenit represented peace—a fact which remaims 
good for all antiquity ; while the regular war-colors were azure and blue or white 
and azure-blue. So again idem, p- 168, speaking of the Greek robes and other 
articles of apparel, and the pictures whence the information is taken, says; 
* Nien also appear in these pictures, with the cherry-coloured chlamys and the 
red himution; ’ and speaking of the Μίτρα or ancient turban, used also sometimes 
as a zone-belt, which was red, the same authors add: The Oriental turban is 
undoubtedly a remnant of this custom.” Here again we have an example of the 
power of habit, to transmit itself through indefinite periods of time. In another 
phrase, idem, p. 168, speaking of the plebeian class, is the expression: ‘The 
original colors, although (particular the reds) slightly altered by the burning pro 
cess, may still be distinctly recognized,” 


ANCIENT COLOK LINE 477 


lum in its original tints, were white, cwrulean or azure 
and blue, in the field of war,” while the peace toga which 
was red and the vexillum when seen among the com- 
munes, were of a brilliant crimson, So also we have ex- 
plained somewhat the manner in which in later ages of 
the republic the phenomenal love and reverence of the 
lowly class, so soon as they exhibted a political and mili- 
tary weight was taken advantage of and even adopted in 
sham in the Roman camp, seemingly to curry favor with 
this rising class. It now remains to further proceed in 
explanation of the Roman military pageant. 

The next officers in rank after the lictor were sometimes 
the equites or knights on horseback; and their military 
pomp, when preceded by consuls, preetors and their lictors, 
as the latter bore aloft their prztorian bundles of whips 
and their hatchets and axes when going out of the gates 
to war, or returning in triumph from it, was a spectacle 
anything but flattering to the poor, to whose backs and 
necks the scourges and the axes were too often applied. 

Another powerful argument substantiating the preva- 
lence of red as an adopted color of the gods of industry, 
where peace and not war was intended, is seen in the typi- 
cal goddess Pomona, another name perhaps for Ceres or 
Demeter, Isis, Cybele and other guardians of agricultural 
labor. She presided over the orchard fruits and the gar- 
dens, and her emblem, symbol or sign was a flaming 
red. This old Roman divinity had charge of fruit- 
orchards. In the deep forests she was adored by satyrs 
and other sylvan fairies.” 

Pomona stands out as an excellent corroboration to the 
argument that from the most ancient conceivable times 
red was the typical color for the symbols, emblems or ban- 
ners of the strictly working people and shows furthermore, 
that to carry out the original idea of Pomona, a priest 
or priestess of a Pomona of to-day must be attired in a 
flaming red and must not represent strife; as her function 
is that of peace.” It was even forbidden on high penalty 
that her attendant servant or priest should look upon an 


% Cicero, In Pisonem, 28 : “ Vogules lictoribus ad portam presto fuerunt, 
quibus illi acceptis, sagula rejecerunt et catervam imperatori suo novam prebue- 
runt. 

26 Ovid, Metamorphoses, XIV. 623 seqq 

¢7 Gubl and Konor, Life of the Greeks and Romans, p, 586 


478 THE OLD RED FLAG. 


army; strife being to her a terrible sin. He must even 
turn his head from the sight of soldiers. 

This divinity chose “ from the plebs” * a priest called 
the Flamen Pomonalis. He was allowed to take a wife but 
could never be divorced from her; for that would be sug- 
gestive of strife. True to the typical color of the labor 
she represented, she was called flaminica, and she held in 
her hand a pruning knife, althongh this instrument is 
represented to have also been intended for sacrificing the 
lamb at the feasts of Pomona. She was robed in a chiton 
or imation, which in Rome was called a toga. It was 
made of wool, and was screened from the vulgar by a 
long veil, (flammeum), of a flaming red color or Phenician 
glow,” typical of her plebeian estate. This Flaminica not 
only represented and presided over, but also performed, 
labor; for she busied herself in the toils of her husband, 
the flamen, in the work of the feasts and entertainments. 
The collegia were fond of celebrating by parading with 
flaming streamers and flags. 

The worship of the sacred ibis has also something to 
do in this connection. It is mentioned in company with 
Pomona and was probably the sacred scarlet ibis, of the 
Egyptians, whose red colors have ever been unscientifically 
mixed or confounded with the flamingo. This bird, 
agreeably to its name, flamen, flaminica, flamingo was, es- 
pecially all the wing part, of a fiery red (phoenicopteros). 
The imagination of the ancients pictured the red to be 
emblematic of love,” ardency and warmth; all of which 
were portrayed in the beams of the sun, and such impres- 
sions crystalized into a red color. But the aristocratic 

23 See Johnson’s, Universel Cyclopedia, Vol. III. p. 1,328, Art. Pomoza; 
Ovid. Metamorphoses, XIV. 623, says that she was courted by Puemunus another 
ἃ vinity of the Italian forests and gained her by atrick. It is also stated that 
Yomona had a citadel or seat among sacred groves near Ostia called the Pomonal 
and that she had a vicegerent or sacerdos—a man or perhaps woman chosen from 
among the laboring element, who had to rank last and lowest of the 15 flames 
of Rome, From Varro, Lingua Latina, V.15, 25: ‘ ... . flamines, quod in 
Latio, capite velato, erant semper ac caput cinctum habebant filo, flamines dicti.”’ 

29 Consult Flamineus, sq. inany good Latin Lexicon; Guhl and Koner, p. 537 

50 So in Greek we have Eowéd.os for the heron presumably applied to botk 
these birds the scarlet ibis and the flamingo sometimes adored for the scarlet ox 
sacred ibis. But the ᾿ερωδιός was a form of “cows signifying the flame of love. 
So Ardea, the Latin for heron the scif--ame bird, has its etymology in ardeo to 
burn and blaze. It may therefore be stronzly suspected that Pomona and ‘he 
firmens had something to do with the temple at Ardea near Rome burned by 
ZZneas, and from whose ashes, phoenix like, arose the wonderful red heron or 
phoenix. Nothing can gainsay this, for both ardea and φσίνξ are the flaming 
reds of Latin and Greek. 


΄ 


RED THe MONARCH OF COLORS. 470 


idea of the ego as known in the noble, opposed to the ig- 
noble or plebeian, was always of an awe-striking or im- 
posing hue, such as the white, azure, blue and gray. 

Curiously enough the celebrated sacred scarlet ibis of 
the ancients is found more frequently in the Americas than 
on the Nile, which leads to a plausible conjecture that this 
heron was the fiamingo, another red heron, migratory 
and common on the Nile, These well-known, gregarious 
red birds, “ when feeding, or at rest, owing to their red 
plumage, have often been likened to a body of British 
soldiers.” 

It is thus shown that red was the crystalization of all 
dark hves, while white, in primitive notions, was a state, 
purified altogether from color; and thus the true aristo- 
cratic symbol. Labor’s warm, serum-reddened currents 
of love and life and manly vigor, together with its vast af- 
fixture of paraphernalia, which from the mythical ages 
clustered around this central color, was always based 
upon the opposite of those formidable, repellent hues re- 
siding in the awe-inspiring idea of nobility. 

Persons inclined to doubt may here conceive an objec- 
tion based in the fact that there was, common among the 
optimates, an aristocratic or imperial purple and that this 
purple was not only of a reddish hue but also an august 
color ; so costly and grand that it could not be permitted 
by law to be worn, except by great dignitaries. 

The answer to this objection is, however, easily met. 
In very ancient times owing to the popularity of the com- 
munal cult, an enormous trade and manufacture of the 
Tyrian red and purple was carried on. That nobody but 
the great masses dealt in this trade is evident from the 
fact that after the rise of the proletarian power, Rome 
began a conquest ending only in the massacre, subjuga- 
tion and enslavement of these millions who had sustained 
the trade. Rome, probably to curry favor with her “ dan- 
gerous class.” at home, and after she had reduced the 
world by conquest, passed a law making it a crime for 
anybody to use the red except the nobles. After this law 
went into force in Phenicia the workingmen engaged in 
the great and wide-spread trade of dyeing, so completely 
lost their business, that even the secret of their ancient 


81 Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. 1X, p. 200. 


480 THE OLD RED FLAG. 


and beautiful hues was lost and it has never been recov- 
ered to this day.” Now this all proves that, agreeably to 
our views previously expressed, the purple came in vogue 
with the power of the plebs, who had this beautiful color; 
since these great conquests abroad commenced less than 
200 years before Christ. All agree with Polybius * who, 
himself one of the victims of these conquests, devotes 
pages to an account of the origin of Roman degeneracy. 
When Rome suppressed the manufacture of the hated 
red color of the organized communes she herself adroitly 
donned the purple of labor’s goddess—“ the brilliantly 
tinted garments” of the priests of Isis and Osiris, of Ceres 
and Demeter, of Pomona and her flaminica, for “a man- 
tle of a Roman emperor.” So that while it is easy to show 
that in later times, when Rome was tumbling into that 
great slave-holding period which brought degeneracy and 
death, she intriguingly filched the beautiful color, and after 
streaking it with the old aristocratic gray and adulterat- 
ing it with blue or white or azure, she gave it to her lords 
and ladies; its makers with their aged-secret, she gave to 
the wild beasts of the gladiatorial games to be “ butchered 
for a Roman holiday.” But it is not easy to prove that 
the purple containing the red was used by the impera- 
tores before the conquests, True, it is so mentioned; 
but 1t was not the red-purple—only the azure-blue which 
received this name. 

It is not in the scheme of these arguments to attempt 
a polemic for or against the primitive notions of mankind 
in regard to the choice of colors. We find species of in- 
nocent consistency all through. As white was the essence 
or erystal of discolor, symbolizing purity, aristocracy— 
to agathoteron, the better part, while its nuances of beau- 
tiful blue, its silvered gray and azure, all pointed to the 
etherial sky, lofty, forbidding and sublime, so red, among 
the divinities ofa yielding or producing rase, was the es- 
sence, or crystalization of all color, from the murky smut 
of earth to brown and dun, at last reaching the gorgeous 


82 Consult Encyclopedia Britanntea, Vol. ΥἹΙ. p. 498. 

33 Polybius, in his Histories, distinctly states that the decline of the Roman 
honor and virtue began with these conquests. For modern opinion on the date 
of Roman decline see Bucher Aufstdnde der Unfreion Arbetter, whete numerous 
valuable quotations are made from Polybius, Athenseus and others will be found 
of much interest, shedding a new light upor the subject. 


CHRISTIANS ADOPTED THE RED. 481 


scarlet and the crimson coma of Apollo,™ or the flaming 
chiton, chlamys, himation or toga, believed to be the trail- 
ing robes of Demeter and her red silk, flame-clad daughter 
Proserpine and all the other protecting goddesses of labor 
and its products. This consistency, in harmony with 
Plato on the one hand and Aristotle on the other, is borne 
out alike by science, and by trial of an immemorial du- 
ration. 

The Christians when they afterwards came, adopted 
the red, wherever they planted among the communes; and 
in our next chapter we shall show this to have been the 
case at almost every instance, in their earlier career. So 
soon as priest-power showed itself the old white came 
back; and accordingly we find the white standard at Rome, 
while the red banner remains at Auvergne, Paris and 
London, with its gules in England and its gueules in 
France. Everything throwing light upon the subject, 
shows the same preference of medieval guilds, for red 
among the poorer or working class who learned to adopt 
Christianity because unlike the old Paganism, it declared 
for the gradual emancipation of slaves. And they have 
never to this day, given up their pristime banner. 

We have mentioned the extreme antiquity of the red 
color as applied to ensigns, symbols, signs and types of 
the plebeian classes. These curious facts came down to 
us through the industry-protecting priesthood when they 
appear in histories and geographies, and through inscrip- 
tions, when they appear as relics of the proletaries them- 
selves. This priesthood which transmits the records of 
the red color is, so far as we have been able to ascertain, 
only that of Minerva, goddess of mechanical labor and la- 
borers, and Ceres, goddess, or tutelary divinity who con- 
trolled agriculture.* These great mythical powers, im- 
plicitly believed in for so many ages, had different name 
in different countries; but preserved with a wonderfw 
uniformity the same functions everywhere. 

We carry the investigation to England, the ancient 
Britannia, now known through cumulative evidence of 
ane round bronze head of Apollo stamped on tho sliver eoin of Clazemente, 
preserved in the British Museum. ‘This venerable midget is a curiosity. 


35 See Gerhard, Antike Denkmaler with Tafel, ΟΧΧ. 1, showing image of 
ΡΠ Gena Tei Lan tea Ge ἀπ ῷ Cia 5 iia teas oe 8 


482 THE OLD RED FLAG. 


comparative history, to be as ancient as Greece or Egypt, 
and centuries older than Rome. 

Exactly as in the case of Greece and Rome, the aristo- 
cratic and Druidical priests were clothed in white, so 
likewise the Druids of the aristocratic religion, like the 
southern European, are found to have been the most 
cruel and bloodthirsty of the ancients, nurturing the prac- 
tice of slavery and the sacrifice of human beings. In fact 
these abominable atrocities were found later by the 
Romans to so far surpass their own spirit of cruelty ” that 
they sent Agricola to their fastness in the island of Mona 
with an army, who so completely destroyed them that they 
never again arose to become a great power. The account 
of the ferocity of this ancient aristocratic priest-power of 
the Druids, in their methods of human gacrifice is too 
shocking to be recounted.” 

But notwithsianding the fact that priests of the state 
religion of ancient England were clad in white, the com- 
mon or popular faith was that of sun-worship. Apollo, 
with all his relationship by similarity of functions, to 
Ceres, on the one hand, and Minerva on the other, was a 
protector and patron of industry by reason of his being 
the sun himself. He blazed forth with wondrous beams 
of crimson over old England aswell as Europe and Asia, 
and was early the myth of that land and its people.™ 
Perhaps there were two sets of opinions, one opposing the 
other among the Druids. 

This blazing Phebus, with his transcendental effulgence 
had to be imitated in the symbols of human labor; and 
how to make the crimson dyes of his train of deities was 
no small matter. But here the land of the Britons comes 


86 Hughes, Horae Britannicae, Vol. I. p. 158: ‘‘ The Druid priest wore a white 
robe, and the bard sky-blue but the Ovati, green. These different colours, were, 
the first, the emblem of purity and peace; the other, of truth, and the last, the 
verdent dress of nature, in the meads and woods.” ‘They sacrificed human beinge 
and white bulls. 

ὅτ Campbell, Political Survey, I. Ὁ. 525; Ill. p. 292: IV. pp. 475, 480. Wm. 
Camden, Britannia, Druides; Borlase, Cornwall. 

38 We refer the reader to Hughes, Hore Britannice, Vol. I. pp. 232-250, wha 
derives the facts contained in his dissertation, from Tacitus, Annales, XIV. cap. 
29, for the Britons and Lucan, for the grove of sacrifice at Marseilles in Gaul, 

39 Consult Zdem, p. 261. The Stonehenge Britons were sun-worshipers ; that 
is, they deified the god of blaze. Minerva was their protectress of invention and 
manual labor. Stonehenge appears to have been an enormous temple, built of 
heavy rocks and fashioned in a simi-circle, having no roof. Fora full descrip- 
ton of Stonehenge, its structure and its surrounding influences, sce idem, pp 
258-26. 


RED DYES MADE OF BRITISH TIN. 483 


in for a share of our observation; for it furnished the tin 
of which the dye wasmade. After the Phcenicians found 
the tin mines of Cornwall and the Scilly Isles (the cassi- 
terides), red colors were mostly produced in Sidon and 
Tyre, their southern home, 

Now, without enlarging upon this matter as touching 
the earlier use of the red colors of England and the origin 
of the British gules, let us look at the phenomenal man. 
ner in which the habit of rec colors has clung to these 
people. Every one familiar with the heraldic symbols 
has observed the frequent mention of the gules. This, 
during the medizval age, was a favorite color with the 
common people. 

It would be well to show, in company with the English 
guilds, those also of the French, who are derived from 
the ancient Gauls. The reason of this is, that the trade 
union system of the Romans, elsewhere elaborately de- 
scribed, struck into England about the same time that 
it was popular in Gaul; and as the unions used the ban- 
ner at Rome, the practice extended to Britain and Gaul. 

The Crispins, who founded the order of shoemakers at 
Soissons, are the first unions we know of in the north of 
France. Thestory of the brothers Crispin and Crispinius 
belongs to the bloody days of Diocletian *' whose terrible 
persecution of the early Christians added them as victims 
of martyrdom; and they have ever since been the tutelary 
divinities or patrons, guarding the shoemakers’ art—en- 
other example of the power of superstition to perpetuste 
itself through the generations. So the shoemakers took 
the red flag; for we have a beautiful illustration of the 
color of the shoemakers’ flag in the province of Auvergne, 
given us by Bouillet, in which are massed numbers of 
banners that were used by many trade organizations dur- 
ing the middle ages down to their suppression in 1752. 

40 See Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. XI. p. 616, 9th edition, Art. Hereiry; 
Here, in acut (fig. 3), in which 9 escutcheons are represented, 3 are of a -ed 
color, one being a genuine gules. The art of dyciue briiliant colors is very an- 
cient, The chasuble or red mummy cloth fonrd A. ἢ. 1295 now in St. Pe:tl’s 
Cathedral, London, which is *‘ purpureo aliquon‘uium saunguined,” proves that the 
olier Phoenix purple was biood red. Comp. i¢2m, Vol. XVIII. p. 817. The 
celebrated tin dyes of the Pheeniciars owed much to Britain. Consult Hughes, 
Hore Britannice, Vol. i. p, 47. It colored the finest textiles a pure red. ‘Z'his 
was going on long before Abraham or the Trojan war; and Britain yielded the 
tin for the scarlet dyes. 


41 Consult chapter xi. pp. 372-388, of our History of the Ancient TradeUnicns. 
“2 Histoire do Communiiés des Arts et Méliers del’ Auvergne, Accompagr<- das 


484 THE OLD RED FLAG, 


The cordonniers or shoemakers, of the middle ages and 
down to their suppression, were in all respects the same 
as in A. D. 280, when founded by St. Crispin and his 
brother, who are said to have stolen the leather or raw 
material in their zeal to make shoes for the poor. They 
even retain the same name. They held the same day of 
the same year (October 25th), for their feasts, parades 
and conventional jubilees, and carried the same red ban- 
ner. ‘This is the flag which the law of Theodosius excused 
on account of the men having been guilty of no wrong, 
and having always been “found peaceful, pious and up- 
right.”* The French called the flag or standard-bearex 
oi these unions a porte-banniere, the Romans a signifer, 
These banner-bearers or more probably banner makers 
had a union by themselves; for a magistrate or president 18 
found in an old inscription,“ bearing words to that effect. 
Returning to the trustworthy member of the Legion of 
Honor and of the Institute, M. Bouillet, we find him pre- 
senting the red flag of the shoemakers of the middle ages 
and later, categorically somewhat as follows: 

In Auvergne, city of Brioude with its antique social 
curiosities and its communal college, the shoemakers had 
their union amalgamated with the tanners, glove makers, 
furriers and cobblers.“ Their banner, alike for these 
four trades, was all blood red, except a border of gold and 
a gilt fox’s pelt hanging in the center. The staff was 
giit and hung with beautiful tassels. An exquisite pic- 
ture of this banner is given in plate 33, fig. 2. 

in the old town of Ambert, department of Puy de 
Déme, the shoemakers were amalgamated with the saddle 


Bonrres que portaient ces Communautés avant 1789. Par J. B. Bouillet, Paris, 
1857. 

48 Codex Theodosti, Notul. Gothof. leg. 2, tit. vil. lib. KIV. De Hacusationibus 
Artificum. ‘*Signiferi,..... qui scilicet signa, et in his deorum, ferebant in 
pompis, festis, ludicris gentiliciis.” etc. 

4 Muratorius, Thesaurus Veterum Inscriptionum, 25, 50; Granier. Histoire des 
Classes Ouvrieres, Ὁ. 323: ‘* Vénérable corps des roaitres porte-banniéres aux 
τ fétes, et de leurs nonbreux variétés, deouis les signiferi, qui sont le genre jusqu’ 
aux cantabrarii qui sont  espéce.” Comp. Orell, Incriptionum Latinarum Col- 
lechho, No. 4.282. 

45 Boniilet, Communantés, p. 109. describes the relations of the shoemaker 
with the cobblers as follows: ‘On comprendra facilement qu'il a du arriver do 
vives contestations entre les deux corpe de métiers, de cordonniers et de saye- 
tiers; les uns achetaient des bottes ou des souliers vieux, les autres confection- 
naient certains articles de leur état, hors des conditions prescrites par leur régle- 
ment, aussi les cours et tribunaux entendirent souvent leure griefs pour ces faita 
1 penx les visites des uns chez les autres,” 


CRIMSON, THE SHOEMAKERS’ COLOR. 488 


and bridle makers.“ Their ensign, shown in plate 12, fig. 
1, was of the same shape as that of Brioude; about one. 
half of the surface of the canvass within the border was 
of a brilliant red color. The whole banner was red, blue 
and gold. 

An exquisite red banner was that of the shoemakers of 
Clermont. In the center of asimilarly escutcheon-shaped 
canvass is a shoe-knife with gilt handle and steel colored 
blade of nearly the same shape that we see to-day in any 
shoeshop. A gold border shiningly fringed the whole, 
except the top and like the others, the standard and tas- 
sels were gilt. All the canvass is a flaming red. It pre- 
sents, indeed a beautiful exhibit of the old French ori- 
flamme and the older, pre-Christian FLAG and flamma 
which we have described as the ensign hues of the work- 
men’s goddesses, so famlliar and so endeared to the Latin 
lowly race.’ 

The ancient city of Nemetum and seat of the Cesars, 
Augustonemetum, which was one of the early Christian 
centers (A. D. 250), became the Clermont-lerrand of the 
present day. Here the collegia and communes of the 
early Christians long ago planted and always maintained 
themselves even through the persecutions of Diocletian 
and Maximian. No place seems to have more warmly 
cultivated the ancient, or rejected the innovations of mod- 
ern life, than Clermont. ‘The foregoing description of 
the shoemakers of Clermontis given by Bouillet.“ Momm- 
sen, in his history of Rome, makes this volcanic and sier- 


44 Idem, Ὁ. 110, and plate 12 fie 1, *‘Lenr banniére portait: 
“ Tiercé en pal: 4 bordure de gueules, ἃ 
un conteau ἃ piea a’nigent, emmanché 
α΄ or etc., at a0 3 1’ or, 4 une bride 
de cheval de gueules.’’ 

#7 ΤΆ may be weil here to quote some of the definition of the English gules, 
French gueules, Latin, guise becanse ἹΠΌΤΘΝ somewhat rare, they appear in an- 
cient and medieval heraldry; Stormouth, English Dictionary: GULES, noun, 
plural, pronounced guiz. (French gueules, red or sanguine in blazon—‘rom 
gueule, mouth, the throat}, in heraldry, a term denoting red, represented in en- 
gravings in upright lines.” 

Worcester, English iionary. (Unabridged), defines it thus: GuULEs, (gulz. 
Ὡ. Fr. gueules.—L, gula the thrcat: or the Ar. gula, a rose, Fairholt—* Corrup- 
tion of gueules. red Fr, whica is probably from the Pers. συ ἢ], a rose.” 

Webster. English Dienonary, (Unabridged ; “Gurus, (gulz), n. [Fr. gueules, 
from Lac. gula, reddened skin}. (Her.) A red color—intended, perhaps, to rep- 
resent courage, aniiation of cadiaood, 2nd indicated in engraved figures of 
escutcheons and the like, by atraizht perpendicular lines.” 

48 Bouillet, Communautés d’ Auvergne, plate 11, fig. 3. On p.110, is the de- 
ecription as follows; ‘‘A Clermont; De gueuies, 4 un tranchet 4 lame @’ argent 
emimancne d’ or.” ΄ 


486 THE OLD RED FLAG 


ile region of Auvergne an example in proof that the intro- 
duction of modern innovations would result in the place 
becoming uninhabitable,® although it has withstood many 
misfortunes, natural and ecclesiastical, and is yet a pop- 
ulous and thriving region. Here, where ancient customs 
have so tenaciously clung, we find them near the close of 
the last century, still with their flaming red banner; and 
no amount of prejudice could change the working people 
from its use at the feasts and parades, just as they were 
doing in the days of Socrates or Tiberius Gracchus. 

One banner was a flaming red without a spot or blemish 
of any other color except in the center, where stood the 
Virgin Mary, dressed in silver gray, holding in her arms 
the naked infant. It symbolizes the peaceful handicraft of 
the shoemakers, carders, weavers and several others. 
This central picture of the Madonna or Notre Dame, hold- 
ing the new-born child, as represented on the plate, is artis- 
tic; and standing upona background of gorgeous red, pre- 
sents with its gold fringes, its slender staff and its tassels, 
an admirable piece of art.” Among the various unions 
amalgamated under this banner were the masons; thus 
showing the red banner to have been an emblem of that 
trade. 

We do not pretend to say that all the shoemakers of 
the medizval ages used the red flag. Notable exceptions 
are given in plates 9, fig. 2, of the city of Maringues, and 
plate 11, fig. 4, of Riom, but nearly all of those given re- 
tain this color. Out of the eight shoemakers’ unions rep- 
resented on the plates no less than five sported the red 
color, some of them retaining the peace-hues of the di- 
vinities unalloyed by anything except the device of the 
craft, generally placed in the center of the canvass. 

In England we likewise find the gules upon thousands 
of escutcheons from as early as Constantine the Great. 
It is there yet. The habit of holding up the red asa 


49 History of Rome, (Eng. trans.), Vol I. p. 62, quotes Dureau de la Malle, 
Economie Politigue des Romains, 11. p. 226. In this passage it is mentioned that 
such sights as a woman yoked or harnessed by the side of a cow, are still of 
common occurrence. 

50 See plate 12, fig. 2, of Bouillet, Histoire des Communautés des, Arts et Mcticrs. 
The description of the plate is on pages 110-111, as follows; ‘‘A Montferrand, 
les cordonniers, réunis aux cardeurs, aux tisserands. aux marchands revendeurs 
aux hoteliers, aux macons, etc., portaient une banniére: De gueules, 4 Notre 
Dame α᾽ argent, courounée @’ or.” 


THE PEACE-BANNER STILL WAVING 487 


symbol of some tutelary divinity—nobody knows what 
because everybody has forgotten—clings to the British 
Isles with a stubborn tenacity to this day. How comes 
it that the military coat is red? That French soldiers in 
parade look like a prairie on fire? That in blazonry the 
standards, and in shipping, the streamers, pennons, jacks 
and merchant-standards,” especially those representing 
peace, so many are of this color? The reasons for it are 
two-fold. First, they are the most conspicuous and beau- 
tiful and consequently the best. As proof of this we 
find in America and elsewhere the blood~red storm sig- 
nals, in Switzerland the red arms, in Denmark, Great 
Britain, Norway, Turkey, Morocco, Peru, Chili, Bolivia 
and many other countries, the red merchants flags and 
ensigns ; red occupying almost the entire surface of the 
canvass. So also, the British jack. 

In the next place, these were the colors originally em- 
ployed to represent the same object in ancient times when, 
in the imagination of men, red was believed to be holy 
like the gorgeous streams of light from the rising or setting 
sun, which shaped itself on the simple, primeval mind, into 
an omnipotent being with human form, like Apollo and 
Ceres, who were believed to be guardians of labor and 
its products. If then, it is the best, is still used because 
best, and if, after a trial of an con of time it be found 
that the lowly class thus symbolized by it, judged rightly 
ten thousand years ago, and have preserved it in their 
unions and hearts through this long period. can there be 
any consistency in a paltry, time-serving-)rejudice or its 
tricks and intolerant schemes against it? We leave this 
questiou to science. 

We are told by antiquarians that when the Romans 
settled Kent, called by them Cantiopolis, large numbers of 
the trade unionists came from Italy and there established 
themselves; and engagine with the natives in the arts of 
brass and woodwork, taught them the use of the turning 
lathe and other machinery. So we find this section the 
chosen nucleus of several trade unions at this day; and 
right here and in London an hour’s walk up the Thames 


51 See Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. 1X. pp. 241-245 Art. Flag. Let the 
reader open a late edition of Webster or Worcester’s Unabridged Dictionary to 
the word flag, and his eye will meet as it were, a flame of fire. 


488 THE OLD RED FLAG, 


is where the typical British gules is found in greatest 
abundance; for the same phenomenon of transmission 
makes London the bed-rock of modern socialism. Previ- 
ously to the introduction of the mechanic arts this terri- 
tory was a wilderness; and the people lived in tents, hovels, 
huts and caves, in the rudest state, almost without clothes 
or houses. Romans taught and helped them to construct 
habitations, married with them and mixed, as is now be- 
coming known, planting among them all their home habits 
and customs.” Many of these Romans on their long 
journey through Gaul to Britain, lingered on the way; 
and those were the workingmen who planted the flag in 
such places as Auvergne; for Romans were in England 
55 years before Christ. We will therefore suppose that 
if they planted itin Auvergne they did so in Kent, and 
having less positive evidence from the latter we allow our- 
selves to draw comparisons by what we positively know 
of the former, which was a way-station of the Italian emi- 
grants. 

As we have spoken of carpenters, let us take this trade 
in evidence. Drawing from Bouillet who has so faithfully 
worked this territory, we find the red banner to have been 
used by them as follows: Carpenters with patron Saint 
Joseph and with day of celebrations, the 19th of March, 
(March was the natal month of Ceres, Minerva and Apollo).* 

Taking all the principal trades we might suppose to have 
been introduced into Kent and London at the same time 
that they existed in Auvergne, we find that in the latter 
place, the bakers’ annual feast days were in the spring of 
the year, corresponding to the festival days of Ceres, god- 
dess of grain-growing, and Dionysus and the other labor 
gods. Here we have in Bouillet’s portrayal of the tradea 

62 Comp. E. H. Rogers’ correct and able statement in McNeill’s Labor Problem 
of to-day, p. 335, tan Adar Coote, Romans of Britain. ‘‘Rome held posses: 
sion of the island more than 400 years, and it was never abandoned by those de- 
scended from the Romans.” Mr. Rogers speaks of the mechanics who early 
emigrated to Massachusetts, as the ‘ ‘Men of Kent.” 

53 Histoire des Communautés des Arts et Métiers d Auvergne, pp. 80-83: “On 

eut faire une étude trés curieuse du rdle que joua la charpenterie militaire, dans 
a seconde expédition de Pépin-le-Bref, en 761. contre Gaifre, duc d’Aquitaine, 
Au siége qu’i fit subir ἃ la ville de Clermont, profitant de l’expérience des Lom- 
bards, il fit dresser contre les murs de formidables béliers, des poutres énormeg 
ni, mises en mouvement par deg leviers et des cordages et roulant sur des Cy- 
dres, par l’impulsion 41:6 leur donnaient les charpentiers et leurs habiles ouv. 
riers, heurtaient de leur front de fer les murailles et les mettaient en piéces. On 


peut le voir encore dans ,’autres siéges que soutinrent Clermont et Montferrand 
on 1121 et 1126.” 


COPIED INTO MEDIA‘VAL TIMES. 48S 


unions of Auvergne, six banners in red out of eleven 
mentioned for the bakers, and the six red flags were for 
the towns of Ambert, Brioude, Issoire and Thiers, where 
the flag was all red except the central device; and Riom 
and Saint-Flour, where they painted a part only of its sur- 
face in red. 

Turning to Depping,™ and Shepheard who wrote a curi- 
ous statement on guild laws in 1650, at London, we find 
that there were unions in both London and Paris during 
the same period, or from the time of Constantine the 
Great; and if so, the habits of the people of Auvergne 
must have been about the same as those of the Parisians 
and Londoners because France was the territory of the 
overland emigration from Italy. Thered banner appears 
to have been colored after the tutelary divinities or pa- 
tron saints whose feast days still corresponded with those 
of the proto-divinities, tenaciously conserved through the 
ages, from the myths by the power of habit. 

But we may follow this interesting subject farther, tak- 
ing the various other trades together. Beginning with 
towns that adopted a banner as their device for arts and 
trades in general, we find at Langheac, the flag half red; 
Chaudesaigues, half red; Pont du Chateau, half red; Vic, 
Vic-le-Comte and Saint Germain, largely red; while many 
of the trades residing in these towns had all red for their 
banner. 

In Mont-Ferrand, the carders, masons, weavers, small 
dealers and tavern keepers had blood red. In Aurillac 
and Riom, the saddle and bridle makers, confectioners, 
cheese handlers, locksmiths, shoemakers, cutlers and silk 
workers all had red and a number a bright fiery color all 
over except the device. 

At Theirs, the marble cutters, glaziers and cutters had 
allred. At Ambert, besides the shoemakers, already men- 
tioned, the saddle and bridle makers and weavers had a 
red banner, or one with more or less red on it. 

Ciermont de Courniéres and Saint Germain-Lembron 
had total red except central device. So Saint Germain, 
the celebrated industrial suburb of Paris named, as it ap- 


54 G. B. Depping. Réglement sur les Arts et Métiers de Paris, this author quotes 
4 state regulation covering the same period, which is curious as showing the hon- 
esty of freedmen from tricks such as characterize the present competitive sys- 
tem, causing much adulteration of manufactures, 


490 THE OLD RED FLAG. 


pears from this more aged labor-hive of southwest France, 
still clings to, and fights for, its ideal red as a tutelary or 
patron color. 

The tutelary banner of Pierrefort, had the top red far 
enough down to cover more than one third of its surface, 
the rest having several common colors but no white. 

At Clermont-Ferrand the joiners had a red plane, and 
the marble-cutters other similar red objects for a device, 
while at Brioude, shoemakers, tavern keepers, tanners, 
glove makers, furriers and cobblers, had each all flaming 
red, and their parades, which used to be celebrated on 
the 11th of November, must have been a sightly spectacle 
indeed, all through the middle ages. They were devout 
Christians although their worship had differentiated in 
course of time from that of Minerva whose feast day was 
the same time of the year, whose colors were the same, 
and whose cult had only changed from that of a tulelary 
heathen divinty, to that of a Christian patron. 

The banner of the painters of Montaigut was entirely 
of a blazing red. Hatters and glaziers of Saint Flour had 
their banner red at the top; and the hatters, saddlers, 
tinners, butchers and tavern keepers of Issoire had a great 
red ring like the sun’s corona. Surgeons and apotheca- 
caries, so well-known to have been classed among the plebs 
in former times, had all red banners in Aurillac. The 
tanners, glove makers and curriers of this place also 
flamed in the same color.” 

Abundance of other evidence might be here brought 
forward; for the immense field of Europe is scarcely yet 
entered upon. 

If any one should still contend that the red flag or the 
red color was warlike and antagonistical to life and its 
pexuceful pursuits and labors, let him further observe the 
fuct that in those lands where the communes left their 
traces most plentifully on their inscriptions, will be found 
the red banner to this day. Modern Turkey occupies one 
of these localties. And what is the merchant standard of 
modern Turkey? <A blood red color tinges every shred 
of the canvass except an exiguous star and a tiny crescent 


55 See Index and plates of Bouillet, Histoire des Communautés des Artes et Μέ- 
tiers de L’ Auvergne, where still more material may be found to confirm these 
statements. 


SAME COLOR STILL, FOR MERCHANTMEN, 491 


moon, tne wife of the flaming Apollo! Certainly no war- 
fare is symbolized in the peaceful standard of a merchant 
vessel. 

Morocco, Algiers and Tunis, the north coast of Africa, 
once occupied by the Carthagenians and other coionies 
of Pheenicians, still have a flag which is totally red. When 
the origin of this habit is traced, it will be revealed that 
Baal, the great divinity of the Phoenicians, whose attri- 
butes were the same as Ceres, whose colors were red, 
whose home was that of the inventive and ingenius dyers, 
and who was the tutelary divinity or patron of labor, was 
the huge sun-god that inspired the color by his glowing 
beams. 

The northern coast of Africa was colonized by the 
Punic race whose name both in Greek and Latin is the 
every day word for red. Both Turkey, which succeeded 
to Greco-Phenician domination in Asia, and Morocco, 
Tunis and Algiers, which succeeded to Carthagenian rule 
and influence, still retain for this peace-color the red in its 
eltogether unadulterated state. 

Spain, the ancient Iberia, a colony of Phoenicia which 
also planted the red banner in the land of Viriathus, con- 
veyed this habit to Peru, where we still find the banner 
and merchant standard all red, except a white stripe 
through the middle. In Eygpt the peace-standard is 
blood red with the exception of a cresent of the moon. 

Great Britain, ikewise a colony of Phcenicia so ancient 
that the records descend to us only in the tin tincture 
furnished by her mines, of which the red dyes were made. 
preserves to this day an otherwise unaccountable habit oi 
displaying the red gules, and her merchant standard is ali 
red except acorner and even this is partly red. The 
Romans who later settled Britain only confirmed the same 
habit; since the labor communes of Rome had borrowed 
their tutelary divinities from Asia. 

Thus Phenicia whose eons of antiquity make her the 
proto-nursery of man along with central Asia, is alike, the 
home of Baal “ the sun-god, conceived as the male princi- 
pal of life and reproduction in nature,” ® and the mother 
of almost all the colomies where sunbeains puint the fu- 
ture flags and banners of the myriads of toll wnose com. 

46 Encyclopedia Briiunnica, VOl. 111. p. loz, 


492 THE OLD RED FLAG, 


munal culture was one of peace, equality and good will to 
man. 

Very much more evidence might be adduced in proof 
of the red banner having descended to the working fam- 
ily of man, as a legacy from ancient usages religions 
and beliefs; and showing that while memory and use have 
traditionally adhered, the superstitious reasons for much, 
have long been forgotten, though the economical reasons 
have remained. We submit these curious points to fur- 
ther study by antiquaries with the remark that the most 
striking feature of these phenomena is, that feast-days of 
the middle ages correspond for the peculiar crafts, very 
nearly with those of the same crafts and same divinities 
in the remotest antiquity of which we have been able to 
trace traditional and palxographic records, 


We have constantly found the red banner to have pre- 
dominated only in paths of peace; and never outside that 
domain except when the peculiar and well-known attach- 
ment of the lowly to it, was taken advantage of, do we 
find it in war. Soa it was ised and so it careered in the 
early colonies of ihe Uuiied Siates. The early flag, true 
to the traditions oi the past, was of a blazing red color ir 
Massachusctis, in New York, and probably in every one 
of the thiricen original states. It was the flag used by 
General \Vashington at the onset. When the war of the 
revolution broke out it was a beautiful red, with the old 
merchantman’s ensign of the union jack—a peace-token— 
and men of peace suddenly found themselves compelled, 
in the absence of a war-flag, to float the red ensign amid 
the clank and din of cruel strife. It was the flag of Lex- 
ington, of Bunker Hill, of Ticonderoga; and in its center 
shone the patriotic motto “Liberty and union.” A glance 
at the newspapers of those days best reveals these data 
But those men were struggling for the right of free labox 
like the men of old. These facts rather stultify the pre- 
vailing notions against the old red banner. 


Si See American Cyclopedia, 1883, Vol. VII., pp. 250-251: “Im the be- 
ginning of the revolution a variety of flags was displayed in the revolted 
colonies. ‘The ‘union flags’ mentioned so frequently in the newspapers of 
1774 were the ordinary English red ensigns bearing the union jack.” The 
flag “displared by Putnam on July 18th following the battle of Bunker Hill), 
was red, with ‘Qui transtullit sustinet’ on one side and onthe other: ‘An 
appeal to Heaven,” 


CHAPTER ΧΧΊΠ, 


ἘΠ ΠΕ ΜΕΞΒΤΑΉ. 


FOUNDERS OF GREAT INSTITUTIONS COMPARED 


How rue Reat Messian found Things at His Advent on Harth— 
Palestine—Syria—Rhodes and the Islands—Suffering Con- 
dition of Labor—Seeds of the Revolution already Sown— 
Further Analysis of the Conditions—The Hranoi and Thiasoi 
— Orgeons and Hssenes—Falschoods regarding the Bacchantes, 


Arter 417 years, from the strike of the 20,000 miners 
and artisans at the Laurian mines in Greece, and 70 years 
from the last strike-war—that of the gladiators under 
Spartacus in Italy—there arose an orator out of the labor- 
ing class, who in Judea in an open air meeting, probably 
before a great assemblage, told the world that resistance 
to evil by means of bloody uprisings, was fraught with 
failure. Undoubtedly having in mind those terrible 
scenes we have pictured in these chapters, this foremost 
of orators and teachers proclaimed at the mass meeting 
these words: 

“ Ye have heard that it hath been said (by them of old 
time), an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth; but I say 
unto you that ye resist not evil but whosoever shall smite 
thee on thy right cheek, turn him the other also.”* 
Strange words! JInapplicable to this seething world. 
They were intended for some microcosm; some perfected 
state—the realized heaven on earth. In the competitive 
world to-day, Christian as it pretends to be, the old fight- 
ing eye for eye and tooth for tooth prevails, ever will pre- 


1 Matthew, V. 88-89. 


494 PALESTINE. 


vail; to talk otherwise is absurd except in the deep pene- 
tralia where that heaven is realized. 

By taking these strange words in the light of true so- 
cial science and reasoning upon their meaning from the 
point of view in which these pages are written, we may 
perhaps understand their import. Otherwise the task 
is difficult. Nations continue to demand an eye for an 
eye. Communities do the same. Even families, despite 
their consanguine ties, cannot but continue to enslave 
and often destroy each other. Individuals stand over- 
against each other in mocking and bitter competition. 
the shrewdest or most favored survive while the majori- 
ties languish and fail. 

Jesus when he said these words was in the act of creat- 
ing an association; and that association actually contin- 
ued for 300 years practicing the precepts of its founder. 
It was nonew thing. It had existed for centuries before; 
it existed then. What he did was to bring out into the 
open world that which had so long been secret. 

It was at a moment when such doctrines were compre- 
hensible to the masses. Noiiozts of the Messiah existed 
everywhere and the deep religious tinge was indispen- 
sable. The irascible world had many a tilt with the ter- 
rible monster of competition whose re'igion had been 
deeply based upon human slavery and the grasp for acqui- 
sition was still so strong that although the principle of 
equality and hence-of emancipation of labor from its de- 
gradation, has never even to this day been relinquished, 
it did not obtain for many ages. Through this great 
movement a ponderous, revolutionary blow certainly feil 
upon the old competitive system. But that blow though 
ultimately fatal, did not kill the monster on the spot. He 
siill lingers and is to-day struggling in a temporary hope 
and exultation although nearly 2,009 years have elapsed 
since the word went forth against him. 

it cannot be considered in any other light than that 
the revolutionary events treated in foregoing chapters, 
followed by the enormous wave of reform of the early 
Christians, produced a tremendous syncope or swoon; 
that an atrophy supervened; and that they benumbed the 
whole social organism of the great Indo-European race. 
The dark ages into which our race sank, after the adop- 


THE WORLD'S GREAT FAINTING SPELL. 495 


tion of Christianity and its ratification and legalization 
by Constantine must ever be considered a phenomenon 
under any other reasoning than that this task it under- 
took was too prodigious for its powers. ons of time 
were necessary to accomplish so vast a revolution. To 
overwhelm the great aristocratic Pagan religion with its 
array of traditions; to engulf and annihilate its obstinate 
cult; to emancipate the two-thirds majority on whose ill- 
paid labor it had feasted, glutted itself and grown mon- 
strous in bulk and arrogance, was a task so profound that 
although actually undertaken, it caused a reaction, rolling 
up moral and intellectual billows so high that the ages 
and the nations were swept into a terrible jargon of dog- 
mas tyrannies and bloody, inquisitorial intolerance which 
destroyed the virility of the race for more than a thousand 
years. And even now, after so many centuries, the end 
of the convulsions is far off, though hopefully approach- 


ing. 

Al struggles embracing deep principles are attended 
by qualms, swoons and upheavals. The numberless com- 
batants who fell back in the swooning period that settled 
upon the human race after the Council of Nice with its 
mongrel Christianity, its idolatry, priestcraft and despot- 
ism, are emerging with higher hopes and broader views; 
their armor, the mechanics of their own invention, redu- 
plicated by their own labor, wielded by their own hands 
and brain and their manhood cleared of doubts and su- 
perstilions—those deadly misgivings of the ancients. No 
one to-day asks more than Jesus did; for equal liberty, 
universal freedom and common ownership, with his sub- 
lime love and inter-care are quite enough. Squadrons 
innumerable thus armed and outfitted are, in our bright, 
regenerate century, returning to the conflict against the 
aged, competitive and long successful enemy of equal ad- 
vantages and equal care. The conflict in this second com- 
ing may be long, hopefully in our own land bloodless, be- 
cause fought with arguments, organization, diplomacy and 
law. 

We have sketched several of the most renowned govern- 
ments and ideal governments of the ancients. They all, 
having their foundation upon competition and its natural 
partiality, turned against the laboring people on whom 


496 PALESTINE, 


they fed. They failed and came to naught. What there 
wasin them of good could not obtain because they insulted 
and disrespected labor and degraded the working people 
on whom they existed from day to day. Nature toler- 
ated some of them for a fair trial but they have disap- 
peared and are no more, Jesus came and advocated an- 
other form based upon equality and brotherhood. 

But before further considering the form established 
by the lowly workingman let us look honestly and squarely 
at the condition in which he found things. 

All Asia Minor was the scene of labor organizations, 
Canaan by no means excepted. The Phenicians who 
boasted an antiquity of 30,000 years,’ occupied the land 
of Canaan on the Mediterranean Sea, in which country 
Jesus lived and’passed the greater part of his life. These 
Canaanites appear before the researches of modern arche- 
ologists and historians to have been among the first who 
possessed labor organizations. In giving a sketch of 
several ancient forms of government, we have simply de- 
scribed the competitive system, ancient and modern. 
Even the plans of Lycurgusand Numa failed altogther of 
affecting the revolution by which we mean the complete 
change from the old Pagan central idea of slavery to one 
of social and economic equality. There was no socialism 
beyond that of the family, in the government instituted 
in the idea of common ownership, communal intercourse, 
common tables and impartial distribution of land, as ar- 
ranged by Lycurgus and afterwards shadowed by Plato 
and Aristotle. Every idea of true socialism was utterly 
neutralized by their hostility to laborers. The gymnas- 
tics which took the place of physical energy supplied by 
well regulated labor, and no better for the bodily health 
and development, was less natural, more straining and 
far less satisfactory. 

In point of true national economy, government and la- 
bor cannot remain separate. By the governments men- 
tioned, labor was disgraced, the laborer denied instruction, 
enslaved. Who then, were the citizens? Who the peo- 
ple? An oligarchy consisting of one-third of the popu- 
lation. An imperious, oligarchy of landlords. The con- 
dition of Ireland or England, wherever worst overrun and 


2 Africanus, In Syncellus, p. 31. 


HIGH MORALS OF THE WORKERS. 497 


monopolized by landlords to-day, is better. Again, so far 
as the family socialism is concerned it was still more per- 
nicious; for it was hypocritically an acquiescence in the 
ancient aristocracy existing among the highest class, 
everywhere in theright of the first-born son. Lycurgus 
recognized this arch aristocracy in forbidding kings and 
a few select individuals from indulging in the voluptuous 
interchange of loves. As in the traditional Pagan family, 
the king like the paterfamilias, was the breeder of kings. 
The mass of the people were left without sacred or holy 
honors. By people we mean the citizens and favored own- 
ers, or rather the protected, recognized and favored of 
the state. What then, shall be said of the workers? 
Summing it all up, these governments were exactly what 
they turned out to be—the quintessence of competitive 
forms, breeding disunion and corruption, thus coaxing on 
their own dissolution. 

But seeds of the true revolution were, from the earliest 
antiquity inherent in the labor organizations, which dur- 
ing these abortive efforts of aristocratic lawgivers and 
teachers, quietly existed in the midst of them. Had there 
existed only a few of these societies there would be no need 
here of pressing oursubject. It would be allowed to slum- 
ber forever unmentioned. But they were innumerable. 
Comparative palzeography indeed finds a new theme 
amongst them for the dignity of the labor problem; for it 
casts a fresh and charming color into the hitherto dry read- 
ing of annals. 

But the fact that they were so numerous as to exist in 
thousands and perhaps millions and that their quiet exis- 
tence covered unknown ages of time, is far less significant 
than the fact that they all seem to have possessed the ker- 

‘nel, not of the dishonest and hypocritical, but of the hon- 
est and real socialism, such as Jesus and the early Chris- 
tians struggled to plant as the ultimate plan for all men 
to follow. They were all certainly alike in helping each 
other, in respecting and honoring labor and laborers, in 
co-operating for mutual aid, in a perfectly democratic 
form of relivion though they were, in their credulous sim- 
plicity, constantly borrowing from the great grandees, 
τ: eir tutelary deities or patron saints, Whatever or 
wherever their tutelary god, one thing is universally ob- 


/ 


498 PALESTINE. 


served—an uncompromising belief in, and a practical de- 
votion to, the rougher forms of brotherhood. They had 
lived the revolution for unnumbered generations before 
Jesus came to sweep it, by one magnetic and amazingly 
omnipotent stroke, out of its modest secrecy into the open 
blaze of maddened, gnashing public opinion and fling it 
upon the warring tempests of the aged competitive sys- 
tem, the foundation rock of paganism. 

It is a significant fact that Jesus should appear to the 
world in Phenicia or Canaan which was at that time the 
wreck of the greatest nation of freebooters, buccaneers 
and kidnappers the world has ever known. From the 
earliest record these people were marauders and their 
world-wide successes legalized their daring and made 
them powerful pirates by sea and brigands by land. 

But there was an inner history of these people which 
the pen of chroniclers has left unsketched. Great num- 
bers of persons from all parts of the known world were 
kidnapped by their cruising corsairs, brought to the 
Pheenician shores and sold to the wealthy for slaves. 
These slaves, shortly before the advent of Christ, formed 
over two-thirds of the population. They were maltreated, 
made to do menial work, forced to till the lands, especi- 
ally detailed to perform all the severe bodily toil in and 
out of the cities, their handsomest youths were made eu- 
nochs and apportioned to the service of the ladies of high 
estate, and their young girls, disallowed an education and 
brought up in slavery and dirt, yielded not only to labor 
but became susceptible to the offers of the unprincipled 
and voluptuous among the rich. The condition of the 
ancient Phcenician slaves was indeed a degraded one. In 
nearly all the towns of Canaan or Phenicia, Syria and 
Asia Minor, as well as in the islands, slaves were the rule; 
the free working people * the exception. The cruel taint 
which blasted the toiler extended its devil-fingers beyond 
Greece over the Aigean sea and pointed at the Asiatic 
workman as a mark for its curse.‘ 

In Egypt,’ Greece,* Rome, Judea,’ Syria,* Syracuse 

3 Drumann, Arbeiter und Communisten, Ὁ. 24. ‘In Epidamnos gab es keine 
Handwerker als die ifentlichen Sclaven. Das Handwerk is daher verrufen und 


verachtet u, in manchen Stédten den Biirgern verboten.” 
4 Plato, Econ., 4 and 


6 Josephus, Antiquities ‘of the Jews, book 11. Chap, v. 8. 


HOW CICERO HATED THEM. 499 


and Spain the ignominious punishment of the cross was 
inflicted only on felons and working people, often for the 
most trivial, or merely imagined, or trumped up offences, 
while the arch criminals of “family” were allowed the 
noble suppliciwm. This state of things had come to such 
a@ pass since the conquest of the countries above mentioned 
that the utmost misery prevailed everywhere. The land 
was grasped by speculating Romans of court favor, who 
were at that time not only numerous but extremely enter- 
prising. Being of the privileged or citizen stock they 
siezed the beautiful farms formerly worked by the indus- 
trious inhabitants, but now under the yoke of voracious 
conquerors, and assumed them to be their own. Instead 
of free labor, slaves performed the work. 

But labor had been in sackcloth and ashes*® for many 
ages, and it required no additional weight to make it bad 
enough.'* Even Gellius who wrote laws to decide their fate, 
seems to speak with contempt of labor as though it were 
some noxious reptile to be hurled from his pen in dis- 
gust." It is almost amusing to read over the queer 
whimsicalities of our ancestors whose opera quae supersunt 
often project expressions of petulency and of irritibility 
in view of some necessary but to them, ignominious men- 
tion of a class of people on whose toil they depended for 
their very existence from day to day. Cicero, sneeringly 
said, when describing his enemy Clodius, ranking him 
with those laboring men, tbat he was “ without credit, 
without hope, without home, without goods.” This in 


6 Guhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks and Romans, p. 518. "Τὴ crucem figere.’ 
2 7 Cf. Inscription, recently found at Naples containing the death warrant oj 

esus. 

8 Bucher, Aufstande der Unfreien Arteiter, S, 69, and elsewhere. 

9 Vide Sallust, Jugurtha, 73, Also Dionysius, B. C. 476 made it lowly enough; 
Livy, X. 31. ‘“Quinam sit ille, quem non pigeat longinquitatis bellorum scrib- 
endo legendoque, quae gerentes non fatigaverunt.” 

10 Pliny, Natural History, IX. 25; 11. 28. 

‘ 11 Quod genus Grecii αχϑοφορους vocant, latine bajulosappellamus.” Gellius 
WERT BOS ᾿ 

12 Pro Marco Coelio, 32. ‘‘Quare oro obtestorve vos, judices, ut qua in civi- 
tate paucis his diebus Sextus Clodius absolutus sit, quem vos per biennium aut 
mipistrum seditionis, aut ducem vidistis: qui aedes sacras, qui censum populi 
Romani, qui memoriam publicam suis manibus incendit. hominem sine re, sine 
fide, sine spe, sine sede, sine fortunis, ore, lingua, manu, vita omni inquinatum: 
qui Catuli monumentum afHlixit. meam domum diruit, mei fratris incendit.” Ci- 
cero here had not the magnanimity to give Clodius credit for voluntarily cast- 
ing aside his noble family and his wealth. Cicero, when he said that Clodius 
had no family, well knew that he was a brother of Appius Claudius, that he was 
one of the very most powerful representatives Of the great gens “ Claudia’”’—the 
same stock which afterwards produced emperors. We find littlein the family tc 


600 PALESTINE, 


his haughty mind was sufficient to damn them to oblivion. 
Occasionally there rose a character, so sympathetic and 
exalted, even in immoral Rome, as to be able to dispel 
this almost universal contempt and to give expression to 
the grandest and most truthfulsentiments. Of such was 
the excellent Tiberius Gracchus, who a hundred and forty 
years before Christ was born, declared that “ wild game 
have holes; and for eveything there is some shelter, some 
retreat; but the poor who struggle and die for Italy, 
though they have air and light, have nothing more. 
Houseless and homeless they wander with their wives and 
little ones. Those military gentlemen lie,who admonish sol- 
diers against permitting workingmen’s graves and sacred 
things to be desecrated by enemies; for not one has a 
family altar of his own; not one among all these Romans 
ὃ burial place. The poor must struggle and die for the 
blustering drunkenness and the corrupted wealthy called 
nobility whom their labors create and sustain.” We 
have hitherto made reference to Mommsen who constantly 
bewails the paucity of mention by great authors, of the 
poor and lowly; * but Mommsen is not the only savant 
who in rummaging among the musty relics, after such rare 
gems in vain, sends up his moan of regret. Dr. Drumann 
repeats the same thing and in blunter and terser terms, 
“One searches in vain for satisfactory intelligence,” re- 
garding the producing class.” 

Such are the difticulties the historian of the ancient 
lowly has to encounter; and were it not for the tell-tale 
inscriptions and the musty old rescripts of law, the task 
could never be performed. But while the most valuable 
records of bold writers have been left us in fragments and 
the more time-serving historians have shrugged themselves 
into silence fearing to face the storms of public opinion, 
the workers themselves were carving their own history in 
lines of amazing legibility for the far future students of 
ethnology and social science. 


praise: for he was descended from the same gens with Appius Claudius; but if 
e turned into a friend of the unions, restored them, fought Cicero on thesé 
grounds, and if he comés down to us as their champion and martyr, then the 
whole labor movement must acknowledge it, 

15 Flutarch, Tiberus Gracchus. 

14 De Collegiis et Sodalicits Romanorum, p. 41. “Quoniam exiguam tantum 
notitiam earum ad nos pervenisse admodum dolendum est.” 

15 Arbeiter und Communisten in Grtecheninnd und Rom, 8. 15,5, “ Bstriedigende 
Nachrichten sucht man vergebeus.” 


THE SECRET CULT IN CANAAN. 501 


We now turn to the labors of Jesus whom, in order to 
be consistent with our study of sociology, we must pre- 
sume to have been what some of the great commentators 
and even some of the encyclopzedists now consider him, an 
Essene or at any rate, a member of one of the great orders 
of secret associations so numerous in his day. Lest this 
announcement appear untenable in the minds of many, 
we present our proof in consistent detail; inviting further 
investigation on the part of critics, in rebuttal. Certainly, 
no harm can accrue from an honest comparison of facts 
as applied to lessons in anthropology. In proceeding to 
do this difficult task we must acquaint our readers with 
things as we find them and reason, like the physicist, from 
the premises. 

We have already stated that there existed along the 
Mediterranean great numbers of paleographs mostly un- 
earthed within the present century. There is still a dis- 
pute as to what they represented. That they are stone 
slabs, often handsomely graved in relievo, commemorating 
social societies, all archeologists are agreed. But until 
lately it has not occurred to their learned expounders that 
they were genuine labor societies. This however, is the 
fact. 

But while these innumerable paleographs are really the 
work of labor organizations and economic advantages to 
manual toil being then, as now, the incentive, because labor 
then, a8 now, was the members’ only capital or means of 
support, yet this labor, on account of the taint and disgrace 
as well as the ruffianly attacks it had in those days to sub- 
mit to, was for many ages the cause of the societies and 
their inscriptions; and the thing that lies constantly con- 
cealed. But the more popular and trivial issues, like the 
paliatory flattery of idol worship, the vain-boasting of 
prophets, the popular flute music, dances, processions, and 
burial ceremonies, covered up the view of labor; a palliative 
which secured their permission by law, to exist in Palestine 
and elsewhere. 

The common name of all the ancient societies of these 
regions, is koinon, and the most important of them, accord- 
ing to Liiders,”* are the syodoi or synods. Then espevially 
among the Canaanites are found the traders, also known as 

16 Liiders, Die Dionysuschen Kinsler, Ὁ. 12% 


502 PALESTINE, 


synodot plethor and symbiosis philia. But of course in the 
widest sense the general name of phratry stood uppermost; 
since whatever applied to it means “ union.” 

But the name under which the most of them are known 
in the inscriptions is eranos and thiasos, a description of 
which we have already given. The evanos, in the Greek 
was a labor or trade union. From the Greek, all the social 
societies of the Adgean sea, Syria, Pheenicia and Asia Minor 
borrowed this name. The same explanation applies to the 
thiasos. This was an association for common enjoyment, 
and is consequently considered by the modern archsolog- 
ists as a branch of the dionysia or the bacchantes. But 
there is great misapprehension regarding the province and © 
functions of the celebrated god Bacchus. While people of 
our day associate him with wine and drunkenness the great 
Numa Pompilius provided for the working people once a 
year at the Saturnalian festivals of the harvests,” and dur- 
ing his wise and much honored reign they were encouraged 
to indulge in festal recreations. The Saturnalia was a great 
harvest festival. Relaxation, merry-making and even wine 
conviviality were so far indulged in as to almost sink, pend- 
ing its duration, the inequalities of rich and poor. Being 
in December, it was to the ancient Romans, what Christmas 
is to the Christians. 

Now, considered as identified with the manners of the 
labor organizations, there is a similarity touching the satur- 
nalia sanctioned by Numa. ‘Tullus Hostilius and even the 
emperors, and the bacchanalia which were breathing mo- 
ments of the secret labor societies. But the bacchanalia 
were common in all countries and the bacchantes had their 
feast at any time during the year. The true cause of their 
disreputable taint is not that the feasters drank wine ΑἹ] 
@rank wine, when they were able to pay for it; it wasa 
healthy beverage. The obloquy comes entirely from their 
being all lowly working people. They were attacked in a 
ferocious and brutal manner and threatened with extinction 
because they dared to have an evening dance once a month. 

Unorganized, the ancient workingmen were powerless to 
enjoy even this; but the force of co-operation or coufrater- 
nity bore its fruits; and by it they could enjoy their con- 
vivials. 


ἈΦ Plutarch, Lycurgus and Numa Compared. 


OPINION OF MODERN SAVANTS. 603 


The thiasos® was this community gathering, which in 
their marches and dances used to wear beautiful wreaths ᾿ἢ 
and sport red flags and banners. Tracing these societies 
farther and clearing them of moral mud and slime with 
which vilifiers of the ancient quill have so bespattered them 
that the word bacchanal appears in our vocabularies like a 
synonym of sottishness, we have a decent, well ordered as- 
sociation or union of poor people who work for their living ; 
such as existed all over the country about where Jesus lived. 
Bockh, cites an inscription of one found at Tyre about 20 
miles from Nazareth and after deciphering its epigraph, ar- 
rives at the conclusion that although it was a thiasos, it 
was not a wine bibbing institution at all.” 

From Phrygia among the celebrated Phrygian slaves 
there comes a stone slab which Liiders, in his excellent 
work, “ The skilled mechanic of the bacchanal,” has lucidly 
described. We translate one of his descriptions.” 

“Above the lettering appears a general picture of the 
scene, On the right sits a goddess in a long chiton (flow- 
ing robe), holding a large shell in the right hand. In the 
left she holds a tympanum, the bottom resting upon her 
knee which, together with a modius upon her head, repre- 
sents her as the goddess Cybele. Near here sits the lion 
which is known to be the favorite animal of the Phrygian 
goddess. Besides the goddess, also robed in a long flowing 
chiton, stands a man holding ἃ cithara on the left arm. 
Over the altar erected on his right he holds also a shell. A 
tree shades the altar. A girl leads in a lamb for the sacri- 
fice upon the altar, and another is playing the flute. An 
aged female figure is finally represented at the extremity of 
the room in the attitude of worship. Beneath this holy per- 
sonifiation is represented another scene, presenting a sym- 
posium of 10 persons. With the left arm on the lap, they 
sit on their pillows eating and drinking, and in front of them 


18 ‘‘ @iagov, ὅσπερ ἐστιν ἡ ἀπὸ του πινειν συναγωγή. Phot. 82. 

19 “ Polybius erzahit (Kx. 6), dass diese Kranzchen in Béotien in grosser 
Blithe gewesen seien.” (Liiders, Die Dionysischen Kinstler,S. 11). Cf. Droysen, 
Hellentsmus, 11, 83, f. 

20 Béckh, Corpus Inseriptionum Greearum. No. 2271. ‘‘ Thiasos non bacchi- 
ous est.” 

21 Liiders, Die Dionysischen Kistler, 8. 9, Tafel II. 

22 The word “zechen”’ here used for drinking by the learned philologist, 
might have been wellenough for the date at which it was written: butit is entirely 
unjist now; tor it perpetuates the insults upon the poor. This word is evi- 
deutly meant to convey to us the idea that they were cating and “ tippling,” 


Mid, PALESTINE 


on one side, flute players while the time with music, and on 
the other side waiters are busy bringing the viands of the 
table and wine for the members. Two batons stand leaning 
against the wall on the right, on whose pointed ends, as we 
may safely surmise, the bread is toasted and the meat broiled. 
The inscription reads that the ¢hiasotes, male and female, 
are in the act of honoring Stratonica their priestess with 
wreaths ; and this for honest service she has rendered their 
saints or deities, Apollo and Cybele. 

Such were the eranists and thiasotes. ΤῸ our mind, rea- 
soning from the now provable fact that these societies were 
numerous in the land of Canaan in the days of Christ, it is 
quite certain that he was a member of an eranos, or of some 
other secret association like an Eleusinian brotherhood ; as 
by his time, these had assumed a cult™ which was both 
practical and religious. His religion was monotheistic but 
he could not have been more devout. 

But we have promised to thread the eranoi farther, that. 
there may remain no doubt regarding their influence or 
theirage and numbers. Having stripped the bacchic thiasos 
of its traditional terrors, we come to inquire, with Liiders, 


whereas thé solemnity of the particular occasion forbids any such rendering to 
the inscription. The real cause of the fling is the innocent lexicographer ; not 
the faithful epigraphist. ‘‘Thiasotai” is made to mean revellers or tipplers. It 
means no such thing. The lexicographers are obliged to give definitions such a8 
the sense implied in the historian’s account, suggests. Where the fault, if any,. 
resides, is at the door of the historian who throughout the literature of antiquity 
has signalized himeelf as the toadying accomplice of the aristocracy. 

While therefore, we profoundly respect the careful philologist who, years 
ago gave us these treasured scraps, yet, from a standpoint of sociology, future 
archcologists must come to judge of the meaning of words from their self-evi- 
dent premises, Indeed, the direct discovery of Béckh, whose authority stands 
pre-eminent, is that ‘* thiasos ia mot bacchic,”  ‘ Thiasos non bacchicus est.” He 
makes thig plain declaration, evidently not from the common definition at alls 
but because, on studying his inscription, he sees by its general appearance that 
though confessedly a thiasos it is far too serious to be a band of tipplers. 

38 Husebius says boldly, quoting Philo (see chap. xvili.), that these Essenes 
or Therapsutz were very numerous in all parts of the world. ecles. lib. II. 
cap.17. Much more may be learned from Philo Judzus, De Vita Contemplativa 
and Quod Omnts Probus Liber, 12; Lightfoot, The Epistle of St. Paul; Collossians 
end Philemon. This last author’s stricture against the essenes being the order to 
which the early Christians belonged, brings even more proof of our theory that 
Essene, Essenoi, is only a phase of eranei, suitably changed to fit the Judean dia- 
lects, of the Greek, and that also it took on phases to conform with the Mosaic 
code in Palestine and Egypt. A careful reading of Dr. Lightfoot’s Essenes, idem, 
Pp. 347, sqq. may serve to convince many of this anology. ‘‘ Whilethe Pharasees 
were the sect, the Essanes were the order,” (p, 354). Wesay however, that while 
the thiasot were the sect the eranot were the order. Lightfoot (same pages), 
roe of their tenets being ‘‘of foreign origin.” This is still further proof. 

he grammatical structure, and how changed, is clearly seen on page 355, 
Ἐσσαῖος, Econvds resemble θίασος, θιασήνος. Again, they were baptists. This 
τὰ got from the venerable custom among the unions, of the constant use of the 

aths. 


4N ANCIENT SLANDER EXPLODED, 505 


more about the Dionysiachen Kuenstler, or Bacchic skilled 
workmen. The Dionysia at Athens were of four sorts, but 
not necessarily connected with these social communes. In 
that country, in early times, the Dionysia were feasts, or 
autumnal jubilees at the vintage. They were amusements 
at which the boys and girls hopped and caroused. Some- 
times they danced upon sacks or ollas filled with water, or 
elimbed the greased pole, or jumped and climbed on bowl- 
ders smeared with oil which by their slipping and awkward- 
ness caused great merriment. Undoubtedly the farmers at a 
bee of this kind sometimes drank wine to excess. The 
second Dionysia were feasts of the wine presses. It was 
almost exactly equivalent to our Thanksgiving; fully as re- 
ligious but less sedate and reverential. It was a series of 
banquets and festivities at which the meats and dainties were 
paid for from the public purse. Then there were drinking 
festivities called anthesteria at which in the spring of the year 
the citizens gathered and indulged in enjoyments. But we 
are not quite certain whether the working part of the popula- 
tion were allowed to attend; since citizens in Athens, as 
elsewhere, in the Hellenic peninsula and, in fact, wherever 
Greek was spoken, were regarded as above labor. Lastly, 
the great Dionysia held mostly within the city. They 
consisted principally of theatrical entertainments at the cost 
of the state. These again were aristocratical and had little 
to do with workingmen’s organizations. 

The anthesteria in the month of February and the great 
Dionysia held in Elaphebolion, month of March, strikingly 
resembled the Eleusinian Mysteries, to the description of 
which we have devoted a chapter. They had secret sacrifi- 
ces at which the wife of the archon was symbolically mar- 
ried to Bacchus, the celebrated god of plenty. It is quite 
probable that the poor working people and the slaves, in 
their longings to rise to enjoyment and esteem, aped these 
great aristocratic orgies of the citizens, which sometimes 
were performed—especially at Eleusis—with a display of 
magnificence only equalled by their mysterious secrecy and 
their religious pomp. Thus, the Jabor unions had nothing 
in common with those orgies and must not be mixed up 
with them, 

In 1864, there appeared an article in the Revue Archéo- 
logique, on the eranot and thiasot of the inscriptions, The 


306 PALESTINE, 


theme maintained that these unions tended towards a cult, 
and that the result of their humble existence for a period of 
many ages was an upward and civilizing tendency. The 
writer, M. Wescher, an archeologist who had devoted much 
time to deciphering the meaning of relics so curious, took the 
ground similar to that maintained in these chapters, although 
he does not pre-suppose that the unionists had anything to 
do with labor. This is the strongest of all the phenomena 
which beset the pen of scholars. Granier de Cassagnac 
wrote his history of the ancient laboring men from that 
point of view; and although his exceedingly scientific and 
rare penetration was for 30 years talked down by the sav- 
ants of Germany and France, they are now maintained by 
greater ones who acknowledged that they were taught by 
him. Such was also the fate of M. Wescher, who ventured 
to suggest that the eranoi, very nearly identical with the 
Roman collegia or trade unions of which Granier had made 
his magnificent exposé, were something more than mere re- 
ligious sects; for we find M. P. Foucart denying the truth 
of M. Wescher’s remarks™ and in his preface, express- 
ing his sensation of pleasure at imagining himself able to 
disprove Wescher’s hypothesis.* One would suppose that 
any discovery that they were labor societies would be hailed 
with pleasure by the most critical; but the contrary is hurled 
in his old friend’s face with scorn. 

We feel an interest lively enough in the little polemic of 
Foucart and Wescher to reproduce an example: Wescher 
examines the fraternal character of the Associations” in 
these words: * Now is it not natural that, at an epoch of in- 
quietude and of religious agitation like that of the great 
Alexandrian school, the number of these societies should 
be considerable? Ought we to be astonished that many 
men and women abandoned the official religion which had 
long proved itself ineffectual to free culture, arid to the de- 
velopment of spontaneous, fraternal goodness such as re- 
sponds to the innermost aspirations of the heart? The 
Greek soil must be considered the veritable cradle of this 
religious movement. It will redound to the inextinguish- 
able honor of Greece for having planted such examples in 


% Associations Religieuses ches les Grecs, pp. 139-153. } 
25 Idem, Preface, p,14. ** Unecertaine satisfaction etune certaine confiance .’ 


25 Revue Archéologique, 1865, Il. pp. 220 and 227, 


OPINIONS OF SCHOLARS, 607 


the world, before the appearance of Christianity.” Μ' 
Wescher continues; “ The common fund of the societies was 
devoted to mutual assistance and assurance, destined to fur- 
nish advances to members in need,” to provide tor them in 
eases of sickness and defray the expenses of a decent 
burial.”* Farther along he says: “The members were ἃ 
mutual community, one with another; the well-to-do paid, 
the indigent received, in rotatory form, as the case happened. 
Poverty was no motive of exclusion.” This last declaration 
is stoutly met by M. Foucart who says it is based solely 
upon an expression of Rangabé. In point of fact this com- 
munistic mutuality is the only definition ever attached to 
either the Greek words eranos or Latin collegium! He fur- 
ther quotes from Theaphrastus,” a passage in rebuttal which 
substantially acknowledges not only, that the eranoi were 
mutual sharers, but also that the celebrated successor to 
Plato knew all about them. Not discomfited with this in- 
consistency he drags up the case of one Leeocrates, an Athe- 
nian, who being about to move to Megara sells his house 
and his slaves, charging one of his friends with the task of 
paying and settling up with his creditors, money he owes 
and to straighten accounts with his eranos. It does not 
follow from this, that this rich man was even a member, any 
more than was Augustus Ceesar a member of the many col- 
legia at Rome which he patronized under the well known 
name of Collegia Domus Augustalis.” 

The whole of the matter is, that these were poor working 
people’s societies for mutual aid. They corresponded very 
closely indeed to our trade unions. They had existed from 
immemorial times as trade and labor societies for mutual 
support and were almost indentical with the Roman 
colegia on which we have devoted a chapter, and regard- 
inlg which evidences in inscriptions and otherwise, are over- 
whelming. Those poor people did not work all day at 
wearying drudgery and then Jabor at night in their unions 
merely for religion’s sake as M. Foucart imagines.” They 


27 Here Wescher himeelf is unable to understand that the fund was for mem- 
bers out of employment, which places labor at the bottom of their organization. 

28 Revue Archéologique, idem, p. 226. 

2° Theophrastus, Hthikot Karakteres, 17, 

30 Mommisen, De Collegiis et Sodalicits Romanorum, Cap. V., De Collegiis liutis 
sub Imperitoribus. The emperor Augustus was of course, not a member Οἱ the 
trade uniois but he befriended, protected and patronized some of their labors 
while a great many of them he suppressed. 


δ08 PALESTINE. 


had to combine as the men are now combining, to take 
measures regarding the best advantage at which they might 
on the morrow, exchange the only goods they possessed— 
their labor—for their daily bread. Even slaves, when at 
lowed, sometimes joined, to better their condition. 

So much for the eranoi. The thiasot were, as we have 
described them, simply clubs of the eranot who arranged 
and conducted the little banquetsand social amenities which 
throughout antiquity seem to have made life worth living. 
These thiasot corresponded to the sodalicia of the Romans, 

We have, however, in our description of the Roman trade 
unions, shown that owing to the severely restrictive and cen- 
sorious laws, the unions, toward the commencement of the 
Christian era were compelled to assume a strongly religious 
and pious aspect in order to prevent being suppressed by 
these rigors, after the servile wars. Precisely the same in 
Greece, Asia Minor, Palestine and the Islands of the Adgean 
Sea; because all these provinces from about B. C. 200 had 
become Ronan territory by conquest. Any law touching 
them at Rome in the Latin tongue was as rigorous against 
them in Greece, Asia Minor or Canaan in the Greek or He- 
brew. These are the points which the learned Foucart seems 
to have forgotten. He is an expert as an epigraphist but 
lacks the aptitude of the comparative sociologist. The 
keen perception of Mommsen detected and cleared up the 
mystery in his laws on the Roman trade unions,” 

These are things which seem strongly to support our 
argument that a spontaneous, genuine secret movement per- 
vaded the Greek, Latin and Hebrew-speaking countries far 
and wide at this particular epoch of the advent of Christ. 
The unity and brotherhood shown to have existed among 
the secret societies is almost touching. The more the upper 
stratum of society was distracted by the consequences of 
the competitive system having failed, on a trial of thousands 
of generations, the more completely did the brotherly love 
system of the labor unions grow into usefulness, through 
accord and mutual support. 

There is an example of this seen at the Pireus. The 
Phrygians were considered barbarians by Greeks and Ro- 
mans, Their patron goddess was Cybele. Liiders reporta 


81 Assoc, Relig. Chez. Les. Grecs., passim. One comparison of them with the 
collegia of the Romans M. Foucirt finds thiserror clearly proved, 
82 De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romonorum, Passin. 


EQUALITY AND FRATERNITY. 609 


that in the Pirzeus alone, such was the harmony among the 
orgeons and thiasoi, who represented, apparently without 
the least jealousy or dispute, many nationalities there, that 
the Phrygians had an especial temple standing close by the 
great temple of the goddess Metroon, where she was wor- 
shiped by the members of a society whose members called 
themselves orgeones and thiasotes on the inscription. 

It reads that the decrees 15 and 19 provide that strangers 
be admitted to the society. One of the officers is himself a 
stranger. In thelist of officers, one is a tutelary soter, or 
savior from Treezen, and one, Cephalion, from Heraclia. So 
also women officiated in responsible functions in the same 
society.* At the Pirzeus was the thiasos embracing the cult 
of Serapis; of Zeus Labraundos, Metroon and Cybele; of 
Heroistes, Demos Collyte, Apollo, Nymph Lycia and others, 
Some of the inscriptions bear date of B. C. 324.4% The fact 
of their having lived in their quiet fraternal way so many ages 
organizing, living in common, teaching as they went, and 
constantly inculeating the spirit of fraternity as it were, un- 
derground, while overhead in the great competitive world, 
kings, nobles, money-changers, and politicians were fighting 
and dashing each other against the competitory rocks of the 
Pagan aristocracy, is of itself, strong evidence that they 
were the real planters of a future state which could not ob- 
tain in the open world without a revolution. 

Our maxim that the greater the organization of the la- 
boring poor into a brotherhood for common help the higher 
will be the pitch of human enlightenment, certainly holds 
good so far as it was able to proceed in ancient times. Its 
corollary ; the higher the enlightenment the more complete 
the extinction of social and economical grades, cannot be 
demonstrated until the associative energy expressed in the 
premises has been carried far enough against the competi- 
tive system to reach a majority. When this comes to pass 
the conclusion will be reached that the intensity of human 
enlightenment can be tested and measured by the quantity 
of social organization of this hitherto degraded stratum of 
society. 

The whole story looks as if the offering of ignominy, of 
Bethlehem, foresaw these three great truths 20 centuries 


# Liiders, Die Dionysichen Kistler. pp. 14, 15. 
% Idem, Ὁ. 16. 


610 PALESTINE. 


ahead, when he boldly took up the unionist’s, culture of a 
dozen deities, their social methods, their fraternal, interact- 
ing love, their meek, silent humility and secret work, brought 
them grandly forth from their obscurity, proclaimed with 
an irresistible eloquence and pathos the obsolute equality 
of man and succeeded before the quarrelsome competitive sys- 
tem, its toadies and obsequious devotees, could bring him, 
like all the rest to the gibbet, in unifying all their gods into 
one god and forcing the vast movement upward into view 
and final adoption by the world. The failure of royalty and 
empire which at his time began to be seen in the states of 
Greece, Italy and western Asia, proved his words that “a 
house divided against itself cannot stand;™ and this cele- 
brated apothegm from his lips is now being used, perhaps 
more than any other by the labor organizations of the 19th 
century. Mutual fraternity and arbitration of difficulties 
without resort to violence or other overt, unchristian acts 
is proved by unions of trades to be everywhere productive 
of the most satisfactory results. 

The lines between the followers of the movement and its 
opponents were definitely and very distinctly drawn. He 
that is not for us is against us.* This again has become a 
common maxim among the trade and labor societies of mod- 
ern times; so much s0, that the investigation of the charac- 
ter of applicants for membership is found necessary before 
admission. 

‘The law of Solon had provided for the free organization 
of burial societies among the Athenian poor. He called 
them homotaphoi. There were the communists who en- 
joyed their meals at acommon table. The law and the 
language knew them as sussitot. These also were numer- 
ous in Palestine and elsewhere along the coast of the 
Mediterranean. But it is certain that they were labor 
unions; for Liiders,” speaking in general terms says that 
the brotherhood who partook with each other at the com- 
mon table did this as a moral custom and that the custom 
was common throughout the ancient world; and in the 
larger societies received an especial character. There 
were even societies of privateers, of Phoenician or Canaan- 


36 Luke, XI. 17: Mathew, XII. 25; Mark, III. 26. 

36 Jlathew, xii. 30; Mark, ix. 40. 

37 Dionysch, Kinsller,S 4,5. ‘‘Ausser diesen kleineren, ausschliesslich pri 
vaten Zwecken dienenden Genossenschaiten gab es Schiffer—pn Handelsvereine.” 


HOW PALESTINE BORROWED THE CULT δι) 


ite origin of course; for these were the most formidable of 
ancient brigands and freebooters. But Solon also per- 
mitted such secret organization at Athens.” 

Liiders expressly states that there existed universally 
an organization called by the Greeks dei pna apo symboles, 
It was an eranos or labor union; and “ stretched from 
high antiquity into the second half of the 4th century of 
our era, when at the Council of Laodicea it was forbid- 
den.”*” Our statement that the eranoi and thiasoi were 
in reality one and the same thing,” the eranos being the 
labor or business part of the administration, and the thia- 
sos that part attending to the entertainments, is fully con- 
firmed by Liders,” who expressly says their identity as 
well as functions were mixed; and necessarily, since the 
eranos not only paid the expenses of its own business with 
the members, attending to the. procurement of situations 
for members out of employment and to the burial and 
other expenses, but also helped pay the costs of the con- 
vivialities. 

Thus, the self-evident fact that the eranoi and the thi- 
asoi which were one and the same everywhere, being 
made apparent, we come to the further proof of their ex- 
istence in great numbers in Asia Minor, Palestine and 
Syria. Liiders remarks that from the Hellenic peninsula 
the organizations there planted, spread into the islands 
and Asia Minor where their relics are found still more 
numerous than in Greece.* Still it is well known that at 
the Pireus or seaport of Athens, at Eleusis and many 
other places, including the Laurian silver mines in Attica 
they must also have flourished in large numbers; although 
their tendency to cultivate the principle of universal 
brotherhood was frowned upon by the outside world. 

We must introduce here the quite singular but perfectly 
natural fact that wherever the unions were thoroughly 
established and, so to speak, nested together, the Christian 
church was sure to first plant itself. Thus Pergamus, the 
seat of the great uprising of workingmen under Aristoni- 


85 Vide Béckh, Staatshaushalt, I. 762. Lobeck, Aglaoph, p. 305. 
39 Liiders. Dionysch. Kunstler, 8. T. 


40 Consult p. 455, RADIO, xxi. 
41 Dionysch. Kinst., S.7. “ Beide Arten von eranos scheinen schon in sehr 


friber Zeit mit den anideoten νος n vermischt worden zu sein. 
42 Die Dionysichen Kimstsr, 8. 1 


PALESTINE. 


cus in B. C. 133-129," became the mellow ground wherein 
the early Christians planted and on which they reared 
one of their most celebrated churches. The laboring 
people were in trouble at the time of this uprising—one 
of the bloodiest on record. They possessed organizations 
throughout the country which they were enjoying in ap- 
parent peace, when they were startled by that paltroon 
act of Attalus IV. decding at his death, the whole king- 
dom to the Romans. Fearing lest they be seized by the 
hated Romans and reduced to slavery, they unanimously 
joined the pretender. But there were inscriptions 
showing that the Pergamenian working people were en- 
joying a thrifty organization dating from high antiquity 
down to the coming of the Messiah. 

Cappadocia which did not fall into Roman hands until 
A. D. 17, was also one of the early posts of the Christians. 
The first epistle of St. Peter bears this name. Here too 
the labor brotherhoods had astrong foothold. This is 
rendered certain by the recent discovery of several of 
their slabs and monuments bearing inscriptions. Laodi- 
cia was also astronghold of both the unions and the 
early Christians. This place, together with Ephesus and 
Hieropolis, is where were founded the seven Apocalyptic 
churches.“ The early church found mellow soil among 
the brotherhoods of the eranoi and thiasoi. 

Apamea near Antioch, the birthplace of Eunus, insti- 
gator of the greatest of all the slave uprisings, was also 
the cradle of one of the early churches.“ We have, in 
our account of this great strike shown that Eunus and 
his men seemed both to be deeply imbued with the every- 
where present idea of the Messiah, who was to redeem the 
w orld, and also thoroughly acquainted with the methods 
of secret organization. His knowledge of the auspices, 
and plan of organization were really at the base of his suc- 
cess. These things, added to inscriptions found in the 
vicinity of labor unions of an antiquity coeval with this 
great servile war, show very plainly why Christianity took 
root so readily in those regions of Asia. 


45 See chap. x. p. 242. Aristonicus, giving a full sketch of the event. 
44 St. Paul, Collossians, 1V. 15, alludes to it where he asks that his letter be 


shown to the brethren in the church of Laodicia, 
45 Revelations, i. 11. John here also speaks of the church of Pergamus ar 


one of the seven, 


NAZARETH. 513 


Rhodes was also one of the places where Christianity 
established itself, although its successes there have been 
sad. But of all spots in the world Rhodes seems to have 
been one of the most prolific in those queer inscriptions 
indicating a great labor organization in ancient times, 
They existed in great numbers on this island“ The 
abundance of these inscriptions found in Rhodes and at 
Pirzeus, have attracted much attention from the archzolo- 
gists of late. The fact is, the societies being mostly era- 
noi or labor unions and enjoying in common brotherhood, 
the scanty proceeds of their toil, had for many ages, pre- 
pared the ground for the new plant; consequently it was 
found mellow and in readiness for the greater Messiah 
when at last he really arrived. 

But one of the most interesting centers of the early 
church was Apamea, the birthplace of Eunus, the great 
slave-king of Sicily, Athenion, hero of the second Sicilian 
strike-war, and Saint Paul the most famous of the apostles 
of Jesus. This city, not far from Nazareth, was 2 hive of 
free labor organizations until stricken by the Roman con- 
quest. It gave birth to three of the most wonderful char 
acters of the history of the lowly and being warmed up 
in the old cult of the communes, easily became the seat 
of an early Christian church. 

Another significant fact may here by mentioned that 
Plato takes Socrates down to the Pirzus among the com- 
munal fraternities of the working people where he and 
his friends remained for days, as it were, in this socialis- 
tic atmosphere. They there discussed and drew up the 
whole of Plato's most celebrated work—the Republic. 
Socrates was himself a member and this may account for 
Plato’s notion.“ 

Summing up the mass, we find five great revolutionary 


46 See Liiders, Die Dionystscheu Knstler, 8. 87%42 and elsewhere. Foucart, 
Les Associations Religteuses ches les Grecs. chap. xii, ‘‘ Les associations religieuses 
n’ étaient pas moins nombreuses qu’ an Pirée.’’ They were worshipers of num- 
grous deities. M. Wescher in the Revue Archéologtqne, 1864, tome II. p. 478, says 
he collected a list of 19 inseripvions representing as many organizations in the 
island of Rhodes. 

47 Plato, Republic, I. 1, Socrates says: ‘* Yesterday I went down to the Pirzus 
along with Glaukon, Ariston’s son, to worship the divinity and attend the festl- 
val.” This tutelary patroness was Artemis, sister to Apollo, central figure of the 
sun-worship (see chapter on Red Banner). She ranked with the group of labor 

pay eget Cybele, Ceres, Minerva, under whom so many organizations were 
ounded. 


δ14 PALESTINE. 


characters, aside from kings and men in absolute power, 
like Lycurgus, Numa and Solon. These five men repre- 
sent the labor of five active lives devoted to the improve- 
ment of human conditions on a large scale. They are 
Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Spartacus and Jesus. 

Socrates and Jesus, the first and the last, seem like an 
incarnation of two great goodnessesinone. The analogy 
from beginning to end is wonderful. Both were sons of 
humble mechanics—one a marble-cutter, the other a car- 
penter. Both were surrounded by communes of the se- 
cret eranoi,and probably both were members. Both 
preached quietly to their disciples, occasionally addressing 
open-air mass meetings. Both were betrayed by the per- 
fidy of their own pretended converts and suffered death 
on the plea of corrupting the morals which the ethics of 
the same Pagan faith had fostered and grown, out of the 
hideous philosophy of human slavery. The result to the 
human race, of these parallel lives and martyrdoms has 
been altogether incalculable. 

Plato, the admirer of Socrates, dared not follow his 
master. 

Aristotle, borrowing from Anaxagoras and Kapila, laid 
the foundation of human improvement, with great pre- 
cision, upon the scientific ground-work of mechanics. His 
ideas, restored by Bacon, are those which the world is 
now following. 

Spartacus, the greatest representative of the purely iras- 
cible, the most sublime character and type of the lower 
philosophy of resistance, who careered on the ground of 
“an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth,” last, and just 
anterior to the great carpenter, was a shepherd, humble 
and without ambitions, but because implicated with an 
age of injustice wherein “ opportunity makes the man,” 
macnetized, split asunder, almost conquered the world, 
which in his day was Rome. 

Jesus, who before coming to proper age, is said to have 
studied diligently, seems to have shaped his life-course 
from the results of lessons gained by these predecessors. 
He accepted the acceptable and sternly refused that which 
bore no promise of contributing to the establishment of 
a heaven on earth. He gained his great triumph over 
slavery by adjusting the three moral impulses of Plato 


COMPARATIVE WORK OF GREAT MASTERS, 515 


and the dialecticians—irascibility, concupiscence, sympa 
thy. He soothed the jarring bitterness of the first by 
‘coaxing concupiscence from its ancient realm and bring- 
ing it down to “want;” and married them together by 
the tie of sympathy, the impulse most matured by the so- 
cial unions; and there formed the stronghold of his doc- 
trine from beginning to end. 

Plato, the ancient mouth-piece of them all, as he is 
resurrected in Neo-Platonism, after a test of 7,000 gener- 
ations, must be placed, by those engaged in the labor 
problem of to-day, as an extraordinary tissue of harmony 
and absurdity. He wanted the better (or individual), to 
overcome the multitude (or worse). 

The experience of these 7,000 generations since Plato, 
forces the now living family of mankind to pronounce an 
opposite opinion. It is the masses who are “ beautiful,” 
(as Plato used that word); while the individual proves 
himself constantly to be the lying, bribe-taking, merchant- 
able “sell-out” and under-dealer; ready as a rule, under the 
competitive system, for any trade, seditiously corrupt, 
planning schemes of jobbery; and he has actually to be 
watched by the honest masses. 

Plato wanted slaves. His slave system, large already, 
during his life-time was small compared with its huge- 
ness after his philosophy was promulgated and its influ- 
ence extended to the Roman conquests. Before his time, 
slaves were the children of the citizens. Soon after him, 
Rome in her enormous conquests, turned the vast popu- 
lations of that age into rebellious slaves, and the world 
becamealmost depopulated. This master not only wanted 
degraded slaves, but he laid down laws for them, consign- 
ing them to death by torture for unpremeditated homicide 
while the master was allowed, if he murdered a slave, to 
be tried by his friends, acquitted and no stigma inflicted 
upon his name; and Plato lays down a law to that effect.” 

The entire enlightenment of our modernage repudiates 


48 Laws, 1. 3, 4, Bekker, Lond. ed. 

49 Laws, 1X. 9, More on Plato’s views of Slavery will be found as follows; 
Breeding mean with mean and best with best, Rupublic, V. 8, Great fear of slave 
uprising in consequence of the system, ackuowledged, IX, 5, Jd.; ‘* Abject 
race;” Statesmen, 46; Necessary to possess slaves. Laws, VJ. 19; Agricultural 
slaves, Laws, VII. 13; For homicide the slave must invariably die: preferably by 
torture, Laws, ΙΧ. 9; Such punishment must be “clean,” ze, vengeance, Laws, 
ΧΙ. 2, 10, jin. 


616 PALESTINE. 


this as unfairness, relegating the slave system to # realm 
of low barbarity. On humanslavery, the subsequent world 
has emphatically pronounced against Plato’s views ; and 
the little investigating mites of Aristotle, and the work- 
ing elements of Jesus, are banishing it from the earth. 

Plato wanted war.” He laid many plans and laws upon 
his theory of external strife, wishing only education and 
mutuality within. Neo-Platonism took it up, and in blas- 
phemous contradiction to the teacher, endorsed it, and 
actually engrafted this Pagan precept into the mild and 
peaceful system of Jesus. 

Things have not turned out to substantiate these coun- 
sels of the great philosopher. Wars the people had; and 
the wars killed a million slaves. Eunus, Athenion and 
Spartacus resented by warring back; and when the world, 
devastated by combined horrors of war and slavery, got 
time to breathe and recruit, another slave-war struck man- 
kind even in our civil rebellion, with the final result to fix 
the conviction that the peace plan of Jesus was correct. 

Plato wanted it understood and impiicitly believed that 
all things spring from the most high, the mythical and 
invisible inhabitants of Ouranos; and that men derived 
existence, and were watched over from those heights 
in the vaulted dome of heaven, the Olympian abodes— 
whence an endless chain of priesteratt. 

Neo-Platonism engrafted these absurdities into a Chris- 
tian dogma. 

Modern common sense, backed by science, with its in- 
numerable tools proving the true laws of nature, finds 
the facts to be the exact reverse of the Platonic dogma, 
and is wheeling us back to the physicism of Aristotle, that 
it is the little things and the little men and women who 
perform all works, who produce all that is produced ; 
that itisnot the great, conjured to be so in the elastic 
imagination, who accomplish anything, but the infinites- 
simals that do it all. 


50 Republic, vii. vill, Polemarch 158 made to say that Justice consists in do- 
ing good to friends and evil to enemies. Socrates however, in an ironical sally 
of moral reasoning demolishes Polemarch’s logic. wheeling him unto the great 
thesis of Jesus which now proves to be the idea that alone can prevail: See 
Maithew, ν. 48, 44, 24; John, xv. 17. Furst Epistle of John, ii. 10, 11. The 
anti-war teachings of Jesus are actively forcing these horrors from the earth 
ἜΝ as chattel slavery has been forced out of existence and wages slavery is fast 
ollowing. 


SYMPATHY, IRASCIBILITY, CONCUPISENCE. bli 


Jesus, if we read him rightly, appears to have been less 
a Platonist than an Aristotelian and when he comes to be 
preached in our pulpits from labor points of view, there 
will be found hundreds of texts whose meanings, long 
smothered, will furnish substance enough to solve the 
problem.” 

Hmancipation came from Christianity.” The great 
principle of mutual love among all men was the really 
original idea and practical work of Jesus. He taught a 
new doctrine—a peaceful plan of salvation. 

Spartacus, who represented the old method of allevia- 
tion from suffering, based upon the irascible principle 
with its wars and bloodshed, was, beyond all cavil, the 
highest type of that culture. He was evidently informed 
on the great wars of Viriathus, Eunus, Athenion and per- 
haps Drimakos. But in both opportunity and military 
aptitude Spartacus surpassed them all. He lost. But 
aiter the million crucifixions of his own and a few gener- 
ations preceding him, and the enormous lessons which his 
own and his predecessors’ blows had administered to 
cruel, concupiscent Rome, who shall have the temerity to 
say that these blows, crucifixions, bloody scenes and awful 
lessons did not go far, very far, toward shaping the convic- 
tions of Jesus, who but continued the great conflict with 
his milder leadership ? 

Modern progress, which has almost outgrown chattel 
slavery, still seems quite undecided in regard to the plan 
of Spartacus; and might even yet swing back upon it, were 
it not for the stern, inexorable hold which Jesus main- 
tains in the wreck of his tortured, priest-ridden temples 
—and this holdis the hope of the future ; for his plan ap- 
plies with wonderful harmony to the investigations aud 
experiments of Aristotle. 

Plato wanted the unequivocal mingling of religion and 
politics.” 

61 There are many expressions recorded in the New Testament which are vague 
in meaning and must remain so until better understood. After this they nay 
be used by ministers of the gospel, in the labor movement. 

62 Compare Canon Lightfoot, On the Collossians, p. 321: Bockh, Die Laurisehen 
Silberbergwerke. iiundreds of the most candid authors acknowledge that it was 
the Christian cult which finally fought down this terrible institution. in going, 
paganism had also to go. But as we study the origin and course of events we 
must acknowledge that the blow against slavery had been struck before the ad- 


ventof Christ. He it was, who killed slavery by tempering the spirit of human 
Aindness. 


518 PALESTINE. 


Modern statesmen, notwithstanding the almost desper- 
ate struggles of priest-power to hold firm this Pagan grip, 
are now steadily disestablishing state and church; and 
the verdict of enlightenment both in the realm of science 
and sociology, is to cast overboard, as worthless and per- 
nicious, this old idea of Plato and let religion and politics 
each take their course alone. Jesus not only separated 
church from state by admonishing the typical money- 
changers, but he said: “Render unto Cesar” ete. The 
Cesar here referred to, was the mild Augustus, whose 
reign was, in political respects, a model, and a glory to 
Rome. 

Plato wanted an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.™ 
He encouraged hatreds even in his “ city of the Blessed,” 
and trained an army of both women and men to the science 
of fierce contention. 

“ Resist not evil,” the law of the mechanic of Nazareth, 
has so far supplanted these savage doctrines, that already 
the trade unions and other social and labor organizations 
in many countrics, are discussing and planning to resist 
against men of !’lato’s class, on grounds that they them- 
selves are forced to become innocent victims of a hateful 
idea which pits them, like Spartacus and the gladiators, 
against their fellow men, who have given them no cause 

or offense. 

Yet all things considered, the world cannot afford to 
belittle Plato, the father of idealism; even though many 
of his time-serving thoughts are passing away. His mind 
was too great for his age and his weaknesses were but 
suvierfoges which saved him toa good old age while 
builder men were martyred in comparative youth. 

But Aristotle who began with microscopic things, whose 
mind, a consension of Kapila, of Anaxagoras, of Empedo- 
vices, of Parmenides, of Zeno, of Plato himself, is, as the 
world grows old and wise, and as light gleams in upon 
matellicence, beaming more brilliantly with each decade; 
«nd this great man’s thoughts are laring bare the in- 
crusted truth and leading to the final, perfected philoso- 
phy. Aristotle’s is the mind which draws ever nearer as 

6 Laws, book V1. cap. 7, Bekk. It was always so in the ancient code. Neo- 
Piatonism and the Nicine Decrees afterward succeeded in getting this old Pagan 


τοῖον back into the Christian cuureh where it still remains, in some countries. 
4 Plato, Justice, 5; Hepxblic, passim ; Laws, in many places. 


ΝΑ τῷ ἮΨ 


THE GREAT ARISTOTLE, 519 


the ages waft him farther away among the satellites of an 
awful forever. 

Jesus, who planted among the communes and laborers 
all that was good and pure, but whose beautiful works 
have been almost banished by the proud old paganism 
still adhering in his temples, departed only to return ; for 
these growing squadrons of the modern mites foretell that 
he is fleeting back to assume command ofa great army 
of unreconciled but longing intelligences, which the an- 
cient working people quickened, and which the suns of two 
thousand years have mellowed for the harvest 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


TEE PINAL SRI Peay 
ANCIENT PLANS OF “BLESSED” GOVERNMENT. 


Way rue Faots were Suppressed and the Books Mangled—Did 
our Hra rise out of the Great Labor Struggles—An Aston- 
ishing Probability Unmasked—Plants and Plans of the Dis- 
tant Past—Lycurgus—Reverential Criticism—His Funda- 
mental Error—The Citizens were the Nobles—Public Lands, 
Meals, Schools and Games—The Grotto of Taygetus—“Hell 
Paved with Infants’ Bones”—A Model Young Gentleman— 
His Introduction to the Ladies—An Earthquake believed to 
have been the Spartans’ Punishment for Cruelty to the 
Working People—The Poor and Lowly were called “Slave 
Souls”.—The Great Aristotle’s Curse—Lucian’s Choice of a 
Trade—Even Plutarch Lampoons Them—Kings Planting 
Poisons with which to Destroy Them—Prophets and Mes- 
siahs—Eunus the Prophet of Antioch—His Plan of Salvation 
—No Quarters— Wholesale Extinction of the Wealthy—W hat 
Succeeding Ages Learned from the Outcome of this Ordeal 
of Carnage—Plans of the Anarchists Taught Needful Lessons 
on Future Political Eeonomy—Drimakos—His Home of Run- 
away Angels in the Skies—How his Plan Worked—Desper- 
ate Plan of Aristonicus in Asia Minor which offers the Tollers 
the Beatitude of being ‘‘ Citizens of the Sun”—Sad Outcome 
—Innocent Plan of Spartacus—His Ideal ‘‘ Salvation” was 
his Emancipation Proclamation and Armed Power to Enforce 
It—He Wanted to Go Home to the Green Hills of His Boy- 
hood—All these Plan-Makers were Messiahs and Prophets— 
“The Kings Kill the Prophets” —The Great Messiah at Last 
—Long-Smothered Authors Dragged forth—Their own Ut- 
terances Quoted in the Living Tongue—Numerous Excerpts 
from their Books—Men Growing Wise in Their Understand- 
ing—The Vastness of the Revolution from the Pagan Cult 
which Denied the Majority Both Soul and Liberty, threw the 
Race into Bewilderment of Two Thousand Years of Trial 


WHY THE FACIS WERE SUPPRESSED, δ21 


and Doubt—Plans of the Founders of Government Reviewed 
—Resemblance of Socrates and Jesus—Paralellisms Drawn 
—One Agitates by Simile the other, Allegory—Proof that 
they were Both Creat Orators—Their Eloquence—Teaching 
Precepts that are just Becoming Applicable—The Intellect- 
ual Stagnation in after Ages a Natural Consequence upon a 
Revolution that Overturned the Great Pagan Cult—The Mo- 
hammedan Rescue—London’s Socialism from Same Old Plant 
— What two Men Did in Twenty-five Centuries—Pagan Self- 
ishness Exhibited in Prayers—Very Ancient Prayers of Our 
Germano-Aryan Mothers and Fathers—Specimens Quoted— 
Prayer of Alcestis—Of Other honest Pagans—All Based upon 
Self and Family—Prayer of Socrates to Pan for More Wisdom 
and Humility—Prayer of Juvenal for the Poor Slave’s De- 
liverance—Finally, after many Centuries, the Dying Prayer 
Begged the Pan of Socrates or Universal Father for Universal 
Cancellation, to fit the World for a New Era—The Relation 
of the Jews to the Labor Movement—The Romans, Mad at 
the Spread of the Christian Doctrines of Universal Equality, 
Take Vengeance in the Slaughter of the Jews—Progress of 
Ancient Invention—The Labor-saving Reaper—Conclusion. 


In tooxine thoughtfully over the evidences given in 
the preceding chapters, especially those detailing ancient 
plans of relief, through the irascible or war spirit which, 
though it wrought prodigious good, did not prevail, and 
those of the communal or co-sympathetic spirit which is 
the successful one, we cannot forbear an expression of our 
conviction that the phenomenal movement of which Judea 
afterwards became the theatre, rested upon and emerged 
from, the vast and altogether misunderstood and under- 
rated communes; an underground civilization whose cul- 
ture Socrates was not a stranger to, and whose infiuence, 
social, numerical and moral, has, until exposed in these 
pages, lain almost utterly unknown, buried as they were, 
amid the horrors which befel Christianity through the 
political trade of Constantine the Great. This man suc- 
ceeded in turning the movement when it was three hun- 
dred years old into a Pagan faith hedged about with iron- 
bound creeds and enforced by the inexorable despotism 
which characterized the military and the priest-power of 
the ancient Pagan rule. 

It will be asked why these important facts we have set 
forth have been so persistently kept concealed. The an- 
swer to this must be, that information was not the policy 


522 PLANS AND MODELS. 


of priest-power. To acknowledge that the poor and hu- 
miliated laborers of the world had, through centuries of 
organization in secret, and centuries of resistance and 
persecution, at last overcome the proud old religion so 
far as to boldly martial a champion and bring their unique 
culture of human equality into recognition, so as to build 
up ἃ new era, would destroy the aged prestige of the priest- 
hood. This is the only theory furnishing a solution for 
the studied deception that has mutilated the books. Plato 
wanted distinction as to members of his communal state. 
He wanted pricst-power and its concomitant, slavery. As 
the new era came with its practical putting into effect of 
the socialism of Plato, but applying it to everybody with- 
out distinction, thus emancipating Plato’s slaves,’ .ifting up 
the freedmen and doing good to all, paganism was stabbed. 
Its aged priest-power then arose and, in revenge, killed 
Jesus, the last Messiah who in the philosophy and tra- 
dition of the poor and suffering, had been their hope and 
promise from immemorial antiquity. Having ki:ed him 
it set to work to destroy his plan which he pianted among 
the communes, “the vineyard of the Lord.” The weap- 
ons used were assassination, dungeons, worse slavery 
than before—Neo-Platonism. But the great work of eman- 
cipation had made too much progress to be cut sh ort by 
any power on earth. 

We ask our readers to indu'ge us in this closing chap- 
ter, ina general review of the whole scene, covering the 
the various plans of great men, their trial and their con- 
sequences upon the subsequent human race. 


1See Dr. Lightfoot, Saint Paul’s Epistle to Philemon, pp. 321-2: ‘* With this 
wide-spread institution” ( meaning slavery,) ‘‘ Christianity found itself in con- 
flict. How was the evil tobe met? Slavery was interwoven into the texture 
of society ; and to prohibit slavery was to tear society into shreds. Nothing 
less than a servile war with its certain horrors and doubtful issues must have 
been the consequence. Such a mode of operations was altogether alien to the 
spirit of the Gospel. ‘The New Testament,’ it has been truly said, ‘is not con- 
cerned with any pouitical or social] institutions; for political and social institn- 
tions belong to particular nations and particular phases of society.’ ‘Nothing 
marks the divine character of the Gospel more than its perfect freedom from 
any appeal to the spirit of political revolution.’ It belcngs to all time; and 
therefore instead of attacking special abuses it lays down universal principles 
which shall undermine the evil, 

* Hence the Gospel never directly attacks slavery ag an institution...... In 
fact, he (Paul) tells him to do very much more than emancipate his slave Sim- 
ilar also is his language elsewhere. Writing to the Corinthians, he declares the 
absolute equality of the freeman and the slave in the sight of God.’ Firs! 
Corinthians, vii. 21. 


DID OUR ERA RISE OUT OF LABOR STRUGGLES? 523 


Under a careful and thorough investigation of the evi- 
dence it will henceforth be found in order for students 
of sociology to place the origin of this wonderfal era in 
which we are living, where it properly belongs. It is in 
order to come forth boldly with a new advocacy; an ad- 
vocacy of the fact that the Christianity on which the pres- 
ent institutions rest and which, as we divest it of its me- 
dizeval excrescences century by century, is leading to the 
final and correct solution of the economic problem, is pri- 
mevally that which emerged from the great, but little- 
known because throttled and unheard-of labor movements 
of the ancients—their numberless Messiahs, their perse- 
cutions and crucifixions, their plaintive “still small voice” 
groaning above the grime and din of lash-driven labor 
in sun and storm, in mines, dungeons, gladiatorial havoc, 
their sad but bravely-fought “eye-for-eye and tooth-for- 
tooth” policy, and finally their majestic, long-suffering, 
but all-conquering “father forgive them” policy wrought 
in the crucible of a thousand traditions, communes, blood- 
wringing rebellions, derascinating cyclones of retributive 
vengeance already explained, which had been previously 
experienced by the forefathers of this great era-making 
representative of the ancient lowly. 

To those who are ap)alied by these sentiments, prefer- 
ring to coax with a superstitious faith still lingering on 
the background of a struggling, on-coming fact-period, 
and still, like Arnobius, troubled with doubts and predi- 
lections regarding the sacredness of the conception and 
birth of this great founder, we must simply say that the 
labor movement, especially that phase of it dealing with 
the economic questions of the humble majorities, , and 
must come to be regarded, as the most sacred of alt questions; 
and ius solution or non-solution involves a release of man- 
kind from sin, or their compulscry and perpetual sub- 
mergence under sin. The enormous sin of our era is its 
apostasy from the early economic plan laid down at its 
beginning and for three hundred and fourteen years car 
rivd out under persecutions, on the economic basis; and. 
its substitution under emperors and prelate-politicians, 
ὧν the very most unscientific plan coneceivable—that of 
the avcient faith, whieh deccuived end degraded the chat- 
ie. cud wretch of old, ard εὐ} decuives and degrades: the 


PLANS AND MODELS. 


victims of wage-vassalage the world over. This sin rnled 
raged and devastated for over a thousand years through 
ignorance and dogma and cheat and inquisition, such as 
characterize the dreary annals of the dark ages and now 
looms up portentously in view; for we behold millions of 
men again organized, more determined, wiser by their 
- experience, better equipped for the fray. And this huge 
sin, of apostasy we hope, will be discerned by the student 
of these pages to be freighted with a virus the more ma- 
lignant as he observes that preacher and priest are still 
tenaciously hugging the slave-locked policy of Plato the 
immortal aristocrat, while backsliding farther and farther 
away from the sweet and loving brotherhood of the thi- 
asotes and the eranoi of Socrates and of Jesus. They 
still cling to an old policy which was the meanest upon the 
Pagan schedule—that of the competitive system, with 
its economic slaves. Although in another form and blas- 
phemously under another name it was a return to pagan. 
ism, yet we shall attempt to show in this review that the 
apostasy from the original policy could never succeed in 
eliminating the bold ground-;rinciples of equality which 
was ever the prodigious, the immovable, blood-bought 
rock-reef, on which those drifting strugglers founded and 
built this era. Despite the protracted spasms of the mor- 
ibund beast? to wriggle back into its breathing element, 
these ground principles clung; they still cling; are now 
steadily developing a polity and men are, in some places, 
beginning to reap their fruits. 

It must by no means be inferred, because the rebellions 
of the ancient working people failed in establishing the 
desired end that they were not a useful factor or that their 
efforts were lost. They failed because their military force 
was less than that of their enemies. They succeeded be- 
cause through their defeat, furnishing necessary and in- 
dispensable experience, the world was taught that it must 
ado;t another method—that of reason, diplomacy, arbi- 
tration, peace. Never was there a time when the world 
was drifting into these so rapidly as now. Two thousand 
.€ars may seem along iime to impatient, fleeting man; 
but in the destinies of peoples and of nations, their slow 


Ὁ fevelufions XVIL, 4, sqq- 


REVERENTIAL CRITICISM. 625 


development through creeping differentiation by trial 
and experiment,it is but a scroll. 

The review, then, which we propose to make in this chap- 
ter, is that of man in the broadest sense; covering the entire 
stretch, from a time when he was but an animal—the weaker 
driven by the stronger—through the long period of family- 
breeding when the father, destitute of sympathy, enslaved, 
ofien killed his children in building up the established gens 
aristocracy of paganism; the rebellion of the children who 
multiplied, struck back, and built up counter organizations 
in self-defense, fought and resisted the paternal injustice 
based in the monarchical idea, and in their turn, after count- 
less ages of trial by systems rebellious, systems patriarchal, 
systems predatory and systems communal, finally hit the 
system of inter-communal love, forgiveness, brotherhood, 
peace and ballot-demceraey, which, thoug: it has had an 
open trial of only 2,000 years—a short period compared 
with the duration of the others—has already brought him 
out upon the plane of acknowledged equality, in the sup- 
planting of violence by arbitration, of aristocracy dy dem- 
ocracy, of competition to some extent, by socialism, We shall 
show that all of these blessings were sought by the great 
and good men: Lycurgus, Numa, Solon, Socrates, Plato, 
Aristotle—even the contemned Eunus, Athenion, Sparta- 
cus—and finally Jesus, who is yet on trial. If we severely 
criticize Lycurgus, let it be done under an almost reveren- 
tial respect; for he could not conceive of a state without 
siaves; if Plato, be it uppermost in our minds that he was 
unimpeachably pure; if we dare to reflect against Aristotle, 
let it be with homage, as if approaching the sepulchre of the 
mighty; for this great founder of technical science is the 
model from which the world still builds, and he even dared 
foretell a society in which there might be no slavery. Had 
these lawgivers been perfect their works would have been 
eut off by the same martyrdom that was sifiered by the 
bolder Socrates and Jesus. 

In making this review it is neither possible nor necessary 
to attempt auy chronological syste: This has beex dove 
strictly in the preceding chapters. We promise only a crit- 
ical comparison ὦΣ ditferene syste: and hope to deal fairiv 
with ali, giving tlie Coie, gay mea, pruyers, struggles and 
models of each ove, κα Lis particular plan; and we Likewise 


δ28 PLANS AND MODELS. 


may find it to our profit to compare these with the plans 
and the men and their movements and demands of to-day, 
in order to amplify the comparison and honestly find out 
which of the ancient methods the modern age is follow- 
ing. One extremely important fact must be held upper- 
most to view: the leaders who form the subjects of these 
pages had each a very clearly defined plan. Even Sparta- 
cus was not without hope of emancipating the slaves of 
Italy and the rest of the world. 

It is scarcely necessary, after our elaborate pr esentation 
of the history of the lowly and their ancient works, to pre- 
mise in this review, that the whole array of deeds and plans 
of relief shows an undeniable harmony with, and corrobora- 
tion of the modern theory of development upon the largest 
scale, and from a cold and secular, rather than an imagin- 
ative and religious or superstitious point of view. 

Our history, true to its original scheme, covers only the 
great Aryan family and we shall let the Bible, the Zend and 
other Oriental records tell of its cruelties among the Sem- 
itic and other branches, referring to them only as collateral 
evidence. 

Although many plans of law-making were tried during the 
great era covered by manumission, yet we have no history 
until we come to Lycurgus, and must consequently devote 
our first remarks to him and his wonderful and on the whole 
beneficent work. 

Of the three classes of citizens in the system of Lycurgus 
the first was the governing, the second the police or mili- 
tary, and the third the burgher or business class*—that which 
Saint Simon denominates the bourgeosie. ‘The mechanics 
and farmers were considered mean and unworthy. To the 
agricultural laborers, was given the task of producing, at 
what is now considered “starvation wages,” that which 
the citizens used for their daily nourishment and comfort; 
yet so ungrateful were the arrangements deliberately estab- 
lished by this lawgiver, that to be a good farmer, a skilled 
mechanic, an inventor, a discoverer of the new in nature, 
was to be a most degraded and abject mortal, denied all citi- 
zenship and hopelessly doomed by “imperishable laws.”* 

No humane person of our age can peruse these accounts 
given by Zenophon, Plutarch and others, without feelings 


$Plutarch, Zycurgus, 7, 17. 4Idem, passim. 


THE MISTAKE OF LYCURGUS. 52? 


of sorrow if not of anger. The progress and purity of hu- 
man society may safely be said to have suffered a disaster 
in this inhuman feature of the otherwise generous Lycurgan 
law. It was self-defeating, contradictory and inconsistent 
with the principle intended by the lawgiver himself. Ly- 
eurgus the most ancient of the three great lawgivers of an- 
tiquity belonging to the Aryan stock, seeing the feuds and 
other inter-destructive effects of the competitive system at 
his time raging with great fierceness among the gens fami- 
lies, drew up a system of laws and got them adopted so as 
to go into practical operation. It was a system embracing 
the revolution from the eompetitive to the socialistic meth- 
ods. It was based in the ideaso quaintly and wonderfully 
developed nearly a thousand years afterwards by another 
inspired Jawgiver—the workingman of Nazareth. Its very 
furdament was social love, forgiveness, tolerance, instruc- 
tion. Lycurgus was attacked by the optimate party who 
rebelled against his equal distribution of nationalized lands, 
his nationalization of other property, his common table, his 
compulsory education of all alike, his athletic trainings, in 
fine, his extinction of property and of the competitive sys- 
tem so far as all internal policy of his people was concerned. 
One young man once pursued him and with a missile tore 
out one of his eyes. He turned about and faced his irate 
pursuer with the eye that had offended plucked out, and his 
face bleeding with the wound. The argument was eloquent 
and effective. The maddened mob of rich men were over- 
come and Lycurgus was allowed to go on with his work, 
unmolested. His system of socialism was more detailed 
than has ever since been aspired to by any class except an 
occasional small community; for he added thereto a com- 
munity of men and women which instead of being a com- 
plex method was a system of compulsory marriage, with a 
law permitting the finest and most beautiful to borrow and 
mutually inter-employ each other in cases of likings or of 
compatibility.* This was the Lycurgan law of mutual acqui- 
escence, and it obtained to an enormous extent for over a 
thousand years and was made a strong and scathing point 
in favor of Christianity by Tertullian in defending the early 
Christians from attacks of the intolerant Pagans.* Tertul- 


6 Plutarch, Lycurgus. 6Idem, Lycurgus and Numa compared, 


528 PLANS AND MODELS. 


lian in this eclebrated apology gives us invaluable proofs 
of the purity of the Christians, and shows that they had 
repudiated it.’ 

But these strange features were well intended by the 
great lawgiver. It was not to promote volnptuousness but 
to cultivate a principle—and scientifically 2nough—of |uman 
stock-breeding. At any rate, it was a feature greatly 
recommended among the ancients, and it lay at the base 
of the celebrated race-culture which made Spartans the 
most splendid men so far as stature, health end beauty 
are concerned, the world ever produced, and gave to the 
nation that mental and physical vigor which enabled it 
to overcome the mighty prowess of the Athenians and to 
finally transplant a branch of these curious features into 
the whole Hellenic peninsula, i?hcenicia, Asia Minor and 
Sicily. The openly established object of this branch of 
the law Plutarch declares to have been the ownership of 
children by the state—not by the parents*—which is a 
step much in advance of anything ever advocated by any 

urely labor movement of modern days. But these en- 
joyments and privileges were only to be participated in 
by the citizens, the state police or military element and 
the burghers. The strictly working people were left out. 

How Lycurgus, capable of coolly devoting a life-time, 
mostly in privations and hardships and without reward, 
to what he considered the redemption of the human race, 
could at the same time institute for those on whom he 
knowingly depended for his bread and every other ele- 
ment of existence as well as that of the people for whose 
happiness he lived, and consign the working people to 
the terrible fate left them by that law, is a problem that 
inust startle puzzle-guessers amomg students of modern 
sociology. Only one method can possibly be pursued to 
unravel this mystery--the utterly demoralized and false 
estimate of the value of labor. 

In this saddest feature of the law of Lycurgus we are 
brought back to our account of the Helots or slaves, in 
another chapter,*® where figures the story of the assas- 
sination by a trained band of young Spartans, of 2,000 
innocent prize winners of the Helot or laboring stock. It 


7Tertullian, Apology, XXXIX. 8 Plutarch, Lycurgue. 
~* Chapter iv., page 109 sq.; also pp. 97—102, of this work. 


HIS CITIZENS WERE THE NOBLES. 529. 


is not maintained that Lycurgus was the originator of 
the slave system. We find it spoken of in the books of 
Homer which are thought to cover a period commencing 
at least 300 years earlier; and we are entirely satisfied of 
the correctness of Granier’s declaration that slavery ex- 
isted even many thousand years previously to Homer.” 
Lycurgus only perpetuated the miseries of the working 
majority by fastening the odium already existing, upon 
slaves and legalizing their burdens. 

No citizen, under Lycurgus, could be a laboring man 
so far as to personally perform the work of production or 
of distribution. By his “free citizen” he did not mean 
any person who was obliged to work for a living. To be 
a soldier was respectable. But the soldier produces noth- 
ing. He destroys. So also does the governing class. These 
the Spartan lawgiver made very numerous. The modern 
movement of labor all over civilization is struggling to 
diminish their numbers, not to increase them. Lycurgus 
also, among his favored class, allowed many of the trad- 
ing or business men; although practically, if his commun- 
istic theory obtained, they could not have prospered be- 
cause the state operated the evolutions of business with 
the labor of its slaves which was conducted or managed 
by the governing class. Nobody really owned anything 
in his theory, if perfected. All citizens were, however, 
rich in their “collective” wealth. 

Coming to Lycurgus as a factor in the history of labor, 
we find his arrangement regarding working people to 
have been barbarous and horrible. The latter constituted 
two-thirds of the entire population. Yet so mean were 
they supposed to be that they could not be legally counted 
in the census as men, or in other words, human beings. 
The true population of the city of Sparta consisted of 
citizens. They were divided into three classes: the rul- 
ing class, the mil'tary or protecting class, and the busi- 
ness men. The whole three covered one-third of the ex- 
isting population. All the others were working people, 
who, as slaves or artisan freedmen, were obliged to live 
in an abject condition, feeding on the poorest food;” go- 


10 Granier de Cassagnac, ‘‘Histoire des Classes Ouvriéres,’? Chap. iti. 

11 For food of slaves, see Homer, ‘‘Odyssey,’’ XIX., v., 414-416; Horace, ‘‘Ara 
Poetica’”? (‘‘Ad Pisonem’’), V., 249; Pliny, ‘‘Natural History,’? XVIII., XIX, 
In. addition to these consult ‘‘Index’’ of this volume, 


530 PLANS AND MODELS. 


ing almost, often quite, naked; living in caves, the mean- 
est of huts, or in the open air, sometimes at the verge of 
starvation; if slaves, whipped every day to be reminded 
of their cringing humility; horribly brutalized with clubs 
whenever they dared stretch themselves at full height, 
lest they be taken to ape the human stature and the atti- 
tudes of manhood;” chained to the side of mules and 
oxen to draw loads like beasts of burden; waylaid by the 
trained assassins of state, equipped with daggers, and 
murdered for mere wanton sport, on a pretext that they 
were dangerous; forced to work fourteen to eighte:n 
hours preparing food and clothing for the citizens ~~» 
expressed their gratitude by kicks and terms of 16 
and contempt—such was the practical effect of the 
brated and of all others, most renowned law of Lycur;:: 
Such, through numberless ages have been the sufferings 
from that cruel competition that is based upon ownership 
by a privileged few. 

The legislation of Lycurgus upon which Plato, making 
Socrates responsible, principally formed his ideal state, 
may be summed up about as follows: The whole king- 
dom was divided into 39,000 lots for the optimates, who 
were the heaven-born or the divine class, related to the 
gods “—nothing for the earth-born class who possessed 
neither family nor soul. A branch of education given the 
young gentlemen was the teaching them how to murder 
the earth-born or working people, with daggers, as we 
have already related, by slyly crawling upon them while 
they were at work.” Another branch was that of the 
gymnastic games, shared by both sexes and according to 
Plutarch, in a dirty and utterly nude condition, together; 
with an object, as that great biographer declares, of toning 
and moralizing the passions. The optimates were never 
allowed to work except in the aristocratic pursuit of war. 
Commerce with other nations was disallowed. No money 

12 Plutarch, ‘‘Lycurgus;’’ Granier, ‘‘Hist.,’’ Chap. v. 

18 Thucydides, ‘De Bello Peloponnesiaco,” IV., 80; V., 84. 

14 For the ancient idea of divine rights, see ‘Roman Law,’”’ in the ‘‘En- 
cyclopedia Britannica,’’ Vol. XX., pp. 688-692. It was the same in Greece. 

15 Consult Drumann, ‘‘Arbeiter und Communisten in Griechenland und 
Rom,” 5. 130-184. Whatever may have been Plato’s own notions, his partial- 
ity to the plan of Lycurgus, which Dr. Drumann, author of the great history 
of Rome, admits, it is certain that he could not accept that lawgiver’s plan 


as perfect. Om the contrary he is believed by this author and many otherf 
to have borrowed considerably from the Pythagorean brotherhoods. 


PUBLIC LANDS, MEALS, SCHOOLS AND GAMES. 531 


was permitted except that made of iron—a hundred and 
fifty dollars’ worth of it being a cart-load. The people 
of citizen blood ate at the common table, waited upon by 
slaves. What became of it? 

Sparta, in B. C. about 600, had 39,000 parcels or small 
holdings for all in the kingdom. In B. C. 360 there were 
only 2,000. In B. C. 290 the outside speculators and land 
grabbers had all but 1,000. At the time of Agis IV., B. C. 
240, there were only 700 or really, but 100—as the hold- 
ings of 600 were annihilated by debts—and this great 
scheme of political economy of Lycurgus was gone.” 

The historian, to flatter the vain theory of divine right 
is loud in bringing Lycurgus to us, as having descended 
from the gods to mortals, not only as a link in the royal 
lineage under Eurysteneid stock, but even as a distant 
relative of Hercules. Thus the Pagan religion is sub- 
stantially pandered to and the monocratic idea estab- 
lished. A prince of almost unlimited powers by fanuly 
prestige, he in youth became regent by inheritance, of the 
Spartans. But he was both a wise and good prince; and 
considering the age, much is to be overlooked. When the 
true heir was born Lycurgus named him Charilaus, and 
although he had an offer to take the crown himself he 
refused, preferring to be an adviser. Thus one of the 
first acts of Lycurgus was to establish a kingdom, after 
having himself reigned eight months. His next great 
edict created a powerful senate or council of the old and 
wise-—a body seldom elected even to this day; and a re- 
cent expression to abolish them has gained popularity 
among labor organizations.” 

These senators, twenty-eight in number, some repre- 
senting the Spartans or Dorians, some the Laconians or 
Periceci, formed another class and another institution, 
soon causing concomitant class enmities that fanned the 
final ruin. The senatorial government proved a failure. 
Afterwards they had to create the Ephori.* These ty- 
rants were five in number and their function was to keep 


1®Prumann, “‘Arbeiter und Communisten in Griechenland und Rom,”’’ 8. 
180-184; Bficher, ‘‘Anfstinde der unfreien Arbeiter,” S. 86; Plutarch, ‘“‘Ly- 
curgus. 

17 The senate is thus seen to be an aged institution. Being seldom of the 
plebeian stock it has earned a bad record, as against itself; and is conse- 
quently still regarded by that element with distrust. 

18 Bees hon, ‘‘De Republica Lacedwmonia,” says Lyourgus himself created 
the ephori, 


PLANS AND MODELS, 


peace between the two kings and twenty-eight senators. 
Thus Lycurgus fastened upon the Peloponnesus the two 
kings, twenty-eight senators, five peace-makers, but gave 
them no house of commons—three institutions. 

His fourth celebrated measure was the apportionment 
of the 39,000 lots. The size of each lot was sufficiently 
large to yield eighty-two bushels of wheat as a yearly av- 
erage, besides other produce sufficient for the families. 

A fifth measure struck at common ownership of all moy- 
able goods and chattels. To do this it was found neces- 
sary to institute the famous iron money. It was wrought 
in the blacksmith’s forge and stamped in the government 
dies. The result was, nobody would steal such a huge 
and ponderous thing. Foreign countries could not trade 
and commerce stopped. An ox cart-load of the Spartan 
money was equal only to a few dollars. The gewgaws of 
fashion were self-banished, luxury ceased and primitive 
simplicity revived. These innovations could obtain, so 
long as the overawing magnetism and command of Lycur- 
gus was there to persuade by bland patriarchal smiles or 
austere commands, prevailing through suavity, intimida- 
tion and reverence. But before the majestic tread of hu- 
man enlightenment already in Athens and knocking at 
the very portals of these haughty Spartans themselves, 
such simplicity was, in the terms of the shrewd Aristotle, 
simply “childish.” It was ridiculous from within and with- 
out. It flourished for a time and perished, leaving a stigma 
which time has failed to efface and a denunciation so pro- 
found as to have forever prevented its resuscitation. 

The sixth institution of Lycurgus was his public tables. 
It presents a sweet and touching reminiscence to us, still 
struggling in the awful vortex of competing interests. It 
seems indeed beautiful to look back and see our ancient 
fathers and mothers of whom we may feel justly proud, 
sitting on their rough stools around a great oaken or deal 
table loaded with good things from a common oven, every 
slice of the hot, steaming cutlets of veal or mutton and 
every savory morsel, recognized as the public property. 
The citizens were public property; the houses, tables and 
stools, the public property. ᾿ 

But who are those nudge, suffering, half-starved, crouch- 


HELL PAVED WITH INFANTS’ BONES. 633 


ing forms noiselessly gliding to and fro, bringing {π 680 
delicious fruits of labor to the happy partakers? They 
are the waiters, the cooks, the working people and their 
little ones—all under the curse of the Spartan law. This 
is what the magnanimous communistic rule of Lycurgus 
never provided for except to damn _ Plutarch informs 
us that at the public tables these people were all obliged 
by law to eat together, and in common. Although they 
had homes the law forbade them taking their meals there 
lest with the labor of the skilled butchers and cooks, they 
should fatten like voracious animals and become corrupt, 
sensual and dissolute.” 

This arrangement resembled the co-operative kitchens 
of our own times, only established upon a vast scale by 
government and universally enforced by the law and po- 
lice of the land. Its principal object was to level the hith- 
erto existing conditions of wealth and poverty in which 
Lycurgus had found his people; and according to the best 
account, the plan worked well, with the one exception 
that the healthful exercise of the citizens in labor was en- 
tirely left out, all work of every kind belonging to the 
economic class being performed by freedmen and slaves. 
Thus labor, so sacred to the prosperity of modern lands, 
was disgraceful i in this “region of the blessed.” 

When a newly born babe on examination was found to 
be strong and without corporeal blemish, an order was 
published to have it educated by and at the cost of the 
state. It then received, if of the Dorian stock, one of the 
9,000, or if of the Laconian, one of the 30,000 parcels of 
land. But should it prove weakly, malformed, marked or 
unseemly, the horrid death warrant was signed and the 
poor little innocent was pitched down a cavernous pit 
called “Apothetae,” from a crag of the Mount Taygetus; 
and dashed to a jelly upon the rocks. So stern were 
mothers in their obedience to this law that they washed 
their little ones with wine instead of water; because this 
strong ablution best tested their innate powers. If the 
babe proved too weak to outgrow this treatment, it was 
ruthlessly thrown into the rock-lined maw of this Tay- 
getan grotto. Surely, under the dispensation of Lycur- 
gus “hell was paved with infants’ bones.” 

19 Plutarch, ‘‘Lycurgus.’’ 


5384 PLANS AND MODELS. 


A child when saved was educated. At seven years of 
age it was martialed into a species of military company 
and brought up under the rigors of obedience as under 
military discipline. The hair was cropped short, the body 
kept dirty, and all play was in a state of perfect naked- 
ness. The children slept on beds made of reed tops which, 
without knives, they were obliged to gather for them- 
selves. They were required to go barefoot at all seasons 
of the year. At the age of fifteen to twenty they had 
military manoeuvres or sham battles. They were also re- 
quired to perform such military duty as making soldiers’ 
campaign outfits. The material for this they were re- 
quired to steal. They were taught to crawl into the gar- 
dens and steal the melons and other fruits; if caught they 
were mercilessly flogged for the fault of being found out. 
The act itself- was not a crime—logically too—for all 
things being common and there being no ownership, it 
followed that there was absolutely no incentive to steal, 
any more than a man has to steal his own property. Let 
the critic be cautious about reflecting against Lycurgus 
for this, as one is apt to do through the medium of a com- 
petitive or ownership system such as this in which he ex- 
ists and from which stand-point he judges. The old law- 
giver certainly had the best of us on this score. But one 
is still at a loss to analyze his motives for teaching young- 
sters to steal. This he did, however, and methodically.” 

We now have the Spartan young gentleman before us, 
in perfect health, inured to excessive hardships, perfect 

of form, perfectly naked, unwashed, an adept at stealing 

—the clory of the great Lycurgus. In this most pefect 
condition he is intoduced to the ladies—those celebrated 
Spartan maidens. 

This brings us to the next ordinance of Lycurgus—that 
of the calisthenics and games. It must not be forgotten 
that we are treating only of citizens, or the privileged 
class. They were a species of nobles and being born with 
the blood and lineage of aristocracy they disdained to 
work for their living. All ordinary labor was performed 
by helots or slaves. But Lycurgus, although he, like Plato 
and Aristotle, disdained labor, well knew its necessity 
as a bodily exercise. Thus in lieu of labor he ansitented 

% Plutarch, “Lcurgus.”” 


INTRODUCTION TO THE LADIES. 585 


his gymnasium. Good, hearty, honest labor in these mod- 
ern days, with the ancient taint effaced and thus made 
respectable, is quite sufficient exercise; and consequently 
the gymnasium has fallen into disuse. But with Lycur- 
gus labor was a disgrace; and the demand of nature for 
exercise was supplied by the calisthenic games. 

Lycurgus, therefore, ordered that not only the youn 
men but also the maidens should be vigorously εἶ 
at the dances, games and races. Every girl was ἃ pro- 
fessional tumbler; and the extent to which they carried 
their acrobatic sports may be judged from Plutarch’s 
positive statement that the young maidens performed 
them in presence of the ephori (the judges of excellence 
in symmetrical beauty of body and of limb as well as of 
their winning powers), and before the admiring people 
in that innocent raiment, which we are told, decked the 
bodies of Adam and of Eve in the garden of Eden.” 

“Lycurgus commanded the maidens to exercise their 
forms running, wrestling, quoit-pitching and hurling 
darts, with an object to make themselves vigorous so that 
their children might afterwards be strong. To assuage the 
natural tenderness of their sex, he taught them the habit 
of being seen in company with their young male compan- 
ions and together dance and sing at the festivals. At these 
they practiced raillery and intellectual sparring, criti- 
cizing each other’s propriety of behavior which in the 
young men excited useful emulations, while their sallies 
and satires often made them smart; since the kings, the 
senate and citizens were present. So far as the disrobed 
appearance of the virgins was concerned it was thought 
nothing of, because the utmost decorum prevailed ..... 
It even inculcates a simplicity in manners and an ambi- 
tion to present the finest contour of the body.” ™ 

Marriage was compulsory in the Spartan state; but of 
its details we refrain from the particulars, with the re- 
mark that the closest critic, however much our modern 
habits have varied from those of our forefathers, certainly 


31 Dr. Drumann, as if unable to comprehend how this could be possible, 
cites a story told by Herodotus ‘“Euterpe., viii. But on examination we 
find that there is no argument here presented rebutting Plutarch. Besides, 
this story refers to the habits of persons of royal degree, where&s our account 
treats only of common estate. 

22 Plutarch, ‘‘Lycurgus;’’ also ‘‘Lycurgus and Numa Compared.”’ 


536 PLANS AND MODELS. 


cannot boast of any improved virtue, if purity of intention 
and strict obedience to law are the basis of virtue. But 
Lycurgus was probably the only practical stirpiculturist 
who ever enforced the scientific theory. The law of Mo- 
ses may be honorably regarded as an exception from this 
remark.” The Spartan lawgiver had been a great trav- 
eler and there appears no conclusive evidence rebutting 
the possibility that he borrowed much of it from the law 
of Moses instituted four or five hundred years before. 
The law of Lycurgus like the ideal republic of Plato re- 
quired marriage. But the connubial tie once fastened, 
the community idea struck all the married couples of the 
military classes and they were at perfect liberty to bor- 
row and lend each other according to the passions and 
caprices of the married lovers. This system of hymeneal 
reciprocity which never gave offense, was sanctioned by 
law and was certainly recommended by physicians and 
judges who attended to the business of replenishing the 
state with excellent offspring. Indeed, though the law 
of Lycurgus was never written, it is very probable from 
the accounts of the ancient authors themselves, that this 
reciprocal interchange of marital passions was arbitrarily 
required* If so, the apparent discrepancy in Plato’s re- 
public which Aristotle criticizes, is made clear and logi- 
cal. But it certainly makes a sham of marriage; and pre- 
sents about as greatan apparent absurdity as teaching the 
young to steal when their goods had no value, being owned 
and enjoyed in common. 

It has already been our sad duty to sketch the last fin- 
ishing touch of this far-famed government of Lycurgus 
in our chapter on the Eleusinian Mysteries. We have there 
recorded the assassination of those 2,000 workingmen. 
Perhaps what we now say in description of the system of 
Spartan government may unriddle the subtle philosophy 
which lurked at the bottom of that and of innumerable 
other mysteries and shocking murders which blot the 
pages of Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, Diodorus, Plutarch 
and all who have attempted to perpetuate a knowledge of 
the deeds of this ὈΣΙΤΑΟ ΠΗ people. 


23 Bible, ‘Leviticus,’ xx5 
24 Not only ἀντ Pik and ree but also Tertullian, ‘‘‘Apology’’ 
XX¥XIX.), confirm this statement. 


PUNISHED FOR CRUELTY. 585 


The laboring class of that day were Greeks. Some of 
them were the sons and daughters of the Lacedzmonian 
citizens; some were Helots, descendants of a great tribe 
previously taken as prisoners of war and reduced to slavy- 
ery. The remainder were slaves purchased from the Phce- 
nicians. These poor creatures did all the drudgery, pre- 
pared their food and performed all those offices for them 
which they were too proud to do for themselves. Great 
strikes occurred, as related by A®lian,” and the inhuman- 
ity of these arrogant slaveholders when the reaction came, 
self-accused them; for taking advantage of a destructive 
earthquake in Β. C. 467, the poor creatures revolted or 
engaged in a strike of great proportions; and probably, 
as in the strikes of Eunus of Enna™ and of Spartacus at 
Rome, they wreaked redress through the fury of armed 
force first joining the Messenians. At any rate, amid the 
earthquake and the strike more than 20,000 Spartans 
perished, and the survivors for a long period of time held 
a self-accusing superstition that the calamity was their 
punishment for their cruelty to the working class. 

Thus, for the plan of Lycurgus, we have. the following 
synopsis: Planted, according to Herodotus, B. C. about 
990; according to Thucydides, 830; equality recognized; 
communism of goods and children; kings maintained; 
labor disgraced; taint of labor, and the working popula- 
tion damned. 

Results as follows: The secret Cryptia; constant fear 
of the dangerous outcasts; final downfall of the system 
after a trial of 500 years. 

Of the plant of Numa Pompilius we have already sufli- 
ciently spoken.” This system began something like B. C. 
690; a non-warfare kingdom; labor recognized; workmen 
highly esteemed; trade unionism established by law; 
nomenclature of their organizations made by Numa him- 
self; the members of the unions employed by the state; 
peace, tranquility and great prosperity of Rome for 43 
years, or until Numa’s death and after that event, wars; 
but the unions now turn their energies to the manufac- 
ture of the implements of war greatly facilitating the Ro- 


25 APlian, ‘‘Historia Varia,” I. 
% See supra, Chapter VI. 
* Consult ‘‘Index’”’ to this volume; points on Numa Pompiliug 


538 PLANS AND MODELS. 


man arms; so the state continues, and encourages the unions 
for over 500 years. 

Among the ancient Indo-Europeans there were from the 
time of Aristotle, 331-322 B. C. two distinct lines of reasoning; 
those of Aristotle and those of Plato. We are not at all un- 
aware that neither of these great men was the originator of the 
doctrine he taught; for both are known to have borrowed for 
their celebrated states, from others more ancient and less known. 
But for our purpose we must recognize them as they are recog- 
nized by the world. 

Plato believed that all good came from a supernatural source. 
Every thing good was, as it were, handed down from on high. 
This pleased the manipulators of the priestcraft of his age; for 
it sanctioned their mysticism. It permitted and continued the 
lordly power of the gods whose abodes were high on the Olym- 
pian thrones. Power was seated in heaven, the vaulted firmament, 
the “ouranos.” The manipulators of this power were the great 
immortals such as Jupiter and other .celestials—all the great 
gods and goddesses whose names and fame have come down to 
us enshrined in classic majesty and mystified in a vesture of 
inimitable, captivating beauty. The marvels of that ancient 
political religion are made more awfully supernal by this great 
and good teacher having lived and labored. Nor must we spurn 
Plato’s views because our age has outgrown them. In the bigotry 
and empiricism to which many ardent and honest persons cleave,”* 
they are apt to treat with unforgiving frowns, his earnest belief 
in practices which we, in having tried, have found impracticable, 
sometimes abominable. We translate expressly for these pages 
from Plato’s Gorgias, what he makes Socrates say about work- 
ingmen: “There exists a two-fold employment; it creates food, 
beverages, clothes and such other things as the body needs. We 
get such things from shop-keepers and from country folks and 
they have them prepared for them by the cook, baker, weaver, 
shoemaker and tanner. But the healing art and the knowledge 
of gymnastics necessarily preside over many of these trades be- 
cause they foretell what the body wants. The working people, 
therefore, are slavish and unworthy to associate with free peo- 


28 Dr. Bucher, “Aufstande der unfrein Arbeiter,’’ S. 132, pointedly 
puts it as: “Wust yon Halbwisserei und Phrasenthum,” 


WORKING PEOPLE CALLED “SLAVE-SOULS.” 539 


ple.”*’ In another of Plato’s writings is the remark that the 


laboring population, who produce what the body requires are, 
notwithstanding their servility “indispensable; and for this rea- 
son, they must be admitted into the republic.”*° 

Again, Plato acknowledges that workingmen and women who 
understand these mysteries of art “know what others do not 
know. They are educated so far as their peculiar art requires. 
They know how to build houses, ships, and to do other work 
and in consequence, must sometimes be admitted into the as- 
sembly meetings even though the Athenians laugh when ignorant 
people take the floor to explain.** In matters of the state where 
such is needed, this right of explanation is given to every one. 
Now these workingmen, “demiourgoi,’ because they know the 
mysteries of their art, like the poets, imagine they know every- 
thing, being clever at their mechanic arts. But they are sadly 
wanting in manners, mostly, of course, from lack of leisure time 
without which a good education is impossible. All they learn 
15 what their calling requires; for knowledge of its intrinsic 
self they have no appreciation, it having no charm for them.’’*’ 
They busy themselves with mathematics only so far as‘it has 
practical contact with their business—not to enjoy a pleasure in 
the knowledge of the nature of numbers. In themselves they 
have not the power to strive for higher things, for mechanical 
craftsmanship brutifies them. The business man, “chrematistikos,” 
declares that pleasure in honors and learning is valueless in com- 
parison with money-getting.°* Ambition for honors considers the 
pleasure of amassing lucre to be mean, and also ambition for 
learning if it fail to produce honors. Vapors and tricks bring the 
philosopher no such pleasure and joy as the knowledge of truth.** 
Be the smiths, carpenters, shoemakers ever so skilled in their 
work as artificers, the most of them are but slave-souls not able 
to comprehend what is good and just.*® Lofty-heartedness and 

29 Plato, “Gorgias,” 155, 517-518. 

30 Tdem, “Republic,” 369-372. 

31 “Apology of Socrates,” 22. 

32 Plato, ‘‘Protagoras,’’ 319. Consult Xenophon, “Memorabilia of 
Socrates,’ II., 7. 

33 Xenophon, Public Economics of Athens,” IV., 6. 


84 Plato, “Republic,” IX., 581. 
35 Compare Xenophon, ‘‘Memorabilia,”’ IV., ii, 22, 


δ40 PLANS LS. 


heartedness and nobleness ©: ‘iipulse are in vain to be 
sought for among them. [Ὁ is quite another thing, this 
learning a trade and educating an honest man. 

We elsewhere show by producing his own words what 
Cicero thought of the poor working people. His con- 
tempt for them is still greater. 

Aristotle in most respects is in perfect accord with 
Plato in this kind ef talk against the working people. 
Here is what he thinks: 

Humanity must be divided into several classes: citizen 
cultivators, and artisans, busied with the arts necessary 
to the welfare of the state. These two great classes are 
acknowledged to come first; not from the respect he en- 
tertains for them, but probably on account of the fact 
well known in Aristotle’s time, that they were very numer- 
ous everywhere. 

Then comes, as the third class, the dealers. These are 
designated to be the shop-keepers and merchants. 

The day laborers or wage-earners constitute the fourth 
class. They have some slight independence, being no 
longer slaves, but freedmen. 

Soldiers constitute the fifth class. They do the fight- 
ing; and agreeably to the nature of ancient civilization 
this fighting material that obtains nourishment without 
producing, is what modern enlightenment begins ree. rec- 
ognize as plunderers and robbers. 

The sixth class is that of the judges. 

The seventh class undertakes the duties of the prac- 
tical work of the state. It consists of rich men. 

To the eighth belong the optimates or men of blood of 
still higher quality, such as hail from an exalted family 
or race, as a “gens’—gentlemen or aristocrats, born of 
God with that supernal gift, the immortal soul. These, 
according to this teacher of Alexander the Great, were 
fitted to be the advising statesmen. They are the finish- 
ing class, coming highest above all. 

“Many times several of these different callings can be 
united into one; but occupations uniting poor and rich 
into one person cannot be allowed.” ” 

The artisans and skilled mechanics whom Aristotle de- 

*4 Aristotle, “Politics,” IV., ii, 11-15. 


THE GREAT ARISTOTLE’S CURSE 641 


nominates “technitai,” or “banausoi technitai,” are next to 
the slaves in lowliness and meanness. Aristotle makes their 
existence a sort of servitude. But some writers think 
that this philosopher places them a little more distant 
or farther from abject servitude than the slaves; for they 
are beyond the reach of the lash, except in aggravated 
cases. The difference is that the slave proper serves the 
collective individual or state, while the artisan serves the 
person who employs him; and thus the inference is that 
the ideal political state of Aristotle gets the labor of 
skilled workmen by contract, or in a second-hand fashion.” 

Aristotle says that in former times the skilled artisans, 
or the class embracing all mechanics, were slaves; and 
even at his day (B.C. 330), there were skilled slaves in 
many of the Greek states.” This statement is valuable, 
as it shows the immense progress of abolition; and if we 
take notice of his other equally important hint, that all 
sorts of precautions had to be resorted to for preventing 
those dangerous revolts, and couple this with the fact that 
there were great anti-slave organizations, as shown by the 
numerous inscriptions still extant, and which have been 
described in our previous chapters, we may better un- 
derstand the importance of history wriften from a social 
standpoint. 

Aristotle teaches that inasmuch as the largest part of 
the working class must be allotted to attend to agricul- 
ture and the flocks, their life inuring them to out-of-door 
employments, they were for the ideal state best fitted for 
the muscular work of warfare. Their spiritual and bodily 
powers naturally develop more than those of persons en- 
gaged in business of the market or of the city who press 
among the crowds.” 

Aristotle thinks that for his perfect government it is 
advisable to -have slaves work as agricultural laborers; and 
especially those who have no yearnings for a home they 
have been deprived of, and so no foremost desires. Such 
laborers would be more useful, and would have no incen- 
tives to revolt.“ 

Aristotle makes the execution of work, for the artisans 

7 Aristotle, “Politics,” TNs, viii; 8 8: 


16 Idem, 1Π|., ii, § 9. δ. ΤᾺ VIL, ii, § 6-7. 
49 Idem, ‘‘Politics,’? VII., ix., § 9. a Tae idy.,t7 $8, 


642 PLANS AND MODELS. 


to be that which bruises the body worst; the task set for 
slaves, to be that which the body is in greatest need of; 
and for the most ignoble, that in which the least amount 
of intellectual force is required.“ This is exactly what 
would most effectively belittle a man and develop beast- 
liness within him. 

The farmers, mechanics and day laborers cannot be 
dispensed with; but the management of warfare and the 
giving advice and legal counsel belong strictly to the citi- 
zen class who do not work. The laboring class coming 
under the categories mentioned cannot become either 
office-holders or priests.“ They must not be admitted to 
hold office; for in well regulated communities they are 
not citizens as they have no duty of citizenship to fulfill 
and their incapable condition prevents it, the same as in 
children, slaves, free communers under protection, and 
strangers.” 

This philosopher further degrades the despised work- 
ers by his opinion that labor stupefies and deteriorates 
both mind and body. It creates roughness and makes 
people hoyden “phortikoi,” or uncouth, depriving them of 
their dignity. Neither the good statesman nor the good 
citizen can tolerate labor.“ 

Labor also leaves no time for public business. Only 
land-owners and well-to-do people who are citizens can 
rejoice in leisure time.® 

If the optimates or better people wish to remain faith- 
ful to their destiny and their dignity they learn nothing 
of skill for the sake of earning from it, neither do they 
learn music superabundantly, as sometimes is the case 
now where people engage in emulous contest in it for the 
profits accruing from out-doing one another; they only 
learn it so far as necessary to enjoy its delicious melody 
and rhythm.“ This most detestable clause in Aristotle’s 
polities has long since crumbled away before christianity’s 
well tried precept. “The laborer is worthy of his hire’” 
—one of our bulwarks of democratical government. 

Aristotle’s oligarchy emphatically forbids work people 
the right of citizenship, especially the day wage earners. 

“14. “Pol.” VIL, viii., § 6; ΠΙ., iif, % Id., ΠΙ., Μ4., 2, 7. 


“1d., “Pol.,” ΠΙ., iid, 9, “14., VIL, vill., 5, 8. 
“τὰ, “Pol.,” VILL, vi, & New Testament, “Luke,” x., 7. 


ΑΘ ΟΖ ΘΟ DE. 548 


Where a skilled artisan attains to wealth he may, in 
the ideal state, become a citizen.” Under the Pagan ré- 
gime this narrow and contemptuous ruling is thought fit 
for an oligarchy based on optimates and slaves. 

Theophrastus who, after Aristotle’s withdrawal, suc- 
ceeded to the Lyceum, described the wage-earning class as 
domestics or slaves at large—that of “people who shame- 
lessly drive taverns and brothels. They are also known 
as mercenaries and hucksters who live on the gains of 
gambling, lottery-booths and cook-shops, gulping up the 
dishonorable winnings and letting their own mothers 
starve.” 

Demosthenes, still considered high authority in many 
things, is not much milder. He railed at A*schines be- 
cause he was the son of a sausage man in very poor cir- 
cumstances.” 

Demosthenes like Cicero despised the lowly. “He who 
carries on low and despisable business must not be ex- 
pected to exhibit deeds of moral quality; for men are al- 
ways in reality, in thought and in deed, what their call- 
ing in life designates. This is a logical necessity.”™ 

ucian the satyrist of the second century of our era, 
who spoke and wrote the best classic Greek although of 
Samosata 350 miles to the north of Nazareth, was poor 
and undertook to learn sculpture. Breaking a partly fin- 
ished slab of marble and getting soundly punished for it, 
he left his master and went home where he dreamed out 
his ideal of the relative merits of art and science. The 
dream was, that two young females, one called Art and 
the other Learning, were in love with a certain young 
man. Each sought to win him by the comparative merit 
of her trade. Art, as Lucian portrays it, appears before 
him clad in the dirty overalls of the workingman, specked 
with marble-dust, hands calloused with hard work. She 
promised him a good income, a strong healthy physique, 
and reminded him of the glory of Phidias, Polycletus and 
other great masters. 

Science on the other hand, advanced the argument: 

@ Aristotle, “Politics,” IIL, ii., 8; iii, 8. 

@ Theophrastus, ‘‘Ethical Characters,’’ vi., B. O. about 290, 

- Laertes, Π., 7; I. 

Demosthenes, ‘‘Olynth., Orationes Attice,” T., 4 


δ44 PLANS AND MODELS. 


“As a sculptor thou art but an artisan, without celebrity, 
of mean low mental status; one only of a vast mass of 
humanity. Shouldst thou become a Phidias or a Poly- 
cletus and build for the world wonderful and admirable 
productions, then indeed would every one admire thy art; 
but no reasonable creature desires thy part; for however 
cunning thou mayest become, thou thyself art forever 
doomed to remain only a mere laborer.” This ancient 
taint received its death blow under the rules of Jesus; so 
much so that no such contempt attaches to Raphael, Leon- 
ardo da Vinci or Michael Angelo. Work, from the very 
first has been not only honorable, but correctly considered, 
a means of measuring honor and worth. Thus a complete 
revolution. 

Plutarch, styled the honorable, just and fair critic of 
human character and its dealings with the ethics of men, 
is equally severe against the laboring class. He writes, 
about A.D. 75-80: “Virtuous dealings only allure imita- 
tions, morally considered; quite different with other, and 
often more material things, for these we may admire 
without desiring to ourselves do similarly. On the con- 
trary we despise the authors of works we are delighted 
with. People love unguents and purple raiment but per- 
fumers and dyers are considered to be mean handicrafts- 
men, nothing more. Antisthenes the cynic most wisely 
said, when they were applauding Ismenias for the -deli- 
cious tones of his flute: ‘very fine music’ said the philos- 
opher. ‘He belongs to the meaner sort, otherwise he 
could not play so finely.’ 

“Philip of Macedon reproached his son Alexander who 
learned to play the cithara at a neighboring inn, with the 
words: “Art thou not ashamed to play so well? Honor 
enough for the muses when a king dignifies them by 
becoming their audience. But whoever degrades him- 
self by making it a mean, low business betrays his indif- 
ference toward the beautiful and good. No young man 
with preferred natural gifts wishes, under the eye of Ju- 
piter in Pisa, or of Heres in Argos, to become a Phidias 
or a Polycletus; nor an Anacreon, Philemon or Archi- 
lochus because delighted by their poetry. It follows not 
that we should treasure him whose works do excite our 

‘ Lucian, ‘‘Somnium, 6-9, 


EVEN PLUTARGH LAMPOONS THEM. 545 


admiration and joy” We have here given our own ren- 
dering. The sense is so imperfectly brought out by any 
translation that we are unable to use it.“ Though the 
labor product was admired, the creator of it was despised. 
To us moderns this is almost incomprehensible. Quite so, 
except we recognize the gradual inroads upon the ancient 
family blood, and its ultimate uprooting, through the 
resistance to the insult by labor itself, backed by the 
new régime. 

Again, Plutarch, writing on education, cares nothing 
for any one but the rich ; the remainder might as well be 
resigned to their fate which had not favored them.” 

The brother-in-law of Phocion, that is, brother of his 
first wife, Cephisotodus by name, lived by his art as sculp- 
tor, and the family were not considered first citizens of 
the city. Phocion was one of the very few generals of an- 
cient times who rose from the ranks. His own father 
was a pestle-maker by trade.* ‘et he himself always had 
an openly expressed contempt for the working people. 

Alexander was initiated into the study of natural history 
by Aristotle. He was of opinion that he could perform 
useful services at healing; and actually performed heal- 
ing actsin his empire.” The news that the father of Eu- 
menes had for a profession that of flute-playing at fu- 
nerals in the Thracian Cheronesus by which to make a liv- 
ing for himself and family, was trumped up by the Mae- 
edonian dignitaries who were loth to permit Grecians in 
their territory, Eumenes being a stranger. The father 
was a respectable man; at any rate he was a table-mate 
of Philip the king.* But the whole affair shows the con- 
tempt that was universally felt against labor. Agathocles, 
Tyrant of Syracuse, began his career as a potter in the 
middle of the fourth century before Christ. In commem- 
oration of his former calling he used to put earthen pots 
and jugs beside golden ones.” But the native pride of 
the Greeks seldom permitted them to humiliate them- 


58Plutarch, Pericles, 1-3, 

64For much that is valuable on the whimsical contempt felt by the ancien$ 
aristocrats against labor, see Drumann’s magnificent researches, in Arbette? 
und Communisten in Griechenland und Rom, passim, 

65 Plutarch, De Puerum Educatione, 11. seId., Phocion, 4 and 19, 

SiId. Alexander, 8. 4 

68Cornelius Nepos, Kumenes, 1; lian, 1; Plutarch, Humenes, 

s9Plutarch, Apothegnis, reg. et imp,; Athenseus, Deipnosophiste 11, 183 
Polybius, His(cries, 12, 18; Gs, 86, 7 


δ46 PLANS AND MODELS. 


selves in this manner, or to pull men up out of the dark 
pits of disgrace, like that of labor, to a place of reco:nized 
honor. 

But notwithstanding all the influence of the taint there 
were strong men who, knowing within their hearts that 
labor was honorable, dared to be brave. Thus in the third 
century before Christ it was not expected of Cleanthes the 
follower of Zeno in the Stoa, that he should seek to con- 
ceal the night-work on which, at his trade, he earned his 
living to strengthen him for delivering his lectures be- 
fore the Areopagi or in the more private school-work con- 
nected with his useful life.” 

Iphicrates was a low-born man; according to some the 
son of a shoemaker. When Harmodius whose kinsman 
Pisistratides the hipparch, treated Iphicrates with contu- 
mely on account of it, the latter replied: “My race begins 
with me, thine ceases with thee.” This is another scin- 
tillation giving light to the dark chasms of contempt into 
which honest industry was sunk. 

Attalus III., whose crazy tricks caused a great deal of 
unnecessary persecution of the slaves and freedmen of 
Pergamos and vicinity over which he reigned, seems to 
have had the labor question uppermost in his brain. Ue 
was the last of the Pergamenian monarchs. ‘There ap- 
pears reason to conjecture that he feared an insurrectici- 
of the slaves, which caused him to bargain away to the 
Romans his inheritance; presumably to get their protec- 
tion from his dreaded enemies at home. He was in the 
habit of putting to torture his suspects; and to perfect 
his art in cruelty became a practical gardener, taking les- 
sous in the chemistry of gardening in order to produce his 
own poisons with which to kill numbers of imaginary foes. 
With these poisonous plants he practiced and toyed until 
his death. Immediately after that event a great insur- 
rection broke out for the succession, in which the slaves 
and free organized workingmen sided with the preten- 
der, a banaus or laborer and an illegitimate, against the 
legitimate successor. This was the Aristonicus whose 
great slave rebellion—onz of the hugest of ancient times 
—we have already desuilved in vur chapter cl ancient 


wDiogenss Lacites, |, 5. 
@ Aristotie, Excurec, i, 4, deta. iicterch, De Nobthitate, cap. s1 


POISONING THE WORKINGMEN. 647 


slave rebellions.” Diocletian planted upon grounds of his 
private estate at Salona, poisonous and other noxious 
plants. For what exact purpose we are not properly in- 
formed. But he wrote a work on horticulture. We make 
these rcmarks to remind our readers of the rapidly on- 
ward marching strids of Christianity and the social rev- 
olution already in Diocletian’s time beginning to be felt. 

When a boy, Alexender who was swift at the races, was 
asked if he would match himself with the competitors. 
“Yes” ie retorted: “1 would had I kings to race with.” 
Plutarch relates {1 5. story es_an illustration of the con- 
queror’s virtues.” ‘he facts are that at the races the fleet- 
est men were matched somet.mes irrespective of birth or 
trade ; but the future 601 quevor of the world was too 

roud to humble himself by setting a democratic example. 
ve may remark that little progress has since been made 
by way of extinguishing {his foolish pride. 

an the manufactories, ergusteriz, most of the ancient 
workmen were s' aves, avd the states of Greece sometimes, 
-specially in way in which the poor creatures had no pa- 
triotic interest, lost heavily by their running away to find 
work, more liberty and better fare. During the Pelopon- 
nesian war 20,000 slaves decamped from Attica where 
they were, as property of the state, at work making the 
machinery clothing and equipments of that celebrated and 
prolonged confiict. But whither? Directly over to the 
Spartan garrison at Decelea, the armories of the deadly 
and jealous enemies of Athenians who were hilt to hilt 
in the fierce fray for the hegemony of the Hellenic Pen- 
insula! Here the 20,000 workmen wheeled their brawn 
and brain into arms and munitions which undoubtedly de- 
cided the great strug¢le against the Athenians. 

The orator Lysias owned a shield factory, aspidopegeion, 
in which he had 120 slaves, property of the estate, and 
probably in company with his brother Polemarch. Thirty 
of the slaves fell upon and murdered Polemarch for hig 
money, Slaves were very dangerous in ancient days. 

lf the student of sociology is at a loss to understand the 
causes of Demosthenes’ slurs at Adschines, and the bitter. 

Bucher, Aufstinde der unfreten Arbeiler 8, 100-114. 

Plutarch, Alexander. 


6i1‘Thucydides, De Bello Peloponnesiaw, Vil. 27; chap, v., inthis work, 
% Kratosthenes, Oratico, Lys, 


548 PLANS AND MODELS 


ness of his eloquence twitting him of mean birth, let him 
read Xenophen and others of his own period. Demos- 
thenes was owner by inheritance of two manufactories ; 
one, a buicherknife and the other a bedstead factory. 
The knife shop netted him a sum of 90 minae, $541.50 an- 
nually, and the mechanics, 32 in number who performed 
the labor, were slaves, and his own property. The bed- 
stead factory turned out goods yielding 12 minae net, or 
$ 216.60 of earnings with the labor of 20 slaves. But the 
relative value of money was enormous compared with to- 
day. The total net income from the labor of these 52 slaves 
working for him in the two factories amounted to 42 minae, 
$758.10. After the death of his father and a settling of 
all indebtedness, an inventory disclosed the fact that the 
business was prosperous and a large stock of manufac- 
tured articles and also of raw material was left clear. 

EKunus the slave was a prophet. He foretold to his fol- 
lowers at Enna in Sicily, the fact that he, being a Syrian, 
a prophet of Antioch, was to become aking; and that his 
work should be the seed of an all-spreading revolution 
which should break the bondsmen’s cords. 

This is sufficient to show that Eunus had also his plan 
of salvation, like all the reformers of ancient days. His 
method, however, of realizing it varied from that of Ly- 
curgus and Plato and Aristotle, about in proportion with 
his comparative condition. The aristocrats were edu- 
cated and refined men; whereas, Eunus was a poor slave, 
without letters. And what was this plan? It was based 
on, and carried out, entirely from the central idea of ex- 
tinction, by analmost complete extermination of the ruling 
and possessing class, and the rebuilding of an empire or 
government upon the same ground, but out of the purely 
laboring element—in other words, the exact equality of 
all men. It is perhaps the first purely anarchical idea 
ever put in full force and practically carried out upon a 
vast scale, Furthermore—and logically too—it struck 
the world just at the time when, according to Polybius, 
Rome commenced to decay. It succeeded, and logically 
enough, to the slave-crammed populations in Plato’s ideal 
republic of the “Blessed;” for it is natural to suppose that 
through his immensely popular philosophy, he had indoc- 


66Xenophon, Memorabilia, IL, 7; Demosthenes, Oratto, V., 106, 9. 


PLAN OF ANARCHISTS TAUGHT A LESSON. 549 


trinated all Rome—and her naturally savage military dis- 
position—with the needful exeuse for spreading this 
beastly institution of slavery. Eunus with his cataclysmal 
arms in Sicily, and Gracchus with his magnificent powers 
of family prestige, wealth and natural manhood, at Rome, 
fought a contest against Plato and the insolent lords for 
just 10 years, such as, search the records as we will, are 
not elsewhere to be found in the annals of history, ancient 
or modern. Eunus began by an extermination of his en- 
emies, the slave-holding rich. He marched his first force 
into Enna, as related in our ninth chapter and began his 
work of blood and devastation the same hour, without 
giving either forewarning or quarter. As hts masters ha«| 
been merciless to the slave, so his plan of salvation was 
merciless to them. To stamp out the entire race of op- 
timates was his bent and determination, leaving none even 
to tell the tale of woe.” It was the “eye-for-eye and tooth- 
for-tooth” referred to by a later Messiah in his great ser- 
mon on the Mount, after the unfortunate but indispen- 
sable experience of these “men of old time” had proved 
to him the futility of the plan of Eunus. 

Plato had been dead but a couple of centuries. Rome 
had grasped his popular idea of government embracing 
an aristocracy grounded in human slavery. She had 
surged into the great waves of warfare with the exact ad- 
vice of Plato in his “Republic of the Blessed!” and she 
was working to the master’s lines. Slaves innumerable 
thronged into the marts as Rome’s prisoners of war. 
Kunus, one of them, was ἃ prophet and his beloved god- 
dess, as he frankly believed, was directing him through 
this storm of vengeance and of blood. It was anarchy— 
a chaos of human life among a vast population; for Sic- 
ily at that time was populous. Dionysius the tyrant had 
built his yawning prison-workshops and these ergastula 
had been copied into every city and hamlet. NHunus set 
at liberty from these horrid slave-dens 60,000 workmen, 
who swelled his ranks to a vast army of 200,000 warriors, 
all of whom by his edict of emancipation, became des- 
troyers of Sicilian and Roman life. Devastation! 

67 We find in Diodorus, Histories, the statement, quoted supra, Ὁ, 200, 
that Antigenes, one of the rich men, was exempted from his vengeance on ao- 


count of a previous promise; as was also the case with the kind-hearted daugh- 
ter of Damophilus (p. 206), 


$30 PLANS AND MODELS. 


But who, when he calmly looks at the general condi- 
tions, after the brave words of Diodorus in his noble 
but tattered fragments of history of this terrible episode 
of retribution, will say that even the scourging, adminis- 
tered to those haughty millionaires, did not work an al- 
most inestimable good? Were not these lessons neces- 
sary? Did not the world, in its tardy development out 
of barbarism, learn by the sorriest experience the deeper, 
more fundamental expression of reason, incrusted in the 
then, and for ages afterwards, unfathomable words of ad- 
vice vouchsafed us by the last of the prophets and Mes- 
siah’s to wit: that kindly treatment was as coals of fire 
upon their hard masters’ heads? 

Drimakos had his plan. It wasa plan as fine in its de- 
tails as it was strange inits conception. He set up an ab- 
solute monarchy in the lofty jungles of his mountain crag. 
He emancipated all slaves after their having passed ex- 
amination as of a civil service. When once arunaway had 
passed this rigorous test he made him or her a member of 
his Blessed government upon an equality as severe as it 
was democratic. He forced the rich citizens of the green 
valleys below, to support him and his chosen angels of this 
aerial paradise; and for long decades of time had but to 
go down with his bands of warriors, armed to the teeth, 
and get from the barns, cellurs and orchards the richest 
of nature’s gifts. And the plan worked charmingly even 
to his tottering old age. 

A very ciearly designed plan was that of Aristonicus of 
Pergamus, whose anti-siavery rebellion followed that of 
Eunus. He promised the working people who were in 
great fear of being sold into slavery—a thing which ac- 
tually came to pass after their defeat—that if they would 
take up arms with him, they should have a kingdom of 
the “Blessed;” that they should be made equal with all 
men, and become citizens of the sun, heliopolitai, which 
in their minds, since they worshiped the sun as their re- 
ligion, was to be inhabitants of a heaven on earth, a dem- 
ocracy yearned for even to our day. With remarkable 
faith and energy they took up arms, fighting for their 
earthly paradise and when defeated, suffered like mar- 
tyrs, many of them upon the cross. 

Spartacus, the last of the ancient 'abor revolters, whose 


PLAN OF JESUS, THAT OF BROTHERHOOD. 551 


enormous defeat went far toward convincing future phi- 
losophers and agitators that a halt must be called to the 
destructive havoc of reform, had a clearly traced plan. 
He wished to set the bondsmen free. For himself and 
his Thracians and Gauls he wanted freedom to return to 
his native hills, thinking, in his seemingly innocent sim- 
plicity, that this was the highest liberty—the enjoyment 
of his boyhood’s home. 

The mightiness of this man is seen in the two great 
facts: First, that his life was, as it were, a prodigious 
blast of unparalleled military power against the wrongs 
which despots, backed by military machinery, inflicted 
upon labor ; and secondly, that through this awful and 
exterminatory blast, and by dint of its mightiness, the 
wondering, inquisitive and learning world was taught 
that the horrors of military despotism cannot be cured, 
but must ever be aggravated, by the application of mili- 
tary means. Through Spartacus, mankind awakened to 
realize that other means than that of “an eye for an eye 
and a tooth for a tooth’ must be tried before the lowly 
millions of toil could be lifted to the dignity and equality 
of their calling. 

Let these remarks suffice then, to introduce one who 
came next in the order of the prophets and messiahs; but 
this time with a statesmanship whose plan did not prove 
8 failure. And what was this plan? 

Jesus, a tradesman, messiah and prophet, coming just 
one hundred years after Spartacus, was obliged to labor 
and struggle during the greater part of his lifetime, to 
support himself, father, mother, brothers and sisters. Min- 
isters of his Gospel, who preach it from any other stand- 
point, do so only because they have been imposed upon 
by the ruling of prelates who, since Constantine’s politi- 
cal amalgamation with Neo-Platonism which upheld both 
chattel and wage-slavery and was no ingredient of the 
original precept, forsook the master and backslid into 
paganism. 

He did not deny his lowly condition.” Right at the 
close of the Augustan or Golden Age, after the communes 

*8N.T. Mark, vi., 3: “18 not this the carpenter, the son of Mary, and are not 
his sisters here with us?” Aping the aristocracy of paganism which this work- 


Ingman dethroned, the subsequent priesthood has vainly endeavored to trace his 
genealogy back to Abraham. 


553 PLANS AND MODELS. 


and trade unions, with Clodius at their head in Rome, had 
stormed lawyer Cicero out of his life, while that great 
tempest of agitations was yet surging on, shaping those 
memorable utterances of great jurists like Ulpian, to the 
effect that all men are born equal;® at that epoch-making 
period, himself born to the stigma of labor, Jesus was able 
to plant seed which has reared a system so democratical 
that it has already virtually overcome the terrible slave 
system and with it the contempt of labor; and his whole 
plan, though extremely revolutionary, 1s rapidly prevail- 
ing as people become wise in their understanding. 

In the incipiency of his “state” of a perfect society which 
Tertullian calls a coetus (meaning a union),” Jesus con- 
siders working people regardless of trade or calling, to 
be the best element from which to choose his advisers. 
Among them were four fishermen,” one custom house 
clerk,” designated in Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible 88 
one of the publicans, who were at that time hated by the 
poor people as the meanest of men. The other seven were 
of various trades or professional callings. There is ap- 
parently no claim extant that any one of the twelve apos- 
tles whose names have become more renowned in the 
world than any others in the annals of our common race 
with the exception of the Master himself, of Paul, and a 
few others, were anything but poor workmen—a valuable 
assurance to any at the present day who languish in doubt 
lest the venture of their powers upon the labor movement 
may result in no glory to themselves and their names. 

The organization of the early Christians, as we have con- 
stantly shown, was based purely upon the principle always 
advocated by alllabor organizations, yearned for by the 

69Ulpian, Digest, L., xvii, 32: ‘Quod attinet ad jus civile, servi pro 
wullis haberentur, non tamen et jure naturali; quia quod ad jus naturale attinet, 
omnes homines equales Βα πὲ." Thus Ulpian who, some 160 years after Christ’s 
labors closed, convinced of the justice of the already great liberating movement 
of the early Christian all around him, wrote these words, terrible to the Roman 
optimates. Justinian afterwards embodied them in his Pandects. Who shall 
say that Ulpian’s brutal assassination by a mob of soldiers was not his punish- 
ment for righteous judgment? Again, Florentinus, not long after the time of 
Gaius, wrote: ‘Servitus est constitutio juris gentium qua quis dominio alieno 
contra naturam subicitur.” Digest, I., Vv. 4: Bockh, Laurische Silberberg- 
werke, S. 123, declares that the Christians of these parts extinguished the 
slave system entirely. : 

70 Tertullian, Apology, XXXIX.,1: “Coimus in cotum et congregationem 
at ad deum quasi manu facta, precationibus ambiamus.” 


ΤΊ Matthew, iv., 18, 21; Mark, i., 19, 20. 
Matthew: ix. 9; Mark, ii., 14. 


RESEMBLANCE OF SOCRATES AND JESUS, 553 


myriad slaves, and emphatically demanded by Christ, its 
founder and his followers, to the effect that all men are 
created equal, whatever the social inequality unjustly im- 
posed upon some by licensed managers of the products of 
their (011. The original fathers struck out openly for 
all that promised equality and democratical ends. 

Jesus forbids, in his ideal state, and even the approaches 
to it, that men should engage in war or conflict of any kind. 
“Whosoever smite thee on thy right cheek turn to him the 
other also.“ He certainly modeled his plan from the or- 
ganizations, the brotherhoods which discarded hatreds, 
and with them the competitive system entirely. Instead 
of hatred one for another, it was love one for another.” 
Socrates who says, “We are all thiasotes of this god,” ” 
comes nearest to Christianity of all the more ancient ad- 
vocates of reform; and this of course accounts for their 
killing him. Plato went through unscathed, and like him 
Aristotle. But both believed in slavery and were of gens 
blood; while Socrates was a born workineman. So like- 
wise Jesus was killed for loving labor and laborers and 
denouncing hatreds together with the system on which 
they are based. He ruled that these working people 
were fully equal to any other class—a most pronounced 
advancement of matters in the ethics of the social, econ- 
omic and political world.” 

Socrates, if we believe-his own words, was a member of 
an eranos, or a thiasos; for Xenophen quotes him as 
saying so, inasmuch as he declares to his friends and dis- 
ciples gathered about him, that “under this god we are all 
thiasotes.” He wasnotanEssene. His last words>as he 
lay dying, reminded his disciples that they (the thiasotai, 
or brethren), owed their cook for a chicken on which they 

73 Justin Martyr, Dialogue, xxxvi. 4; Varro, De Re Rustica, Proem. 
14 Matthew, v., 39. 75 Idem, v., 44. 

16Xenophon, Convivii, viii., 2, speaking of Eros, the god of love, says 
that at the symposium, in all probability ofa “thiasos club, he made the following 
speech: ‘Ap’, ἔφη, & ἄνδρες, εἰκὸς ἡμᾶς παρόντος δαίμονος μεγάλου καὶ τῶ μὲν 
χρόνῳ ἰσηλικος τοῖς ἀειγενέσι ϑεοῖς, τῇ δὲ Hopon νεωτάτου, Kal μεγέϑει μὲν πάντα 
ἐπέχοντος, Ψυχή δὲ ἀνϑρώπονυ ἱδρυμένου, “Epotos, μὴ ἀμνημονῆσαι, ἄλλως τε και 
ἐπειδὴ πάντες ἐσμὲν τοῦ ϑεοῦ τούτου ϑιασῶται...... Among the disciples of 
Socrates was Xenophon himself. The subject of discussion was Love, and the 
duty of men to love one another, just as Jesus, at similar symposiums, used to 
teach the great philosophy of love nearly 500 years atterwards. 

ΤΊ First Corinthians, iv., 7. The church got an early foothold in Corinth, 
This great city was overran with slaves. Of 680,000 inhabitants, 640,000 were 


Blayes. Yet Paul, speaking against the distinctions which “puff” men up, one 
above another, aske them: ‘‘Who maketh thee to differ from another?” 


δδ4 PLANS AND MODELS. 


had banqueted, and entreated them not to forget to pay 
it. These communes drank wine, sacrificed lambs, had for- 
tune-tellers, messiahs, prophets, married and brought up 
children, and within their sacred pale had “all things 
common.” This is what the early Christians organized 
their first communities upon; and it certainly seems, con- 
sidering their lowliness and the fact that they were mostly 
workingmen and women, that Christianity was the organ- 
ization invented to “PROCLAIM’ the cult which the secret 
commune so long and so inveterately had in secret prac- 
tised. In a word, the revolution of Jesus rose from a deep 
meaning, thoroughly digested, long tried and powerful 
culture, already inculcating, already impregnating the opin- 
ion and bias of that great working majority, the down- 
trodden lowly of mankind. 

The idea—ignored by Plato, “the father of idealism,” 
and hinted at in Aristotle’s strange prediction*—of ἃ so- 
ciety without slaves where all are equal, was original in 
the secret labor communes ; but so far as its open propa- 
gation was concerned, it was original with Jesus, totally 
and definitively. That idea could not mix with the old pa- 
ganism.” Otherwise the ancient culture, philosophy and 
great-mindedness, had many magnificent virtues, which 
Gadd to-day and which farther on, we shall show to 

ave belonged not to paganism but to labor. The repu- 
diation of paganism by the culture of Jesus, took on, in 
the ignorant, bigoted world, an enormous excrescence of 
supernumerary whims arising from infantile speculations 
of men, which were condensed through edicts, by the 
councils of different ages, into tyrannical faith-cures, in- 
quisitions and superstitious “standard philosophies,” and 
theological regulations which arbitrarily, building on such 
edicts, destroyed for a thousand years, the culture of in- 
quiry founded by men like Aristotle and Socrates. But 
this very spirit of inquiry belongs to the plan of Jesus.® 

They could not see the way cleartomix. The age we 
live in is that of mixture of the two great and immortal 


78 Aristotle, in @conomics, predicted, foreshadowed that there might arrive 
a state of developmentin which there would be no slaves. Cf. id., Pol.,I., 4. 
i9Draper, Intellectual Development of Europe, J., chap. xill., Passage of 
Age of Reason, has shown, by a cutting array of facts, that the inquisitive, Οἱ 
investigating spirit and its culture of the Greek Progressists sohool would ba 
Sire extirpated altogether, but for Mohammed and the Arabians and epenivh 
oors. 
20 Thessalontans, y., 21: ‘* Prove all things and hold fast that whieh is geod.” 


THE MOHAMMEDAN RESCUE. 555 


plans.. It is the culture of inquisitive reason on the basie 
of equality of all mankind. This equality paganism did 
not allow. 

The revolution accomplished by the efforts of the poor 
through their long succession of revolts, their messiahs, 
secret organizations, and at last their early Christianity, 
though it was perverted by Constantine and a long suc- 
cession of prelates in the false garb of faith and priest- 
craft during the dark ages, never for a moment relin- 
quished its hold on its real revolutionary idea. That 
idea was the equality of man, the teaching by the poor, 
of the poor; the building-up of a vast civilization with- 
out slaves, with one God, one father for all and salvation 
of all, economically. 

When Christians concentrated priest-power into despot: 
ism there arose another vast and similar order—the Mo- 
hammedan—which resumed the same idea and in Spain 
went on for centuries with the plan based upon equality, 
carrying it out as well as could be done at that low age. 
This Mohammedanism appears to have saved mankind 
from sinking forever. 

It took a thousand years for the world to learn and prop- 
erly apply the new system. The relapses and swoons of 
the early centuries, when men were guided by ambitious 
demagogues, were, if we learn to reason upon them aright, 
most natural things. The world had, throughout all the 
previous ages, been cultivating a civilization based upon 
the system of masters and slaves. It was a civilization 
competitive in all respects. Ithad never known a moment 
of socialistic life. If its lowly millions had built up and 
tried a socialism, it was in the dense penumbra of secrecy. 
Whenever their socialism reached the light it had always 
been put down by the monster power of slavery and its 
military legions, asa loathsome and filthy thing; for it rec- 
ognized equality. 

Foolish then and short-sighted are the men who won- 
der at the vast tumble-down ages of demolition that super- 
vened over the immortal revolution of Jesus and the work- 
ing people, who, prying their socialistic civilization up 
through this despotism, at a choice moment when aristoc- 
racy was rotting by its own loathsome gangrene, sent their 
orators out, and with superhuman struggles urged it forth 
upon the broad plane of day where, for once and for all, 


656 PLANS AND MODELS, 


the resplendant sun of numaskedantelligence shone upon 
it with beams so bright that, although since beclouded, 
it now rolls onward to a final day. 

The new ages had to be built, but in their building 
their architects fell, times without number and nearly two 
thousand years rolled over the world before all things 
became adjusted to this civilization they have erected 
upon those great precepts which contain and set forth the 
economic equality of mankind. 

This emergence of the culture of the great commune 
system of the ancient lowly out of the secret, into the open, 
out of the irascible, destructive, the bloody and warlike, 
into the peaceful world, which took place at Palestine 
after the great and last disaster under Spartacus, gave to 
humanity aset of immortal principles to accomplish their 
economic salvation. So inconceivably great was the 
change or revolution embodied in these principles that 
our race in applying them, sank into aswoon and well- 
nigh lost them forever. Bat after a struggle of nearly 
1,900 years the world is at last re-emerging from its 

and is now in the very act of applying them as a 
permanent principle to its political economy. 

One of the greatest and fiercest struggles the Christians 
ever had was motived by the working people’s demand 
for bread. The new sect, bemg largely of the labor ele- 
ment, its monks naturally were in their sympathy and al- 
lowed vast numbers of images, palladiums, amulets, tal- 
ismans and incantations to be manufactured for the uses 
of every conceivable phase of priestcraft. There came, 
during the middle ages a protest against it, and for 120 
years the war of the iconoclasts raged against the working 
people who in turn were savagely upheld by the monks. 
Thus, as ever before, the aristocracy were against labor, 
richtly, perhaps, for in course of ages, industry has, in the 
finer civilizations, given up its hold on image-making; but 
the truth is, the laboring classes would not accept Chris- 
tianity at the cost of their means of life. That this does 
not apply to the early Christians is explained by the fact 
that they were co-operators who “had all things common.” 

“In the present world only evil reigns. Satan is the king 
of the earth, or prince of this world. All obey him.” ® 


εἰ Consult Intellectual Development of Europe, vol, I1., for a fall discussion. 
®Renan, Vie de Jésus, p. 116; N.T. John, xii, 81, xiv., 30, xvi., 11; 
Second Corinthians, iy., 4. 


ANCIENT AGITATION BY ALLEGORY. 557 


Now working people, even those engaged i in the great ad- 
vocacy of labor, and the absolute equality of the rights of 
man, may possibly be misled by their honest belief that 
Jesus, in talking as he did meant only the world to come. 
He meant the present, just as he said: “The kings kill 
the prophets:”* “The just are persecutea:” *Thy will 
be done on earth as it is in heaven.” “' 

But whoever thoroughly understands the ancients, well 
knows that among all the numerous turmoils of slaves, of 
gladiators, of agrarianism, of trade unionists, there have 
been prophets. The kings, according to this speech of 
Christ, killed them. We have sufficiently shown that the 
kings and rulers were not satisfied with their ordinary 
death ; they hung them and their followers upon the 
ignominious cross.” “The world as it is, is the enemy of 
God.”* The great master, speaking in his exquisitely 
perfect style of allegory, always represented God as the 
principle of goodness—nature. 

Jesus preached openly a plan or system of absolute jus- 
tice; and he, in establishing a foothold for it, also per- 
ished on the cross. The kings killed the prophets. They 
had just killed his friend and forer unner, the vigorous 
agitator and member of the order of free masons, John 
the Baptist, because his pure character and love of virtue 
forbade him from permitting unattacked, the voluptu- 
ousness and fornication going on in palaces and assigna- 
tion houses of Herod and“ intimates, over whom reigned 
the beautiful but silly Herodias by whose machinations 
Antipas had become the cunning ingrate whom Jesus de- 
nominated the“ fox.”® John and Jesus owe their death 
to this bloodthirsty female libertine. Very few know or 
even seek to know the real, human, home-viewed causes 
of these renowned events; they bemg mixed up in the 
mysticism of supernatural predilection and bigotry. When 
this labor movement comes to be regarded as a sort of 
“second coming,” which it really is, we shall behold the 
amazing analogy of that mighty agitation of A. D. 31-33, 
in juxtaposition with ours of 1886~ 96, our eyes opened, 

85 Renan, 7d., pp. 116, 117 & Matthew, vi., 10. 

85 See supra, the chapters ἔπ Strikes and Uprisings. 

86 Renan, Vie de Jésus, Ρ. 

81 Renan, idem, p. 111: Te union presq’ incestueuse d’Antipas et d’ Hé- 
rodiale s’accomplit alors.” Leviticus, viii. 16; Ἐπ aD, Wars of the Jews, 


VIl., 6.7 andelsewhere: Antiquities, XVII., 1 
See Encyclopedia Britannica, Article Aiton: 


558 PLANS AND MODELS. 


our hearts gladdened in an inexpressably glorious normal 
growth of 18 centuries which have shorn it of mysticism 
and theosophy. 

Prophets and healers were everywhere. The wife of 
Spartacus was both. She foretold that the deeds of this 
gladiator should be great, by divining the causes of the 
serpent being found coiled around her husband’s neck and 
face during his sleep. She was a sorceress; and her pre- 
monitory words all turned out too true to the cruel capi- 
talists, for whose work of enslaving the people Spartacus 
punished them with some of the most disastrous mili- 
tary defeats and humiliating slaughters to be found in the 
annals of war.” 

The Essenes had their prophets, some of whom turned 
off such excellent examples of foretelling that they be- 
came known far and near.” All antiquity was full of 
prophets; and they had the advantage of us modern mor- 
tals, in that they met an openly expressed belief in prog- 
nostication; whereas the people of modern times are on 
the alert for what they incredulously and correctly char- 
acterize as humbugs. When the true social history of the 
past shall have been written, and all its available phases 
presented from a point of view of the anti-slavery or anti- 
competitive movement, we shall come to a common sense 
understanding of this whole mesh, linked together, event 
with event. 

Paganism by its law of entailment upon primogeniture 
logically made every child, except the first-born, or “an- 
ointed,” a menial, a chattel, a slave.” 

Jesus with a majestic swoop, hurled this cruelty from 
his state and turning to all the innocents, with an ineffa- 
ble sweetness, uttered the irresistible command: “ Suffer 
little children to come unto me for of such is the kingdom 
of heaven;” ” nnd though Plato hove the consideration of 
the working class from him with a contempt that denied 
them even citizenship, the eloquence of Jesus rang out: 
“The laborer is worthy of his hire.”” 

Messiahships and prophetic lore, all through the sup- 

89 Consult supra, chapter ix. 

%0Smith’s Cyclopedia of Bibltcal TAterature, Artiole, Hssenes; Bollermann, 
Nachrichten aus dem Alterthum. 

“1 See supra, chapter on Lleusinian Mysteries, touching the cryptia, and 


secret wholesale murder of the laboring element. 
AON, TS Mark, "xi; 14. Matthew, xX. 10; Luke, x, 1%, 


LONDON'S SOCIALISM FROM SAME OLD PLANT 9899 


erstitious ages have been strategical strongholds of econ- 
omic philosophy. They bave entered wit! immaculate 
conceptions, prophetic powers, voodooisms and fetichs. 
They have entered into all the efforts of the poor, strug- 
gling for economic emancipation. But they have acted a 
potent part in building and deeply rooting a philosophy 
whose slow and steady culture is terminating in the rea- 
sonable belief that such monstrous things are worthless 
and that the purified economic philosophy needs no mas- 
ters, leaders or messiahs. 

A thousand years after Lycurgus, Jesus denied that the 
estate of birth and family, as understood by the Pagans, 
was of any account whatever. He laid the axe at the root 
of this most egregious evil; and his doctrines have been 
quietly destroying it ever since. 

From B. C. 55, the date of Julius Caesar’s invasion of 
the British shores, the Roman organizations began. It 
is well known that the Romans mixed freely with the peo- 
pe whom they found living on these islands. Settling in 

ent, Middlesex and other places, they taught the Brit- 
ons as we have elsewhere explained, the mechanic arts. 
They also taught them the principle of combination 
against oppression which existed there in all its rigors. 
They planted the burial societies which to this day have 
never died out; communes, which smothered for thous- 
ands of years, still exist; trade unions, which, though 
often stifled into guilds and perhaps, in appearance, sup- 
pressed, smouldered through long generations until finally 
allowed to resume. Their burial associations were in 
Kent, Middlesex and London, the same as they were at 
Rome—practically more trade union than burial society. 

We behold with astonishment, unable to comprehend 
because ignorant of the powers of transmission through 
habit, the tendency of the working people of London, to 
grasp the social problem. Yet here is the explanation. 
Their omnipresent burial societies are at heart both trade 
unions and socialist communes, just as were those of their 
ancestors. And now London crops out, the very leader 
of the great labor movement of the world. It has been 
soallalong. A glance at the history of the social turmoils 
of Jack Cade, of Wickliff, will show that London and its 
vicinity have ever been as it were, the nucleus of a great 


560 PLANS AND MODILS. 


Anglo-Saxon cult of fraternity borrowed from the Greek 
and Roman Brotherhoods. 

Our inference from evidence given in preceding chap- 
ters, that land was not primevally held as common prop- 
erty will be challenged. The opposite opinion is the pcp- 
ular one. But we have all through, insisted that we .o 
not claim to prove it only in connection with the Indi -- 
European stock, whatever may be hereafter ascertained 
as to others, the historic evidence shows more and more 
conclusively as we investigate, that the original settler was 
the paterfamilias, the low bully who took the land, and 
built about him like a sovereign, using his family as his 
slaves. The Aryan, we insist, was not anomad. Nomads 
were the first runaway sons and daughters who, unable 
to endure the treatment they were subjected to, organ- 
ized, revolted, took to the woods and built up sympathies 
and self-help coalitions which finally developed into the 
numerous social unions we have described, and gave ori- 
gin to the nomadic life of the patriarchal system. In 
other words, the earliest of our forefathers were the mon- 
archical stock, and the democratic stock followed. So we 
find also, true to the principle of development, that the 
older, or monarchical stock is gradually dying out while 
the democratic stock is growing little by little, century 
by century, all over the world alike. The first are the 
aristocracy the latter the working people. 

We have stated before that there exists a similarity 
between Socrates and Jesus. The more this fact is stud- 
ied the more beautiful the paralellisms appear. Both 
were workingmen by birth. Both preached the labor 
question. Both were guided throughout their lives by a 
demon; that is, by some invisible power for good; for 
the Greek demon was God. Both were betrayed by 
their own disciples. Both were orators of the most super- 
nal eloquence, powers of magnetism and genius, the one 
with simile the other, allegory. Neither wrote, but both 
like the true workingman, were indefatigable in deeds 
and left their followers to do their writing. Both were 
prophets and messiahs and both died martyrs to their 
cause. To carry the similitude farther, both were sur- 
rounded to their dying hour, by friends who in after life, 
rose from their masters’ seemingly inspired teachings, to 


ΤΟ ΜΕΝ AND TWENTY-FIVE CENTURIES. ὅθι 


the very pinnacle of fame—a fame which, in both cases, 
based clearly on the economic question, has been greater, 
more lasting and far more glorious than that of any other 
men. 

But Socrates in less than 500 years, could only block 
out, and crudely present what Jesus, in 2,000 years, 
brings to perfection. From the great sayings of the rea- 
soning Socrates arose the axiom of Aristotle, to be up and 
be doing, for nothing would come of itself, and Jesus in 
similar manner taught Paul to prove all things; hold fast 
that which is good —the basis since laid down by Des- 
cartes and Bacon, and spontaneously adopted as the 
ground-principle upon which our mechanico-progressive 
enlightenment thrives. No nation, no people that will 
not accept and pattern from it can proceed. They must 
lancuish like the Mongolian, in conservatism. 

Let us first compare the prayers of these two masters 
with those of others. The prayer of Socrates ran as fol- 
lows : 

“O beloved God of nature, Guardian of many a clime! 
Let me become beautiful within; for whatever I have 
outward, I should be at peace within. Let me be wise 
enough to, consider him rich who hath wisdom. MayI 
be endowed with but enough of riches as no one except 
& prudent man can use and bear without pride.”™ 

There was a dignified and honest humiliation about 
Socrates. He must have been a most heroic character. 
A poor workingman, born to a trade, and never owning 
more than third class house to live in, he was able— 
though he went barefoot through the streets of Athens 
and some say, almost ragged and filthy—to attract and 
captivate, and actually convert into thinkers and philoso- 
phers, some of the wealthiest young aristocrats of that 
high-toned city. He constantly declared that he was 
guided by some unknown spirit. Jesus was also thus 
guided. Socrates was certain of nothing until he had 
reasoned the objection away and always thought that he 
himself knew little or nothing. The same unassuming 
sweetness and self-distrust is what makes the character o! 
Jesus so lovely and captivating that all the ascerbity of 
his critics ποῖα with the progress of their arguments 


“Plato, Phadrws, fin. 


562 PLANS AMD MODELS. 


The last scenes of Socrates as described by Plato in his 
Crito and his Phezedo, are, for their wonderfully affecting 
simplicity, and their astonishing disclosure of the power 
of human resignation and of spirit over the flesh, unpar- 
alelled by anything that exists in story, unless we except 
the story of Jesus, his last supper and exquisite fortitude 
in the hour and agony of death. 

The most celebrated and oft-repeated prayer of Jesus 
is that regarding his mission in favor of the poor—the 
Lord’s prayer—in which, being one of them, he uses the 
second person: “Give us this day our daily bread.”* It 
was a great problem among the poor of his time, how to 
get enough to eat. But for an example of his power to 
subjugate the hateful spirit of intimidation and vengeance, 
of conceit and shallow egoism which debased his age, 
nothing can equal the great prayer as he hung, dying in 
awful agony, upon the cross. This torture had been the 
invention of fiends of the prehistoric ages; by creatures 
who imagined that pain was the crystalized term embody- 
ing both vengeance and threat. They so framed both 
their law and their gibbet, foreknelling to the subjects, by 
cramming the imagination with the horror of pain. Yet 
even in this incomparable agony, with the spirit at the 
verge of departure, and the body writhing in qualms such 
as none can suffer so poignantly as a young man of his 
physical courage and vigor in the sensitive prime of life’s 
hopes and joys, we see this person capable of casting up 
his eyes to heaven and meekly, touchingly, begging the 
Pan of Socrates; the Isis of the therapeut; the Pallas 
Athene of Phidias, the Cybele of the thiasote, the Ceres 
of Eunus, the God of Abraham and universal Father, to 
forgive them—the cruel mob—for they knew not what 
they did.* 

Now let us look at some other celebrated prayers, study 
their exact meaning and ask ourselves how these two un- 
selfish and self-sacrificing prayers of Socrates and of 
Jesus, differed in point of view of the plan of salvation for 
the poor and laboring lowly. 

One of the oldest that we have is that of Alcestis, 
the faithful wife of Admetus, who was about to die that 
her husband might live. She invoked the altar of her 


% Matthew, vi., 11. ON. T., Luke, xxiii, 34. 


SPECIMENS OF SELFISHNESS IN PRAYER. 563 . 


family, the tomb of her fathers, the fire-eternal of her 
hearth : “Ὁ holy divinity, mistress of my gens and pater- 
nity! This isthe last time that I bow myself before thee, 
and address thee my prayers; for I am about to descend 
into the regions of the dead. Watch I pray thee, over 
my children, who are to know no more a mother. Give 
to my son a tender wife, and to my daughter a noble hus- 
band. Permit that they may not die, like myself before 
their time, but let them, in the bosom of happiness and 
riches, find a protracted existence,”” 

All is selfishness. The family, the individual, the ego- 
ist, the concentrated wealth of slave labor, alone to be 
blessed, but not a word for the suffering wor!d outside. 

So again, another ancient aristocrat, approaching the 
tomb of a rich man believed to be happy in the abodes 
below, prays: “O thou who art an aristocrat under the 
sod.”* Another prayer of a selfish son, concerned only in 
the welfare of his family and the wealth he has inherited, 
in the language of Euripides likewise invoking his dead 
father now a god in the beatitude of an underground 
paradise, reads: “O thou, who art a god under the 
ground, preserve me.” εἰ 

But Juvenal, the great satirist, a freedman’s son ana a 
low-born, had the kindness of Socrates. In one of his 
satires Juvenal prays. His prayes is for the poor slave, 
in bondage; and good old Juvenal died in exile, on the 
scorching plains of an African desert. 

Xenophon who wrote the Giconomics, a treatise on the 
habits of life, makes Isomachus say to Socrates: “I open 
the day, each morning, by saying my prayers, like a gen- 
tleman well brought up.”* The philosophers among the 
Greeks always said their prayers, and even at the sympo- 
siums of the thiasotes and other communes, prayers and 
pans were regularly offered." But all the prayers of 
the ancient rich, were for the rich and noble. AXchylus 
makes Orestes pray to the great God of the Greek the- 
ogony of his age, as follows: ‘is Zeus! If thou lettest 
the race of the eagle perish, who shall hereafter bear the 

ε- 


564 hes 


auguries to mortal men?” Nobody but the aristocrat, 
allied by blood to the God himself, could carry the mes- 
sages from the high to the low, of mankind; and by this 
culture the aristocracy was maintained while the outcasts, 
the low-born who labored, were kept down, even by the 
prayers and entreaties of those in power. 

An instance of the kind of prayer that was expected by 
a gathering of ancients before the beginning of our era, 
is told of Ptolemy Philadelphus, at a convention of guests 
called to examine the Septuagint at Alexandria, about 
B. C. 265. An old Pagan priest was called on to offer an 
extemporaneous prayer, and he made it with such show, 
and rhetorical eloquence that it caused a tumultuous out- 
burst of applause.” How different from the command 
we have from the workingman.™ 

Far better than this have the simple aborigines of Amer- 
icadone. The prayer of the Quiché race in their wander- 
ings to find a fixed habitation was: “Hail! O Creator, Ὁ 
Former! thou that art in heaven and on the earth, O 
Heart of Heaven, O Heart of Earth! give us descendants 
and a posterity as long as the light endures. Give us to 
walk always in an open road, in a path without snares; 
to lead happy, quiet, peaceable lives, free of reproach.” ro 
The Aztec prayers preserved from ‘the mouldering anti- 
quities of Mexico, touch the heart as if they might be 
labor supplications; and they make us think of the wan- 
dering family outcasts of the ancient Aryan race.’ 

Socrates and Jesus pray with a similar humiliation, for 
improvement, liberty and modest emancipation from want 
while the others prayed for a continuation of the powers 
and riches already in their possession; and the farther 
we investigate these two characters the finer and more 
beautiful appears the paralelliism between them, while 
their natures diverge more and more widely from the 
ereat class outside the social pale, buffeting, and vaunt- 
ing in the competitive billows of pride and arrogance. 

Not a few men of distinction of our age are awakening 
to a sense of the great modern truth, that it is noble to 


ivi Aschilus, Choephori, 248-249; DeCassagnac AHéstocire des Classes Nobles 
st des Classes Annoblies, p 569 
ὃς Draper, Intellectual Development of Europe, Vol. I1., p. 89. 
3Matthew, vi, 5, 6, 7. 
sGaBaniacott, Native Races, vol. IIl., 49. 
106 Encyclopedia Britannica, vol. χη, p. 220 (Stoddart), 


PROVE HIM OF LABOR, ANDJEWS CAN ACCEPT, 565 


acknowledge. When nations, or families, or individuals 
discover that they have been hugging an error, it is not 
disgraceful, it is noble, even grand, to come boldly out 
and acknowledge it.’” 

We premise this statement as a prologue to what we 
would say of the Jews who still despise, almost ignore the 
modern era. There is a solemn history in their case that 
ought to furnish a full excuse for this. But viewed from 
our standpoint of true sociology which treats man in his 
normal relation to the economic means of existence, there 
is no longer an excuse for schism, dissention and misun- 
derstanding as to the acceptance by Jew or Gentile, of 
the present civilization, so far as it has been able to jostle 
into the plans of salvation laid down by Moses, Socrates, 
Aristotle and Jesus. When correctly understood by the 
Hebrew working man, he himself will acknowledge that 
no grounds for quarrel exists with these legislators—not 
even with the plan of Jesus. That he lived, is true beyond 
cavil ;*" and the Jew does not deny it; he only denies 
that he was the great aristocrat whom his own proud race 
expected. Here lies the trouble. Letit be remembered 
that those ancient Jews of whom we read, were at this 
time very proud people and that they had no sympathy 
whatever with persons who would stoop to an agitation 
in the cause of the slaves, or the working classes. This 
phase of the life and labors of Jesus, they were themselves 
the very first to condemn and reject. It was they who 
were maddened at his work, and they who betrayed and 
killed him. Had he come as a great prince, robed in 

106 Hewitt, Speech in the House of Representatives, on the Emancipation 
of Labor : ‘have no apologies to make for having progressed out οἵ the night of 

arkness into the open sunshine of truth. ButI should have apologies to make 
if, having reached conclusions which contradict those that I held years ago, I 
should fail in this House and everywhere to announce them with that frankness 
which bel ongs to an honest man anda faithful representative.” As the new era 
advances, we see more and more frequent exhibits of lofty acknowledgment like 
the specimen here quoted. 

107 The profane evidences that such a person actually lived are many and mul- 
tiform; Consult Josephus, Antiquities, cap. xvili. As regards the authenticity 
of Josephus, we refer the reader to Tacitus, Annales, XV., 44; Origen, Com- 
mentatioin Matth.; Eusebius, Evangeliorum Demonstratio, 111.: Ider, Lecles- 
tasticus, I., cap. xi.; Hieronymus, Ve Viris Illustribus, In Josepho; Sozomen, 
Historia Ecclesvastica, I., 1; Justin Martyr, Dial. cum Tryplhone; Georgius Syn- 
cellus, Chronica; Scaliger, Prolegomena, De Emendatione Temporum and many 
others. A curious book, purporting to be a copy of an ancient A/S, of the Secret 
Order of Essenes, now in the possession of Mr. G. L. Wild, the piano merchant 
of Washington, D. C., and which we have carefully perused, bears the follow- 


ing suggestive title: ‘Wie ist Jesus wirklich gestorben?—Beantwortet.’ Ἰθα τὶ- 
more, 1850, 


000 PLANS AND MODELS 


gorgeous and shining attire, with lofty tread and lordly 
mein, and had he preached the philosophy of property, 
the sanctity of priesthood and the vengeance of Jehovah, 
things to-day would have been different. The Jews would 
have acknowledged him. 

But his work launched incomparably above that level, 
in that, while it in no sense, attacked the Pagan science 
or any of its powerful steps in development, it resulted 
completely in breaking up the hideous system of slavery. 
It built up what had ever before been a stranger even 
among the Jews, the free family; legalizing that institution 
ΤΠ ona completely democratic basis, such as makes every one, 
no matter how poor, a noble. In this it has excelled every- 
thing hitherto known among either Pagans or Hebrews; 
for Moses provided the ghastly institution of slavery. 

This aged stamp of slavery removed, nothing remains 
to hinder Hebrew working people from rising in science 
and the scientific adjustment or application of the inven- 
tions, manufactures and all other products of their hands 
and working harmoniously with all others of the indus- 
trial class. 

The Jews are easily convinced of any truth when it is 
reasonably explained; for they are logically and scienti- 
fically disposed. It is well known that while they were 
living peacefully in Spain, during the Middle ages. under 
the then excellent Mohammedan rule which cultivated the 
sciences and arts, great numbers of Jews embraced the 
Mohammedan faith. Among others was the great Mai- 
monides.'* 

But Jerusalem at that time being a grand, beautiful 
and proud eity, ruled over by an aristocratic stock who 
numbered many priests among them, the Hebrews natu- 
rally wanted and expected a man of noble extraction, as 
ti:c:r Messiah. 

Another point must here connectedly be borne in mind— 
ize destruction of Jerusalem. Early christians are known 
Lu dave looked unconcerned upon this awful scene under 
Witas, A.D. 70. This again maddened the Hebrews; for 
they fuaud theaiseives if possible, worse persecuted than 
tie Lew vrotherhouG 

Juscpius “ives the uamber vi Jews, Men, women and 


10 Seo reper, intelectual Ucveupmen? uf Muroye, .1., pp. 122-12 . 


GOOD CAUSE KOR THE HEBREW DISBELIEF. 567 


children destroyed, at 1,100,000, and Tacitus gives it at 
600, 000. Considering the almost unparalelled massacres 
to which they were subjected, after the new brotherhood 
began to take root, and that they naturally thought these 
brotherhoods were the real cause of it, we cannot wonder 
that they consider them and their organizer and cham- 
pion as at the bottom of many of their disasters. 

It is only when they begin to look upon this Jesus from 
the point of view of social science, that the brilliant He- 
brew race can ever see and persuade themselves to admit 
that there was no imposture; for the labor movement is 
at this moment without a tincture of class hatred or of na- 
tional prejudice. It is slowly working for the improve- 
ment of all mankind; and any one plan that succeeds must 
logically be the one accepted by both Jew and Gentile. 

The knowledge of these facts leads to the review of an- 
cient plans, in a light that contrasts them with the mod- 
ern. In extreme brevity it is as follows: 

The plan of Lycurgus was this of our modern socialists 
who desire that society or government possess, operate, 
distribute with mathematical accuracy, the product of 
labor. The state of Lycurgus did as much for a period 
of 500 years. 

The plan of the moderns is, that the state shall own all 
land and allimplements of labor. But the Spartans did 
exactly this, under a test of 1,500 generations. What, 
then, is this political economy that has not been tried ? 

The answer to this givesa mirror in which is reflected 
the vast progress under the new era. Itis simply that the 
tools of labor were originally the slaves; the human, animate, 
quickened things, that thought, resented, rebelled, fought 
organized, wrote their record upon the slabs and finally 
brought out their great culture and master; these were the 
tools of the ancient Pagan state! And in Sparta, in Crete 

and in Plato’s Republic, they had them in common. 

The laborer then, as the subjugated tool of the ancients 
did right, we claim, no matter how destructive his methods 
or how disastrous for the moment, their outcome; he 
did right under the circumstances, terrible and irrepressi- 
ble in his slavery-cursed ages; he did right to rebel and 
teach those cruel optimates who owned and whipped and 
strangled him, the first stern lessons in democracy. 


568 PLANS AND MODELS. 


Men and women then, were the tools, the implements 
of labor owned in common by the state; and they were 
worked and whipped for the “blessed” of “God’s chosen 
people.” The change from the human tools to the labor- 
saving tools; from the servile state to the democratic; 
from the groans of ignorance to the joys of equality in en- 
lightenment, is the revolution in which the advocates of 
modern labor reform desire to have “all things common,” 
as Jesus arranged through his followers. It was the eco- 
nomic part to be accomplished, which he presaged and 
ordered for adoption on the vast scale, at his “second 
coming”—the Labor Movement of to-day. 

We have now arrived at our closing remarks on these 
implements of labor. We have already shown that the 
economic problem of the ancients was never Pagan. It 
was then, just what it is now—Christian, or that which 
afterwards became Christian. Paganism never could 
endure any mechanical progress. It was conservative. 
When mechanical genius of the industrial earth-borns 
wrought at Athens, and in Asia Minor and the islands of 
the Archipelago, wonderful works, they were aggressive 
against paganism and its sullen culture. 

What was the mechanical progress of the ancient low- 
borns, then, despite the contempt of a system based on 
slavery that has always, even to this day, made them as 
slaves and poor wage-earners, the tools of an aristocracy? 

We reply, basing each word carefully upon history, that 
it was labor—labor degraded, but labor. Nothing else. 
No nation ever made an iota of progress without it. The 
bully in a spirit of brigandage could seize the product of 
labor and use it; but not without first forcing a laborer 
to perform the task. 

But a curious fact is here opened to view. Not only is 
labor the origin of all things among mankind which make 
life and enlightenment, but it is the poor little infinitesi- 
mal creature, the laborer, that makes language. No power 
can withstand or overcome that of the proletarian inroads, 
A desperate effort was once made in England to intro- 
duce and perpetuate the Latin tongue. High-priests and 
prelates, university doctors, kings robed in majesty, and 
governmental powers, were almost unanimous in the up- 
per atmosphere of rule, in pressing the subjection of the 


ANCIENT INVENTIONS. 569 


tongue of the proletarian million. For centuries their powes 
imperfectly succeeded. Buta Chaucer, and a Shakespeare 
rose from the ranks to the rescue and backed by the rough 
and heedless populace, teeming in the by-ways already the 
proud old classic is dead. It is this little, insignificant mite, 
so long in the swaddlings and sackcloth of contempt, who 
adds almost every new word, as he adds every new thing, 
by the unrecognized toil of his invention, contrivance, dis- 
covery, in industry; and the multitude of mechanical as 
wellas literary plagiarisms, ancient and inodern, practiced at 
his expense to aggrandize others, will be the subject of some 
future treasure-hunter, for an invaluable book. 

The ancient world before the Roman conquests, was not 
only ful! of inhabitants, but full of inventions. They had 
a reaper among the Gauls, the operations of which are trace- 
able for hundreds of years. It was a real reaping machine 
or harvester. Pliny tells us that it was pushed by an ox 
harnessed in thills behind it and that it had some sort of 
reel which threw the heads of the grain over so that some- 
how they were severed—or as he erroneously states, torn, 
—from the stalks. The reaper mentioned by Pliny is 
again found much more perfectly described by Palladius, 
400 years afterwards. It is perfectly obvious to any me- 
chanic or farmer who has tried a reaping machine that no 
grain, however ripe or brittle, will admit for a moment, of 
having its ears “torn off” and dropped into a trough. On 
the contrary, the yreatest precaution in the construction of 
cutters that sever the heads from the stalks must be ob- 
served. Here was the secret of the recent inventions. 

109 Pliny, Nat. Hist.. 18, 30, describing the messor, or harvester, speaks as fol- 
lows: ‘‘Messisipsius ratio varia. Galliarum latifundiis valli pregrandes den- 
tibus in margine infestis, duabus rotis persegetem impelluntur, jumento in con- 
trarinm juncto; ita direptz in vallnm cadunt spice. Stipule alibi media falce 
precidunt, atque inter duas mergites spica distringitur.” This same machine is 
more fully described by Palladius, in his De Re Rustica, for June, lib. VII., cap. 
ii., 88 follows: ‘Pars Galliarum planior hoc compendio utitur ad metendum, 
et preter hominum labores, unius bovis opera spatium totius messis absumit, 
Fir itaqne vehiculum. quod duabus rotis brevibusfertur. Hujus quadrata super- 
ficies tabulis munitur, que forinsecus reclines in summo reddant spatio largi- 
ora. Ab ejus fronte carpenti brevior est altitudo tabularum. Ibi denticuli plu- 
rimi ac rari ad spicarum mensuram constituuntur in ordinem, ad superiorem pars 
tem recurvi. A tergo vero ejusdem vehiculi duo brevissimi temones figurantur, 
velut amites basternarum. [bi boscapite in vehiculum verso jugo aptatur et vin- 
culig mansuetus sane. qui non modum compulsoris excedat. Hic ubi vehicu- 
lum per messes capit impellere. omnis spica in carpentem denticulis compre- 
hensacumulatnur, ibruptis acrelictis paleis: altitudinem vel humilitatem plerums 
απὸ bubucnlo moderante, qui sejuitur. Etita per paucos itus ac reditus brevi 


horarum spatio tota invssis tupletur. Hoc campestribus locis vel #qualibue 
utile eat, et iis, quibus necessar:a puice on habetar.” 


570 PLANS AND MODELS. 


Pliny was a superficial observer and knew little about me- 
chanical niceties. But he could correctly inform us that 
this labor-saving machine worked so well that it was wii- 
versally employed by the farmers of the great valleys of 
what is now France; and the fact that it worked, shows 
that the ancients used the reciprocating shears. No doubt 
this machine had been in use hundreds of years before Pliny 
saw it. Palladius tells us that it economized labor so greatly 
that one man with a strong, gentle ox could reap an entire 
canton in a day. 

Thus, while Caesar, a military noble of aristocratic stock 
was attacking the defenseless people of Gaul, and killing 
his million”°—the harvest of his brutal invasious—the work - 
ing people were quietly inventing the invaluable implements 
of labor, which afterwards were to be exchanged for the 
animate tools of labor in form of slaves and wage-bondmen 
of the ancient oligarchy. 

So long as the enslavement of man remained at so low a 
level that man himself was the tool or implement of labor, 
there appears to be no fierce exhibits of the competitive sys- 
tem, such as prevails to-day. When slaves, as tools of labor, 
were emancipated, the true competitive business era ap- 
peared, and nourished by its corollary, the wage-slave sys- 
tem, will continue, until the inanimate tools or implements 
of labor—the inventions or labor-saving machines, have be- 
come nationalized just as the animate tools, the human ma- 
chines were nationalized, in the plans of Lycurgus and 
Plato. This difference between the kind of tools to be na- 
tionalized, from those of Lycurgus to those which make our 
wonderful civilization, is in reality, exactly what working- 
men of to-day are organizing and struggling to create. 
Labor wants Lycurgus’ rationalization of the implements 
of production and distribution on a basis in which all may 
enjoy their product equally. 

But reasoning from the point of view of social science, it 
is worth while to recur to the actual mechanical advance- 
ment attained to, in spite of the hatred borne by the ancient 
cult, for any kind of laboring machines except the slave. 


110Something on the destruction of the Gauls may be found in Casar, De 
Bello Gallico, V1., cap. 24. Wallace, Numbers of Mankind, p. 70-75, shows that 
thore were 39,000,000 people in Gaul. Czsar killed 1,000,000, and took as many 
niore prisoners, many of whom were cousigned to slavery, See Plutarch, Pom- 
pey, showing that he siezed a thousand cities; Id., Cesar, 


BRITONS BORROW THE ROMAN CULT. 571 


Long before Christ the Alatri had used the inverted siphon™ 
and Pliny informs us of enormous hydraulic mining plants. ' 
Wallace has collected a great number of references to au- 
thors showing the height of perfection to which art had ar- 
rived before the opening of the present era."* Fine porce- 
lain was manufactured in high antiquity."* The building 
art outstripped all others, even those of destruction in the 
military line. The cause of this, is that more solemnity and 
reverence existed amone the Pagan temples than in any other 
realm, and consequently more time, energy, genius and money 
were expended in this sphere, than elsewhere; consequently 
the building trade and the manufacture of images excelled 
all other industries for exquisite workmanship.” 

Long before the Roman invasion of Britain. there existed 
considerable art among the mechanics; but it is well estab- 
lished that the friendly Roman Brotherhoods brought and 
taught the art of lathe-work in pottery into a town which 
his since become the great London.” 

The whole subject sums up in the grave conclusion that 
the plants and the plans of the ancient brotherhoods how- 
evcr ancient—even thousands of years before the coming of 
the last Messiah—were really the plant and plan which, un- 
der the Christian civilization, the modern world is following. 

Pure paganism was that of the idea of an aristocratic re- 
ligion whose priesthood wasa part of the state government. 
It denied the equality of men. It strenuously upheld and 
stubbornly contended for the divinity of rights—a divinity 
that was based upon the august pewer of the paternal des- 
pot, and still adheres in form of the aged law of inheritance 
and the rule of entailments upon primogeniture, or a species 
of godhead for the first-born son, and in the inheritance of 
living monarchs. Pure paganism exalted this first-born, 
who was believed to have relationship by blood and family, 
with the immortals. It was a despotism of masters over 
slaves, which despised the laborers, originally its own chil- 
dren, while it feasted upon their works. 

na Bing” Aide eclra ας, αν tp, 

118 Wallace, Numbers of Mankind, p. 141; Guhl and Koner, Life of the Greeks 
and Romans, Ὁ. 490, sqq. 

4 Pliny, Natural History, XXXVI., cap. 26. 

6A fine specimen of building art was the temple of Jerusalem; Cam 
Political Survey, 1., p. 23, note; Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, De 


Dionysius, Periegesis, v, 109; Pliny, Natural History, ὙΠ... 56. 
6 Hughes, Hore Britannice. 


572 PLANS AND MODELS. 


The laborers and the products of labor were therefore necer 
Pagan. The beautiful chiselings of Phidias belonged, not 
to the ancient, but to the modern civilization; for pure pa- 
ganism despised these makers. They were before their age. 

All the great industrial triumphs therefore, were, by an- 
ticipation, though unrealized, germane to the modern era. As 
they were a source of contention, and were innovations 
against paganism in ancient days, 80 they are crystals of the 
pure, in philosophy and political economy of modern days ; 
since by the dissolution of the old order of things the eco- 
nomic problem slowly triumphs over the old warring cult of 
the competitive system, and is already showing signs of a tend- 
ency to reconsider, and upon a vast scale, re-adopt the ancient 
germ—long suppressed—of having “all things in common.” 

Judging from the evidence, we could almost infer that the 
modern labor movement is not only agenuine revival of the 
ancient one, but the surprising appearance presents itself 
that with all its vastly greater advantages, on account of 
mechanical developments and the filling of the world with 
inventions and implements of progress which the ancients 
lacked, yet it has not become much purer in the true method 
of realizing needful equality than the Italian trade unions had 
grown to, before the Christian era; for we find their organ- 
izations in the use of the ballot shown on the inscriptions at 
Po mpeii,"" and many other such evidences, that they actu- 
ally used their ballot; whereas modern trade unions still 
refuse this mighty instrument of power. The remarkabie 
fact is seen uppermost, that the ancients have discussed 
every sort of socialism now being forced to the front by the 
returning labor associations, such as lay at the bottom, in- 
spiring these world-renowned plans. Every one of the great 
schemes, from that of the Cretans, borrowed by Lycurgus, 
to those of Numa, Solon, then Socrates—spoiled by aristo- 
cratic Plato—then Aristotle and the others, down to, and 
including Jesus, was a plant of socialism. Every one that 
treated or even tried to treat working people as equal with 
ihe rest of mankind, like the plans of Numa, Solon, after- 
wards of Jesus, proved successful; and we challenge the 
critical world to prove it otherwise. But every one, like 
those of Crete, borrowed by Lycurgus, and those of Plato, 
Aristotle, Agis, the Roman gens and all succeeding ones 


17 See supra, p, 390-391, quoting the Pompetan Inscription. 


CONCLUSION, 673 


that have been based upon the competitive, or slave, and 
wage-slave systems, failed. 


MORAL. 


Let all men take warning from the past, that the plans of 
those great aristocrats based on the social idea, failed because 
they left the laborer out; denied him liberty, soul and an enu- 
meration in the census, asa man. He rebelled; and in his 
crude numeric might, broke them up and killed them. He 
destroyed their governments at last, and is building a new era 
upon their ruins. Let then, the world accept this new era, 
expunge every lingering heathenism, recognize and acknowl- 
edge that equality means justice meted out to all—not a “di- 
vine” few who use the outcast asa mere implement of labor; 
himself, bis toils, his products nationalized, only for their mi- 
nority. Let now, this rallying hero’s inventions be national- 
ized instead; his products nationalized; his body freed. Then 
all—-not a presumptuous few—become divine, and all enjoy 
the plentitude which the ancient plan of nationalization is well 
known to have brought forth, 

_ What shall the gilded pulpit say when arraigned for derelic- 
tion, in Pagan-like, forgetting the millions whose toil still sup- 
plies its luxuries? 

Many years since, the earliest step of the writer of these 
pages—on determining to devote his life to the advocacy of 
Jabor’s rights—was to visit the monarchs of the pulpit, in his 
simple, mistaken supposition that the Church was Christian; 
with ready welcome, ready-made halls; with ready-made ora- 
tors, precepts, directions and a ready-made system of practica! 
benevolence—in fine, the natural place to appeal fora solution 
of the problem. 

Like one in mentis gratissimo errore, he eagerly presented 
himself before the learned doctors, pleading that theirs was the 
task to study such turmoils and uneasiness as exhibit themsclyes 
awry. Tohis surprise his cause was spurned. He was driven 
from the temples to lower zones; to truer Christianity; places of 
human sympathy; into dingy beer halls—and it was here, not in 
the churches, that open hearts, and hands of welcome gave re- 
ception and incipiency to a great movement. The “low” beer 
hall still proves a welcome, mellow garden for the first sow- 
ings; and if the fruits of the harvests be crude and bitter, let 
the Pagan temple that spurns its mission, accuse itself. 


ΡΒ 


τ ἐν ΝΘ Ae Walt Ou 


OF THE 
V5 ER ‘= 
CHAPTER I. 
Page 38, Note 1: ‘‘So long as there exists among the rich 


and the poor an intermediate class of considerable propor- 
tions, the moral influence which that class exercises will be 
sufficient to prevent any collision.” 


CHAPTER II. 


Page 49, Note 4: ‘It is thus we may now announce that 
we have discovered the first slaves that existed—they were 
the children.” The Iliad says: ‘‘I had fifty sons born to 
me of the Achzeans—nineteen through wedlock, and the 
rest were brought into the world for me by the women of 
Megara. ”’ 

Page 49, Note 5: ‘‘The best (ancient) state excluded work- 
ing people from the right οἱ vitizenship; and whenever they 
succeeded in obtaining it, t2ey still remained a class, under 
contempt and devoid of influence.” 

Page 53, Note 16: ‘‘He lives on pods and second-rate bread.’ 

Page 53, Note 20: ‘‘They used to believe that the remains 
of the dead were still alive ond doing active duty.” 


CHAPTER III. 


Page 70, Note 12: ‘‘The original belief among the genera- 
tions of antiquity was, that human beings still lived in the 
tomb; that the soul did not separate from the body, and that 
it remained fixed to that part of the ground in which the re- 
mains were buried.” 


576 APPENDIX. 


Rage 75, Note 19: “‘The dead person,’ says the law of 
the Twelve Tables, ‘shall be neither buried nor burned 
within the city of Rome.’ How could that be? The fact is, 
all who now are buried within the city are of noble stock. ”’ 

Page 75, Note23, Dr. Fustel says: ‘‘ These beliefs are cer- 
tainly not borrowed either by the Greeks from the Hindoos 
nor by the Hindoos from the Greeks; but they belong to 
both races, far apart and are derived from Central Asia.” 

Page 76, Note 25: ‘‘The lawgiver of the Romans” (mean- 
ing Romulus) ‘‘is reputed to have given great power to the 
father to exercise over his son; and for all causes whatsoever 
he could kill him. He even possessed the choice of murder- 
ing him himself.” The Code of Justinian has it, that ‘‘ the 
right of life and death was once permitted to fathers over 
their children. ” 

Page 79, Note 32: “1 declare myself much better than the 
earth-born multitude—mere porridge-eating mortals. ” 


Page 79, Note 33: ‘‘ This distemper did not trouble the well- 
to-do among our forefathers. ” 


CHAPTER IV. 


Page 92, Note 18: ‘They played the rape of Proserpine in 
a sort of hieratic or religious drama. They went through the 
veritable rencounter of the nuptials. ” 

Page 98, Note 27, Liders says: ‘‘One thing indicating the 
character of the unions, especially of later date is, that slaves 
too, could not only take part in an eranos but were even per- 
mitted to share in a religious mutual aid fund. As proof of 
the fact that the eranos was thus used there have been found 
in the vicinity of Delphos, very many specimens. There 
was a union of slaves at Rhodes who worshiped under the 
protection of Jupiter Atabyrius.” Again Liders says: 
‘* Naturally enough, there were societies that had slaves ir 
their service. Kraton, who organized an eranos and was its 
priest, under the arraagement made by the will of Attila had 
among other things belonging to the temple and parsonage, 
also some slaves’ And farther on: ‘‘ Kraton, who was in 
the favor of Attila, and who was a member and a priest in 
high standing, of the great synod of the Dionysian mechan- 
ics of T'aos, had organized an association of thiasotes, com- 
posed of mechanics, and had consecrated it to the honor of 
the Pergamenian king, Attila, as he possessed some brilliancy 
at the court. The members were called ‘ Attalists.’”’ Still 
farther on: ‘‘In his will at last, according to evidence that 
is preserved for us in a fragment, he gives to the union a re- 
spectable sum of money that they may be able to indulge in 
proper festivities out of its interest, according to a clause in 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES, 577 


their rules and by-laws. He left them, among other things 
necessary to this purpose—such as furniture of the meet- 
inghouse, tools used in the lamb-sacrifice and pomp of their 
festivities—also a number of slaves.” 

Page 99, Note 29: “In Epidamnus there were no mechanics 
other than the public slaves. The mechanic arts were for 
this reason, forbidden and despised.” 

Page :07, Note 46: “Among the Helots who had a claim 
and desire to be sent home, there appeared at the town of 
Pylos a multitude who had served the Lacedzemonians as 
faithful soldiers and guards. On an investigation a large 
number of these men had been adjudged worthy, by their 
conduct, of being set free. A process of honorable dis- 
charge in which they were to be crowned with wreaths, was 
to be gone through with as soon as the number deemed 
worthy were chosen. Some two thousand of them were ac- 
cordingly selected from the multitude to be adorned with 
wreaths of honor and led to the altar for sacred consecra- 
tion. Not long afterwards they mysteriously disappeared, 
every one of them, from the place; and nobody ever could 
conjecture whither they had vanished.” 


Page 110, Note 50: “There came to my father’s mansion a 
very wise man having a golden chain, or collar studded 
with amber beads. In the hall the female servant and my 
noble mother were toying with, and admiring it while in 
the act of bartering for its possession. Secretly he nodded 
to the woman and disappeared to his ship.” 

Page 112, Note 58: “Communes of Roman mimic actors are 
referred to, both by name and institution, as the Greek 
communists (mutual aid associations) of the Dionysian 
mechanics that were very numerous among the Greeks.” 


Page 113, Note 62: “Ti. Claudius, consul, and Severus his 
lictor in the divisions,....presents are distributed among 
the members, man by man; especially where the manning 
of the boats shows by his actual work that he has been 
diligent. Done by degree of the order of fishermen and 
divers of the whole valley of the Tiber, who are granted 
permission to keep an organization by a law of the Roman 
senate.” 


Page 113, Note 63: “It is here worthy of observation that 
the law of Solon so constitutes that the sacred and civil 
communes possessed no other legal right than as associa- 
tions organized ior purposes of business or plunder.” 


Page 118, Note 72: “And Plato, when a babe sleeping in 
his cradle, the honey-bees used to come and alight upon 
his lips. The interpretation of this was, that it foretold 
the remarkable sweetness of the future eloquence with 
which nature had gifted the infant.” 


578 APPENDIX. 


Page 119, Note 74: “Seeing that certain landed estates un- 
der mortgage, being provinces of the Roman people, are, 
so to speak, our revenues (vectigalia).” 

Page 121, Note 75: “It being not in the province of man to 
curtail the unlimited power which it is necessary that mas- 
ters should have over their slaves.” 

Page 123, Note 76: “Cesar broke up all the unions except 
those which were very ancient.” 

Page 127, Note 87: “The sodales are those who are of the 
same union as that which the Greek call hetaire.” Again: 
““The Law of the Twelve Tables,’ says Gaius, ‘gives to the 
sodales unlimited right to combine for any business they 
require for themselves, so long as they do not rupture the 
law of the land. But this law appears to be a translation of 
the law of Solon; which is as follows (speaking of societies 
understood): ‘whether they be the people, or brotherhoods, 
or priests and priestesses, or boatmen, or communists who 
eat at the common table, or burial societies (including those 
who prepare the feasts and holiday festivities of the mem- 
bers), or those occupying houses in common, or engaged in 
traffic at sea; in fine all those living for one another, here- 
by are publicly proclaimed in writing, free to unite them- 
selves.’ ” 


Page 127, Note 88: “The words of Gaius it is clear, do not 
admit of being construed as those of the Twelve Tables, so 
as exactly to make them include all of the unions; nor does 
there appear any reason why the unions of handicraftsmen 
should be deprived of the right of making rules, which was 
granted to those organized for religion’s sake.” 


Page 130, Note 95: “Out of a kind of hard marble found in 
the vicinity of Eleusis.” 


Page 130, Note 96: “Near an olive tree was a well—the 
Erecthian spring—which, when the south wind blew, gave 
an indistinct murmur like the terrible roar of waves—so the 
Athenians used to relate. This was believed to be Neptune 
when he opened the abysses with his trident; and his track 
is impressed in the living rock even to this ‘day. No man 
desires to question the story of this briny fountain; for in 
the citadel there was another whose waters were bitter 
when the dog-day winds were blowing, at the time that 
Sirius rose; and its floods would rise and afterwards fall, 
giving to the well the name of Clepsydra.” 


CHAPTER V. 


Page 134, Note 1: “From Thrace there arrived, during the 
same summer, one thousand three hundred light- armed sol- 
diers with shields, being related to Jupiter, who came to Ath- 
ens, and who had been with Demosthenes, the Athenian 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 579 


general, in his naval expedition against Sicily. The Athen- 
ians, as it afterwards became known (after the disaster of 
Demosthenes), had been sent to Thrace from Syracuse. The 
war at Decelea had become expensive, as each one received 
a full drachm or seventeen and a half cents a day for his 
services. Decelea, during this summer, was the first place 
fortified by the forces of the Lacedemonians. Afterwards 
guards were placed about the towns with relays, as relief 
guards; so that a man occupied a station as watcher, con- 
stantly and without intermission and thus the Athenians 
suffered severe losses by seizures of many things, and also 
by the ruin of their means of producing money, thus spoil- 
ing their sinews of war. At first these tactics were mild, 
but grew with time, and the Lacedemonians were unhinder- 
ed from enjoying their position on the land. Following the 
example of their king Agis they placed guards everywhere 
to further the advantages of war, thus badly perplexing and 
entangling the Athenians. Every place was lost. Even the 
force of hands in the silver mines, consisting of more than 
half of the laborers and skilled mechanics, amounting to 
upwards of twenty thousand men, together with the flocks 
and the draft oxen and horses, ran away and escaped over 
to Decelea by aid of the guards, doing much damage day 
by day to the Athenians by this conduct, but freeing them- 
selves from many of their hardships.” 

Page 137, Note 16: “Cimon was not so generous as rich; 
for he had amassed a large fortune in the mines.” 


Page 139, Note 28, Drymann says: “Also in the workshops 
called ergasteria, slaves only were to be seen.” 

Page 140, Note 32, Bitcher remarks that: “In the year B.C. 
413, some twenty thousand Athenian mechanics. struck 
work and went over to the Lacedemonians—a severe blow 
to the silver mining business at Laurium.” 

Page 141, Note 34, Drumann says: “The greatest part of 
the twenty thousand who, during the Peloponnesean war 
ran away and went over to the Spartan garrison in the town 
of Decelea in Attica, were from the workshops. Among 
other things it was stipulated that each would have the ad- 
vantage of working for himself, giving a certain part to the 
master. By this arrangement industrious and frugal work- 
men could lay up something over and above expenses and 
thus buy themselves free. Many lived more sumptuously | 
than those who were free.” Same note, quoting Biicher: 
“Where many slaves of the same nationality lived together 
in the same city’ (so says Plato, Laws, vi., 777), ‘great mis- 
fortunes will occur; and this is something to be attributed 
as the true cause of insurrections with all their cruelties.’ ἢ 

Again; same note, quoting Macrobius: “I have heard of 
the great indignation of heaven caused by the punishment 


580 APPENDIX. 


of slaves. Once, in the 474th year from the foundation of 
Rome one Autranius Maximus fastened his slave to a forked 
gibbet and in this condition whipped him around the ring in 
the circus before the spectators. On account of this cruelty 
Jupiter was so incensed that he ordered a certain Annius to 
inform the senate that he should withdraw his heavenly 
protection if such cruelties were not put an end to.” 


Page 142, Note 38: “Tens of thousands of the slaves of 
Attica worked in the mines. Poseidon the philosopher de- 
clares that they rebelled, formed themselves into a com- 
pact body with a guard and marched to the acropolis of 
Sunion where for a long time they held themselves, sending 
out forces to ransack the country. This was at the very 
point when the second slave insurrection began in Sicily.” 


Page 143, Note 39: “I, Xanthos, the Lycian slave belong- 
ing to Gaius Orbius, working to the glory of the God who, 
as tutelary protector of men and women, is our star of for- 
tune, have consecrated this temple of Men Tyrannus, as God 
desired.” In same note Foucart proceeds: “The person 
who, towards the second century of our era introduced the 
cult of Men, was a slave from Lycia and was employed by a 
Roman property owner inthe mines. The god himself, either 
in a day-dream or by apparition had signaled to him to con- 
struct the temple. Thus the founder took care to repeat in 
two inscriptions that he had executed the behest of Men.” 

Page 143, Note 40: “In the six hundred and twentieth year 
of Rome, or before Christ 134, the slaves working in the 
silver mines of Laurium arose, killed their guards, took the 
citadel of Sunion and laid Attica waste for a long time.” 

Page 144, Note 41: “In the mines of the Athenians, also, 
there occurred a tumult of slaves which was subdued by 
Heraclitus the pretor.” 

Page 144, Note 42: “In a similar manner the Greek world 
was subjected to a visitation, although of less proportions. 
According to Augustin (De Civ., III, 26), insurgent slave 
bands just prior to the first Sicilian insurrection, laid waste 
Macedonia and the neighboring districts.” 


CHAPTER. VI. 


Page 147, Note 8: “Romulus gave to married men the right 
to take the life of, and the right of intimate indulgence 
with, their female slaves.” 

Page 149, Note 12: “The award given out of the public treas- 
ury to the informants who were slaves, was a wealth of ten 
thousand standard coins each, besides their liberty.” 

Page 151, Note 18: “At this time, when Gaul was quiet ex- 
cepting in her hopes, there arose an insurrection of the 
slaves near the city of Rome. There were some Carthagen- 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 581 


ian hostages held in custody at Setia. In addition to these 
who were free men, there was also a great host of slaves. 
The number of these was increased from different nation- 
alities by the recent African war in which they had been 
taken prisoners and sold to masters in and about the city of 
Setia, as captive bondsmen. Forming a conspiracy, they sent 
men of their number, first into the farm country of Setia it- 
self, and afterwards to Norba and Circijus to stir up auxil- 
iaries. It happened that there was soon to take place a pas- 
time (the games); and they arranged to have all prepara- 
tions ready on the event of those games; so that at an 
auspicious moment when the people were engrossed in the 
enjoyment and excitement, they should rise in sudden insur- 
rection, seize the cities of Setia, afterwards Norba and then 
Circeji, and take possession. Intelligence of this terrible 
thing was transmitted to M. Cornelius Merula at Rome. 
Two slaves, before daybreak approached Merula and ex- 
posed all the plans and intentions of the insurgents. When 
the pretor had ordered these slaves to stay and guard his 
house he called the senate together and told them what the 
informants had said and how they had come to ask that he 
should hasten to suppress the conspiracy. The result was 
that he was set on the march with but five lieutenants (and 
their divisions), giving orders along the road for reinforce- 
ments to follow. With these troops, hurriedly collected as 
they marched, amounting in all to about 2,000 armed men, 
he fell upon the unsuspecting mutineers. The ringleaders 
of the conspiracy being seized, the slaves took to flight 
from the town, the soldiers following on their track........ 
The two informers were rewarded on an enormous scale and 
their freedom given them. The fathers ordered that each 
should receive 25,000 standard coins and his liberty; while 
one—Merula perhaps—received 100,000 coins. The masters 
received also the price of their slaves lost in the affray.” 


“Not long after the quelling of this insurrection it was an- 
nounced that the remainder of the conspirators were stir- 
ring up the same tumults afresh and were preparing to take 
the town of Przeneste in the same manner. Thither Corne- 
lius (Merula) marched with a force of about 500 men; and 
as a result, those who were engaged in the trouble were 
punished. The country being plunged into fears, it was nec- 
essary to remove the Carthagenian hostages and prisoners. 
At Rome and among the towns and villages, guards were 
ordered to be stationed and a more vigilant watch was 
established over the great prison and the prison quarries, 
which work was consummated by the triumvirs. The pretor 
caused a written circular to be published throughout Lati- 
um saying that henceforth the prisoners were to labor in 
solitude and that they should be deprived of the privilege 


582 APPENDIX. 


of appearing in public and those not Carthagenian hos- 
tages should wear shackles of no less than ten pounds 
weight, and be confined in any, except the public prison.” 


Page 152, Note 20, From Livy’s Epitome: “A conspiracy 
of slaves attempted for liberating the Carthagenian hos- 
tages is suppressed.” 


Page 153, Note 22: “On the whole, it. was conjectured that 
the blame rested with some secret doings of the Punic hos- 
tages and prisoners.” 


Page 154, Note 27, Pliny says: “L. Piso is the author who 
first gave an account of it and says that Tullus Hostilius 
the king who succeeded Numa, constructed at the same 
place many and great changes in the city. While excavating 
the earth under the Tarpeian rock the workmen unearthed 
a human head. Tullus sent ambassadors to Olenus Calenus, 
a celebrated Etruscan soothsayer, or prophet and fortune- 
teller to know what he and his tribe thought about it.” 

Page 155, Note 30: “In spite of this he did not succeed 
without the greatest difficulty.” 

Pave 157, Note 31: “Of these (the insurgents), many were 
killed and many taken prisoners; others were scourged and 
hung upon the cross.” 

Page 160, Note 38: “L. Postumius, to whom the care as 
propretor of the province of Tarentum fell, made resist- 
ance against a conspiracy of farmers and shepherds and the 
rest of those bacchanalian creatures.” 

Page 160, Note 42: “Those seized were sent to the Roman 
senate which ordered P. Cornelius to cast them into prison.” 


CHAPTER /VIT. 


Page 164, Note 2, Macrobius says: “Would you call to 
mind those who come of the same seed? who live under 
the same skies and who, like you, must live and die? Slaves 
though they be, they are nevertheless human; though only 
poor slaves, yet they all have some rights if you would 
but reflect. Even if you could see that the slave were free, 
he would still serve you just as well. Do you not know 
that Hecuba was once during her lifetime a slave? that 
Croesus, that the mother of Darius, that Diogenes, even 
Plato were all of them slaves? And why, in the light of 
all these examples should we hold in horror the name of 
servitude? Slave he is, indeed, but because forced to it; 
only a slave, but perhaps he wears the soul of a freeman. 
What will he not do for you even though it be wrong? 
This one administers to lusts, that one to avarice, another 
to your ambitions? All are objects of your hopes and all 
are causes of your fear.’ Continuing: “It is impossible to 
mix love and fear together. Whence, think you, emanates 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 583 


the proverb: ‘just as many enemies as there are slaves?’ 
We may not think we have those enemies, but it is true; we 
make them when with our superb, contemptuous cruelty we 
force them to submit to our voluptuous frenzy, is it other- 
wise possible than that it should evoke their anger and fury?” 


Page 164, Note 3: “So also, the wealthy island of Chios was 
at the same time (B. C. 134), the theatre of a wild slave 
uprising which was not put down until many years after- 
wards.” 


Page 166, Note 4: “In the middle of the third century of 
the Christian era.” 


Pages 168-169, Note 7: “Hermotius who was of the Ped- 
asian race, was a man who meted out the severest venge- 
ance for any injury. When taken by an enemy and sold in 
slavery, he was bought by a man named Panionius, a Chian 
—a person who got his living by the practice of the most 
iniquitous vices. Boys of remarkable beauty whenever 
purchased by him, he caused to be castrated; and he was 
in the habit of selling them in Ephesus and Sardis at a 
high price; since those barbarians valued eunuchs more 
than other servants on account of their being more reliable. 
So Panionius among many others, had this Hermotius 
emasculated, as he made his living by that business. The 
man, however, was not in all respects, unfortunate. He was 
given to the king at Sardis, as a present. In the course of 
time he became the most highly regarded by Xerxes, of 
any of his numerous eunuchs. As the king was making 
preparations to march with his expedition upon Athens, 
and while at Sardis—having gone to the Mysian country 
with the Chians—Panionius was met at Atarneus. Herm- 
otius became acquainted with Panionius by recognition, 
and induced him to come over to Asia with his family and 
settle there, offering him many advantages. He accepted 
the plan with cheer and brought his family. Hermotius 
thus succeeding in getting him into his power together with 
his whole family, uttered to him the following words: ‘You, 
who, meanest of mankind by trade and deeds of infamy! 
To your face I demand to know what I have ever done, o} 
what harm any of my race have done to you that from a 
man I should be made into nothing? You thought, perhaps, 
that your tricks should be passed over by the Almighty, 
unheeded, unavenged. But you have been allured into my 
grasp by your dastardly deeds. You cannot, therefore, com- 
plain of the retribution I am going to inflict upon you.’ 
After upbraiding him in this strain his sons were also 
brought into the place and Panionius was forced to com- 
mit the act of castration upon his own sons, four in num. 
ber. He did it; and then in reverse order, these very sons 


584 APPENDIX. 


were driven to emasculate their father on the spot. Such 
was the vengeance of Hermotius, the Chian.” 

Page 169, Note 10: “It was quite the reverse with the thi- 
asotes and eranists. Not only were their doors open to 
women but also to strangers. Persons who were well-to-do 
or even slaves had access. This last point is very impcrt- 
ant; and fortunately the witnesses of their epigraphic monu- 
ments are sufficiently explicit and precise in language to 
establish the evidence completely. It would be useless to 
cite all the inscriptions in proof; and I have chosen a few 
only, and of those which show this to have been the cause 
in the different countries. The specimens are numerous 
enough to warrant the conclusions; for where one fails, 
another makes the point good, that the admission of wo- 
men, of strangers, of freedmen and of slaves was a uni- 
versal characteristic of all these associations.’ Same note, 
page 170, Foucart further explains: “One inscription in the 
island of Rhodes mentions a religious society composed of 
slaves belonging to the state or public. Part of its value 
is diminished by a mutilation which detracts from its testi- 
mony. But an examination of the proper names to be found 
in other inscriptions proves that these Rhodian associa- 
tions were in the common habit of admitting freedmen and 
probably, also slaves.” Farther on: “A fragment of an 
inscription restored by Keil, by great perseverance and to 
all appearance, with correctness, shows the composition of 
the society in the particular membership which placed it 
there that it was under the patronage of Jupiter Atabyrius 
(or the Jove that dwelt in the tallest mountain of Rhodes). 
It appears to have been composed of the public slaves of 
the city of Rhodes, and is one of those which exercised the 
priesthood. It reads: ‘Under the god of Atabyrius is the 
union of the slaves of the city. Inscribed in letters, by or- 
der of the holy priest of Zeus, and governed by the rul- 
ing authorities of the Rhodians, in obedience to Jupiter 
Atabyrius.’” 

Page 170, Note 11: “These things wrote Nymphodcrus in 
his voyage to Asia. He described how the slaves of the 
Chians ran away from their masters and how they escaped 
to the mountains and the highest summits, and how these 
masters were devastated by their combined forces.” 


Page 171. Note 12: “A little before our own time—so the 
Chnans tell us—there was a certain slave, who having es- 
caped, lived in the mountains; and being endowed with a 
warlike spirit, was declared the commander and king of the 
fugitive slaves, and following the habits of other kings, 
gathered an army, against whom the Chians afterwards 
sent military expeditions. But they could make no headway 
against him. Drimakos (Primacus), as thie slave was called, 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 585 


when he saw his masters overcome, made a speech in their 
presence as follows:” 

Page 177, Note 19: “Should any of the features of this story 
appear doubtful and fictitious it may be said that there ex- 
ists not the least ground for uncertainty as to its genuine- 
ness; and even if the shrewd Chian merchants put up the 
temple for the object of awing down their slaves, the lesson 
still remains as a true mirror, showing the condition of 
things at that time.” 


CHAPTER VIII. 


Page 180, Note 2: “Viriathus, who took the command. and 
many times broke the Romans to pieces, was himself, one 
of the Spanish (Lusitanian) workpeople who lived in the 
place. From boyhood he had worked and passed his life 
in the mountains and came up with energy, strength and 
spirit. He excelled in bodily forces, swiftness and agility 
all the rest of his associates and was much thought of in 
Spain. He used to abstain from luxuries, even getting along 
with just enough food to barely answer his necessities. 
He had with him many strong-hearted friends, and became 
widely known among lawless mountaineers, settling their 
quarrels; and at length assuming their leadership he estab- 
lished a sharp discipline about him and thrived with the 
success of his combats with the brigands. He was looked 
upon as a superior; not only in personal strength but also 
for his tactics.” 

Page 180, Note 3: “Viriathus, the commander of the guil- 
leras, was a Lusitanian Spaniard who was just in his ἜΠΕΣΕ 
tribution and sharing of the spoils, and had sufficient honor 
and humanity to make a just choice in distributing pres- 
ents; for he gave them simply a division in common, and 
was the right person to be regarded by them as a common 
benefactor and savior.’ 

Page 180, Note 4: “Viriathus in Spain, who was originally 
a shepherd, turned from a shepherd to a hunter, and from 
a hunter to a robber, and from that, was even created 
general of the army and took Possession of all Lusitania.” 

Page 181, Note 5, Livy says: “When L. Scribonius the 
tribune of the people, brought in a bill, taking back into 
the confidence of the Romans, all the Lusitanians whom 
Galba had brought as slaves with him into Gaul, restoring 
them to liberty, M. Cato made a strong speech in its favor. 
His oration is still extant in the histories. OO. Fulvius 
Noble, who had often been excoriated by Cato, defended 
Galba. When Galba saw that he was going to be con- 
demned, or that the case was going against him, he threw 
his arms around his two sons already young men, and also 
embraced the young son of Sulpicius Gallus, of whom he 


586 APPENDIX. 


was the guardian; and in this miserable and pitiable condi- 
tion so pleaded that the decree was not sustained.” 


Page 182, Note 6, Appian says: “This man fought the Rom- 
ans for about eight years; and it appears to me that Viri- 
athus made it exceedingly uncomfortable for them; for 
things became so entangled in that time that even the loss 
of Spain was threatened.” Livy says: “Viriathus broke 
up the army of Vetillius and seized also that general him- 
self; after him C. Plautius the pretor, continued the strug- 
gle with no better success. So great was the terror caused 
by this enemy that it ,Was necessary to send both a consul 
‘and a consular army.” Eutrope says: “Instigated by terror, 
Viriathus was killed by his own men, after having waged 
war for a period of fourteen years against the Romans. He 
was first a shepherd, afterwards a robber and then a gen- 
eral and roused all the population of the land against the 
Romans, being regarded as the emancipator of Spain.” 

Page 183, Note 7: ‘“Viriathus, after performing a three- 
days’ march, took sure possession of Segobria and there 
devoted a day to religious sacrifices,” 


Page 183, Note 8: “It seemed advisable to get away to the 
others; and in the night he escaped through pathless ways 
with fleet horses and arrived at Tribola, the Romans fol- 
lowing; but they had not the power to overtake him on 
account of the weight of their armor, their ignorance of 
the roads and the inexperience of the horses.” 


Page 183, Note 9, Frontin remarks: “Viriathus, placing some 
of his soldiers in secret localities, sent a few of them out 
foraging for the cattle of the Segobrians. These retaliated 
by frequent sorties against the pickets, pretending to es- 
cape, drew them into an ambush where they were cut to 
pieces by the army.” 


Page 184, Note 10; This remark of Diodorus is but a cut- 
ting from his more complete sentences given in note 2, 
page 180, of which see translation. 


Page 186, Note 13: “At the request of the allied army, an- 
other general arrived with a force of 15,000 foot soldiers and 
2,000 horse. They marched into Orsena, a city of Spain.” 

Page 186, Note 14: “In all, about 18,000 foot and 1,600 horse. 
He sent letters to Mikipse, the Numidian king, ordering 
him to send the strongest and swiftest elephants from Af- 
rica, into Itycca, to augment the army in those parts of the 
Spanish peninsula.” 


CHAPTER IX. 


Page 192, Note 1: “During the power and under the com- 
mand of Sempronius Gracchus, the army of Rome subdued 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 587 


the Sardinians. In this province the number of the enemy 
taken prisoners or kitlea, amounted to upwards of 80,¢90.” 

Page 193, Note 3: “We are informed that 30,000 were cap- 
tured and reduced to slavery.” 


Page 195, Note 13: “In Epidamnus there were no mechan- 
ics except the public slaves.” 


Page 196, Note 17: “hey were all branded. Only the field 
workers were fettered.” Ἶ 


Page 199, Note 27: “He was a great magician and per- 
former of miracles and stood in close communion with the 
gods, receiving inspirations from tiem not only by dreams, 
but actually seeing them in open day, as in life.” 


Page 201, Note 32: “It should be understood that in Sicily 
there was a daughter of Damophilus,........ Hermias took 
her to Catana and left her in the care of some relatives.” 


Page 208, Note 42: “More than ordinary capability.” Sie- 
fert also says: “They elected nim their king because he 
had originated the outbreak.” 


Page 209, Note 43: “This was the first strange thing done; 
he gathered 2,000 as he moved along, and then breaking 
open the prisons made soldiers of more than 60,000 in- 
mates.” 


Page 211, Note 49: “And he sent those who were bound 
in chains’and fettered, into the prison workshops.” 


Page 212, Note 54: “One Gorgos with the surname of Cam- 
balos, who on account of his wealth was a well-known citi- 
zen of Morgantion in the upper districts of Symethus, was 
out on a hunting excursion and fell in with a band of the 
slaves belonging to the insurrection. He fled back home- 
ward, following the main road to the city, but soon met his 
father on horseback riding along the same road. The father 
immediately dismounted and begged his son to save him- 
self by the use of his own horse. Father and son thus in 
tender solicitude for each other’s safety squandered the 
precious moments and whilst in the strife of filial love and 
parental tenderness they were exhausting their time, the 
insurgents arrived and killed them both.” 


Page 214, Note 57: “Regarding the chronology of the Si- 
cilian slave war and other matters thereto related, consult 
the Excurz.” 

Page 215, Note 64: “‘Out of those places situated about 
Taurus.’ According to paragraph 20, his brother was 
named Comanus (Coma in Valerius Maximus); and it is 
tolerably safe to conclude from this that Comana was the 
birthplace of the two brothers. But whether this was the 
Coma of Pamphylia or that of Cappadocia, whence this 
name is derived is a question impossible to answer. The 


588 APPENDIX. 


Cappadocian Comana was situated among the Anti-Taurian 
hills, upon the river Saros, and was a capital city of Syria, 
where the cult of Ma (Artemis Taurica), according to 
Strabo, XII., p. 535, was encouraged. If this be so, it 
serves as a cause for the bold turn of Cleon when he came 
in juxtaposition with the religious superstition of Eunus.” 


Page 216, Note 66: “At the time C. Fulvius was consul, this 
war of Eunus began. Eunus.was a slave who was by race 
a Syrian and who gathered a force of agricultural slaves. 
Breaking open the workhouse prisons, he raised his army 
to 70,000 strong and massing them, fought many battles 
with the Roman people.” 


Page 217, Note 67: “A certain Syrian named Eunus, pre- 
tending like a fanatic, to be in the good graces of the god- 
dess by throwing forth fiery scintillations resembling her 
hair, aroused a multitude of slaves as great as an imperial 
army, and these he emancipated and supplied with arms. 
To prove that he was divine, he would place a nut in his 
mouth, in which was hidden sulphur and fire, and draw- 
ing the breath gently, would blow forth flames.” 


Page 218, Note 70: “The army amounted to about 200,000 
men.” Again: “Not long afterwards the number of the 
insurgents is found to rise to 200,000 men including in all, 
the soldiers, sythe-armed militia and raw troops; and they 
fight successfully, seldom suffering defeats.” 

Page 219, Note 72: “Whenever the slightest victory was won 
the strike towered with redoubled fierceness and pressed 
onward without cessation in all the cruelty of social wars.” 

Page 220, Note 78: “Never was there such a condition or 
such an assembling of the slaves in Sicily. There were 
many powerful cities which came to grief; and innumer- 
able were the men, the women and the ,works of art that 
were hurled into direst misfortune; in fact the whole island 
fell into the power of the runaway slaves.” 


Page 221, Note 81, quoting Bicher: “Eunus at length be- 
came master of almost the entire island of Sicily **** prob- 
ably even of Syracuse. Diodorus (fragment 9), says: “To 
these gluttons even the sanctity of the Holy Fish did not 
cause a pause to the evils which the gods used, making 
an example of everybody to show their desperate condi- 
tion; for the gods used these dreadful methods to teach 
against the blasphemy of the people of the age and to show 
men better ways. This fragment of Diodorus is found in 
close proximity to the Vatican excerpt which is entirely 
on the slave uprising. It is impossible to consider this ‘Holy 
Fish’ as any other than the Arethusa of which Diodorus 
speaks in book V., 3, as follows: “This Arethusa was not 
only regarded from very ancient times as having many and 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 589 


large fishes but even the same reverence is handed down 
to this day, ascribing to these fishes a sacredness to men; 
since men eating of them are strong in war and are en- 
dowed with the faculty of combined physical force and 
vigor of understanding great things. So also in our time 
these virtues we seek in our youth.’ ” 

Page 222, Note 84, “Tiberius Gracchus was a famous man, 
brilliant in his love of honor and it may be said, exceed- 
ingly powerful in his gift of language; and was everywhere 
known by all the officers of the government. He told in 
solemn words to the Italians, how the want of means for 
the people and the depopulation of the country were caused 
by destruction perpetrated by,the military powers, and how 
hopeless was the condition of the inhabitants. With this 
servile element, never having any confidence with their 
masters, the feeling rose high against despotism and made 
them comrades. The evil augmented among the agricul- 
tural districts and the war of the Romans against them was 
not slight nor easily quelled. Things assumed a venture- 
some phase both many colored and huge. Gracchus declared 
his intention to re-establish the old law of Licinius Stolo, 
according to which no person could possess more than 500 
acres of land—a law which though many years old, re- 
mained unchanged.” 


Page 224, Note 89, The reading of these words is: “Ritchl, 
P. L. M. VIII, 1, Body of Latin Inscriptions, by Theodore 
Mommsen, no. 642 and others. Compare Nitsch. in another 
place, p. 249. Evidence regarding the second Sicilian in- 
surrection is to be had in Dr. Béckh’s Body of Greek In- 
scriptions, nos. 5,570, 5,687, 5748, z. Th., where occurs the 
name of Athenion. No. 5,748 is a stone slab coming from 
Leontini on which is inscribed the word APAMEO, and it 
is probable that this refers to Eunus of Apamea. In the 
Body of Latin Inscriptions, no. 646 and others following, 
are certainly inscriptions which were designed to represent 
the wars of Eunus.” 

Page 224, Note 94, Siefert in his First Sicilian Servile War, 
Says: “Pseudo Asconius comments on Cicero’s Verres, II, 
p. 212: ‘A certain Rupilius, one of the aristocratic tax- 
gatherers, was made consul.’ Again, Valerius Maximus, 
vi., 9, 8, narrates that he was even an employé at an earlier 
date, of the government service as follows: ‘P. Rupilius did 
not collect the taxes in Sicily but gave out the work to the 
equestrian taxgatherers. In fact he upheld the frauds com- 
mitted in cheating the government out of the revenues, by 
the authority of office, colluding with his associates.’ He 
was a friend of Scipio the Younger, according to Cicero 
(Lelius, 19,). When consul he conducted, during the first 
part of his consulate year, an investigation of the so-re- 


590 APPENDIX. 


puted misdeeds of Tiberius Gracchus and was aided by his 
colleague, Popilius Lenas (Cicero, Lelius, 11; Valerius 
Maximus, iv., 7,1). According to Vellejus Paterculus, (II., 
vii.), he was, on account of the pressure with which this 
investigation was urged, driven, like Popilius, before the 
tribunal; and other writers on the subject only mention 
Popilius as the object of the persecution. Compare Pauly, 
R. E., V., 1900. Later, Rupilius in indignation and horror, 
came to his end for fraudulently intriguing to get his 
brother elected consul.” 


Page 226, Note 97: “Throughout Sicily misfortune prevailed. 
Cities, together with their inhabitants, indiscriminately fell 
into the hands of their conquerors and many were the 
armies that were hacked to pieces, until Rupilius, the gen- 
eral of the Romans, saved Tauromanion to Rome in the 
stanch blockade and siege which he conducted against this 
city. He starved the rebels into indescribable want and 
famine to such extent, that in their enclosure they fell 
to killing children and then their helpless women, and even 
devoured one another to gratify the cravings of hunger.” 


Page 229, Note 101: “The slaves were delivered to torment 
and butchery, most of them being thrown from steep prec- 
ipices of rocks. So also here at Enna, thousands were 
chopped down. The total number of the slaves killed at 
Enna and Tauromanion exceeded 20,000.” 


Page 230, Note 105, Diodorus says: “Secured and under 
guard, his body devoured by lice, he passed a life of 
wretched indolence at Morgantion.” Livy says: “He was 
caught, and was devoured by lice in prison.” Farther on 
(same note), Siefert: “With four of his servants, one of 
whom was the cook, the others the bath attendant, the 
baker and the king’s fool, he was caught in a hole. He 
died in prison of the lousy sickness, either in Morgantion 
or in Rome.” 


CHAPTER X. 


Page 234, Note 3: “Eumenes, for whom they pompously 
exhibited their friendship, advancing the idea of peace for 
Antioch, by means of bribes, was held in check. After 
the death of Eumenes, a guard was kept at the cost of the 
state, and the agricultural captives were held in pitiable 
slavery and contempt by Attalus, the king. He made, un- 
der deception, an impious will by which his son Aristonicus 
was ignored because he had asked for the succession. This 
being a triumph for the latter’s enemies, the combined 
power of the slaves laid Asia under siege. All Bithynia 
soon fell and Nicomides dying, this son of Nusa whom 
they called the queen, created havoc.” 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 591 


Page 236, Note 8: “The term ‘Heliopolitan’ calls to 'mind 
that it was the same that Eunus used in fanaticizing his 
Syrians.” 

Page 236, Note 9: “Likewise the Syrians celebrate and wor- 
ship the sun in the name of Jupiter whom they call a ‘Sun- 
God’ in their greatest ceremonies, and the country where 
it is done is termed ‘Heliopolis.’ ” 

Page 238, Note 12: “P. Crassus who came as consul to Asia 
for the purpose of waging war against Aristonicus, had ac- 
quired such perfection in the Greek language that he could 
speak five different dialects of it so as to be thoroughly 
ready in all parts. This was a thing necessary in obtaining 
the love of the allies through the persuasive force of con- 
ciliation; as it gave him the advantage of making known 
and demanding the enforcement of the decrees.” 


Page 241, Note 18: “When the senate called the consuls, 
Rupilia and Lenatus, to demand of them what Gracchus 
really wished to do, and they referred the matter to Lelius 
whose prayers and counsels they were in the habit of con- 
sulting, an accusation was found against Blossius who had 
been familiar with Gracchus. Blossius was brought before 
them and the following question put: ‘What would you 
have done if Gracchus had ordered you to destroy the tem- 
ple of the great Jupiter? Would you not have executed the 
wish of that man?’ ‘Gracchus would have never given me 
such an order,’ said Blossius, ‘because he was too wise a 
man to do that; but he was not afraid of demanding the 
right, even in the teeth of the whole Roman senate.’ But 
what followed was much more daring and dangerous; for 
on being pressed further by the question of Lzlius who 
persevered in obtaining the answer, Blossius acknowledged 
that if Gracchus had given him the order he would have 
obeyed.’ ” 

Page 241, Note 19: “The brothers Tiberius and Caius Grac- 
chus had been adjudged guilty of grave seditions by the 
senate in forcing their laws against the Roman people and 
both had been killed by the nobles—one by Nasicus and 
the other by Opimius. When Tiberius Gracchus fell, Blos- 
sius escaped to king Aristonicus. The affairs of Aristoni- 
cus having gone wrong, Blossius committed suicide. 


Page 242, Note 20, Speaking of the strength and fortitude 
of the soldier’s soul when in a great misfortune, I will tell 
the story of a Roman consul: P. Crassus, when directing 
the war against Aristonicus in Asia was, after his defeat, 
in custody of Thracians at a prison between Elea and 
Smyrna. But he would not surrender, and resented in- 
decent actions against him to obtain a coveted death. One 
day he thrust his horsewhip which he used when riding, 
into the eye of his barbarian guard. So great was the pain 


2 APPENDIX. 


inflicted that this guard drew his sword and plunged it into 
his side. But in taking vengeance upon a Roman soldier 
he liberated a consul from disgrace. This shows that Cras- 
sus in a broil with an unworthy man, wished the good 
fortune of escaping graver humiliations: since by the act 
he prudently, valiantly, courageously, broke awav from the 
miserable condition he was held in by mean persons, and 
was free. Aristonicus had reduced him but he had gained 
his own liberty.” 


Page 243, Note 21: “Not slight was the shamelessness of 


M. Paperna in his disgrace of the consulship which he held 
after he got to be consul before becoming a Roman citizen; 
though he was more serviceable in war than Varro. He 
conquered king Aristonicus, becoming the punisher and 
avenger of the disaster of Crassus. While he was tri- 
umphing, he was condemned to death under a clause of the 
Papian law; since as his father was not a Roman, the peo- 
ple demanded his return to his original estate because he 
had no right to rise according to decision of the Sabelline 
judgment. In this manner the good name of Paperna fell 
because he had obtained his consulship under false pre- 
tences. The glory of his victory fell away and he wandered 
about for the rest of his life in exile.” 


Page 244, Note 22, From Biicher: “The latter consisted in 


celebrations on the part of those enjoying their holidays, 
in fasting and expiation, also in luxurious dances amid the 
music of flute and drum and the wild tumult which they 
imagined would call up and propitiate their divinities, and 
bring to pass wondrous things. If at that time, this cult 
was in practice in Greece by great numbers of secret soci- 
eties and upright brotherhoods (see pp. 34, 92), then it be- 
comes obvious how they spread their advocacy, not so 
much through the smoother waters of mere turbulent 
thought in which they expressed the dizzy dissatisfaction 
of their race, as through the more suggestive suasion of 
their peculiar communist fraternization and the natural so- 
cial system of propaganda of the Greeks whose organiza- 
tions admitted and accepted all members from foreign parts 
whether Greek or barbarian, male or female, free or en- 
slaved. Thence comes the designation ‘citizens of the sun.’ 
This term drew the line between the followers of Aristoni- 
cus who were the anointed of the congregation of Adad, 
and the unbelievers; thus separating the poor and wretched 
from enemies who persecuted them, as already shown in 
the case of Eunus, who was called a Syrian to distinguish 
him in religious matters—he being a representative fol- 
lower of Atargatis.” 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES, 593 


CHAPTER, ΧΙ. 


Page 247, Note1: “Sources of our knowledge regarding the 
second Sicilian slave-war are as follows: Florus, Condensed 
Roman History, book III, chapter 19; Dion Cassius, Ex- 
cerpts by Piresc, nos. 101, 104; Diodorus the Sicilian, book 
XXXVI; Livy, book XLIX. The length of the time that it 
lasted, according to the following paragraph, was about 
four years: ‘The slave-insurgents’ war, as I say, therefore 
lasted nearly four years and was a stately and majestic up- 
heaval.’ M. Aquillius brought it to an end iin the year B. C. 
99, after having taken supreme command which was at the 
beginning of his term as consul, B. C. 101. The war broke 
out at the time Licinius Nerva was propretor. L. Lucullus 
succeeded him in the command, and after him came C. Ser- 
vilius. Thus the rebellion rose during the year B. C. 104. 
Eusebius erroneously makes the end to have occurred four 
years later, or at the 171st Olympiad, that 15:8: 95: 

Page 247, Note 2: “The pool of the twins.” 

Page 248, Note 3: “Speaking of all the divinities it is not 
worth while to leave unmentioned, notwithstanding the 
want of faith which we remember, on the whole, attaches 
to the very ancient temple of peculiar surroundings, called 
the pool or crater. The tradition is, that this temple and 
place of refuge is of awe- inspiring origin and in the minds 
of many it is strange and marvelous. To begin with, there 
are craters out of which spout monstrous sparks from the 
unspeakable depths. Along side these is the cauldron 
heated by great fires which throw red-hot flames and wa- 
ters high into the air above. This seething fluid tossed up 
into the sky, presents a whitish appearance, and nobody 
has the force of determination to venture to touch it; for 
the moments of quell are succeeded by other spoutings of 
the foaming and boiling waters. This water which has 
escaped from the abyss has the smell of brimstone; and 
the yawning hole roars with loud, frequent and frightful 
bellowings. But the most marvelous of all these things is, 
that the waters neither overflow nor vary in volume 
though there is a motion as of life in the water that floods 
and sinks and rises again in a manner wonderful to relate. 
So strong is the sacred essence surrounding this temple 
that the greatest of the earth assemble there to have the 
gods bear solemn witness to their deal; for they administer 
condign punishment upon those who have used falsehood 
and perjury. Some who have been deprived of sight re- 
ceive it back by visiting this temple. Regarding the 
superstition as to these great properties, there are 
men who dispute the exceeding merits of the temple, 
and doubt its superhuman attributes as a witness be- 
tween right and wrong. This holy place is sometimes an 


594 


APPENDIX. 


asylum for watching over and preserving the unfortunates 
and slaves, from their unreasonable inasters, affording them 
refuge in which to conceal themselves, and furnishing them 
aid to deliverance. The despots are here without power to 
exercise against fugitives, so that they can remain unhurt 
until, through the holy witnesses and mediation of the sacred 
power, an arbitration can be adjusted between them by means 
of reason and persuasion. Here all are on an equal footing, 
masters and slaves alike; and the poor and faithful are no 
more pursued under this awe-inspiring fiat of the divinities. 
This temple stands in august magnificence in an open, neg- 
lected spot, and is furnished with porches and other befitting 
places for repose.” 


Page 248, Note 4: “The weird legend is abroad that this 


temple is among the most awe-inspiring and ancient of all 
the wonders of the world.” 


Page 249, Note 5: ‘“ Marius gave orders that an allied army 


should be summoned from the outstanding nations bordering 
on the sea. Following these orders they were sent for. He 
also sent to Nicomides, king of Bithynia for aid. Nicomides 
however, sent back;word that most of the people of his realm 
were slaves reduced to that condition by conquest. But as 
nobody of such as would answer the summons could be made 
soldiers while slaves, it would be necessary to enact emanci- 
pation deerees touching their case. So in consequence of 
this law, Licinius Nerva would have to set the slaves free be- 
fore they could become recruits. Thus ina few days, more 
than 800 of the strongest slaves were assembled to receive 
their liberty. All the slaves on the island held hopes of de- 
liverance. ” 


Page 249, Note 7: ‘Flower of the Roman cavalry, orna- 


ment of the state, the very fundament of government.” 


Page 250, Note 10: ‘‘ Drove the war in every possible man- 


ner, in blasphemy against gods and law and order, with allied 
armies, made up of freedmen and freemen whether of domes- 
tic or of foreign birth.” 


Page 251, Note 11: ‘Here abounded prisons where the 


agricultural hands were chained.” 


Page 251, Note 12: ‘What marvelous work! First 2,000, 


gathered from the wayside and then, as_by the customs and 
rights of war, after breaking open the prisons, he constructed 
an army from over 60,000 prisoners. ” 


Page 251, Note 13: ‘‘ When called together to be made sol- 


diers of the army and they beheld their danger, they revolted; 
but Nerva, incited to it either through desire of gain, or in 
compassion for the masters, accommodated himself to the 
situation, and breaking faith in his haste, with the forms οὐ 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 595 


: law before a tribunal, advised the slaves to go back to their 
masters again, as the circumstances did not at present ad- 
mit of their emancipation. Hereupon the slaves, after hold- 
ing a conference, got away from Syracuse and escaped to the 
temple of the Twins at the brimstone lake and resolved with 
each other, upon rebellion.” 

Page 251, Note 14: ‘‘The city is to be sought for among 
the hills of Nebrode, in the neighborhood of Engyon.” 

Page 252, Note 15 ‘The soldiers butchered the insurgent 
rebels, and those who had been captured and proved to have 
acted as leaders, were hanged (crucified ).”’ 

Page 253, Note 16: ‘Among the soldiers who had quit their 
huts and liberated themselves were some belonging to a man 
named Poplius Clonius, a Roman cavalier or knight. The 
slaves murdered him and collected a force of 80 men. ” 


Page 253, Note 17: “The rebellion rose to not less than 
2,000 persons. ” 
Page 254, Note 20: ‘And the many insurgents who, aug- 


menting day by day in secret, amounted in a short time to 
more than 6,000, who acted a scene truly wonderful. When 
they had called a general council, their first step was to elect 
aking named Salvius, believed by them to be in the good 
graces of the gods and sacred things—a fluteplayer, skilled in 
sleight of hand, fond of women, and held choice by the god- 
desses, Ceres and Proserpine.” 

Page 255, Note 22: ‘“ Nevertheless Salvius showed greater 
ability in his command than might have been expected, judg- 
ing by the station he rose out of.” 

Page 256, Note 25 ‘‘The insurgents suddenly made an at- 
tack and having the advantage of position to aid them violently 
burst upon their enemy quickly gaining a victory, taking the 
place and driving some of the army to flight. The proclama- 
tion of the general that he would hurt none of the rebelling 
slaves who should throw down their arms had its effect; for 
most of them didso and fled. Salvius by this turn of things, 
gained a strategical point over his enemy, took the citadel, 
turned the battle into a victory and seized a large quantity 
of arms. The number killed outright in this battle was not 
above 000, These were Italians and Sicilians. They had 
felt sympathy with the strikers and used the general’s proc- 
lamation favorably. The number taken prisoners amounted 
to about 4,000.” 

Page 257, Note 26: “ But he did not at first succeed in tak- 
ing Morgantion. Whether he ever took the city in conse- 
quence of this victory is not fully apparent from the informa. 
tion that has come down to us.” 

Page 257, Note 27: “Salvius laid siege to Morgantion over- 


96 


APPENDIX. 


running the country, to the base of the Leontine range, aud 
gathering a large army of select men not less than 30,000 in 
number. With these he gave sacrifice and offerings to the 
hero Twins, allotting one of the choicest purple robes as an 
offering of gratitude for the victory. He proclaimed himself 
king. His name among the insurgent soldiers was henceforth 
Tryphon.” The language is unmistakable. Still Dr. Siefert 
muses: ‘* However, these words of Diodorus may have ref- 
erence to the victory over Licinius Nerva; and indeed, it 
must be so, for ‘ poliorkesas’ (laying siege toa city), can- 
not be construed to comprehend as much as ‘ekpoliorkesas’ 
(taking a city by siege.” 


Page 257, Note 28: ‘‘In some incomprehensible manner 


the preetor proved treacherous to these promises, and by the 
means, drove the larger part of these valiant men into the 
camp of the insurgents.” 


Page 258, Note 29: ‘ Athenion, a shepherd, having mur- 


dered his owner, and set his family at liberty from the work 
prison, put himself in martial order. This man dressed him- 
self in purple, assumed a silver cane and adorned his head with 
regal trappings in no less sumptuous taste than did that fan- 
atical fellow (Eunus) before him, bugled his army together 
and even much more bitterly than Eunus for whom he seems 
to have fought in vindication, overthrew towns, castles and 
cities, raving and raging against masters and slaves more and 
more violently as deserters (from the slave owners) swelled 
the ranks.” 


Page 259, Note 33: ‘This man, clothed m purple, sporting 


a silver cane.” 


Page 260, Note 35: “ Being conversant with the star-gazers’ 


art he had read in the heavens that he was to become king 
over all Sicily; and to this end he looked about him for a 
place that would seem most snitable on the island —which he 
considered his own property—whereat to locate himself. He 
made an attack upon the fortified town of Lilybzeum which 
did not succeed. This was with a force of 10,000 men. It 
however, served to strengthen his powers of foresight; for 
he resolved, with great wisdom, to abandon the siege, actu- 
ated by the impression that the gods were against the enter- 
prise and consequently a disaster could be avoided only with 
a miracle. This foreknowledge soon verified itself. A body 
of Moorish troops auxiliary to the Romans, sent by Bocchus 
of Mauritania under the new treaty, and commanded by Go- 
mon, for the relief of the besieged city of Lilybeum, imme- 
diately on their arrival made in the night, an attack on Athe- 


. nion and before he could withdraw to a place of safety, suc- 


ceeded in inflicting upon him a considerable damage.” 


Page 260, Note 36: “One can scarcely estimate the difficul- 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 597 


ties which were to be expected by the leaders of an insurree- 
tion of slaves.” 

Page 261, Note 37, Diodorus says regarding tramps: “An 
immense confusion of things took place and we are told that 
all worked badly. Vast multitudes got possession of Sicily 
entire. Not only slaves but also freedmen in a state of great 
poverty were committing every sort of rapine and flagitious 
deed. And whoever interfered, whether bond or free, or 
spoke against their wrong-doing, they shamelessly murdered. 

carcely could people venture into the open spaces in cities 
which belonged to them; and as for matters outside, these 
freedmen and emancipated slaves judged themselves unre- 
strained by any law from committing acts of violence. More 
than this, many others, forgetting their natural instincts of 
humanity and right, audaciously wandered throughout Sicily 
on their course of destruction.’ Continuing, Diodorus says 
infragment 11: “Not alone were the rebels who devastated 
Sicily, slaves, but often free people; and all persons who pos- 
sessed neither home nor lands were converted into robbers 
and bandits who ranged up and down the country, impelled 
alike by their poverty and their evil-mindedness, carrying off 
horses and cattle, tearing into the granaries of the towns and 
indiscriminately beheading slaves or free men, or whomso- 
ever they met, so that none should remain alive to inform on 
their deeds of deviltry. And when all sources of justice in 
Sicily had been uprooted—not even a Roman preetor left to 
demand law and order—they all fell into an unrestrained de- 
bauchery and with impunity carried on a horrible licentious- 
ness. There was no place free from the hordes who ravaged 
and robbed, particularly where the wealthier ones had prem- 
ises to invade. And those who, a little before, were sur- 
rounded by fortune and fame as being the richest among the 
citizens, suddenly found themselves not only reduced to mis- 
ery and poverty, but cudgeled and hacked in the most con- 
temptuous manner by slaves, and subjected to all sorts of in- 
solence. Everywhere were the robbers stationed, ready to 
commit outrage in the free placcs of cities, outside their walls 
or wherever they thought they could do violence. Great 
was the confusion in each one of the large towns and cities; 
for no law of justice remained. The insurgents, when they 
had beleaguered all with their army, and the land of their 
masters whom they hated with ungovernable rage, marched 
up and down the highways with fire and sword, motived by 
some inexplicable cupidity. Whoever remained in the cities, 


such as slaves, the sick, and those sympathizing with the re- 
bellion became a terror to their masters. ” 
Page 261, Note 38: “ These free people often practiced more 


henious acts of power than the slaves. A reign of confusion 


598 APPENDIX. 


—an enormity of troubles, as Diodorus calls it—fell upon 


them. ” 

Page 261, Note 39: ‘ Athenion, who did not take a city.” 
Siefert however, remarks: ‘‘ Cicero must here be interpreted 
with circumspection as having had an object in making this 
mention. ” 

Page 262, Note 40: “‘Athenio pastor,’ the shepherd...... 


laid waste the country. Ly this man the pretorian army 
also, was cut to pieces and the camps of Servilius as well as 
Lucullus were seized.” Note ἢ. of Fisher: ‘The camps of 
Servilius and of Lucullus were seized.’ Florus had other 
histories which we do not possess; for in these that we still 
have, it appears that not only was Servilius not captured 
but that Lucullus also, was not driven by the slaves.” Du- 
ker’s comments read: “ From this too, Diodorus in his 36th 
book, charges these things to a certain Salvius, to whom 
Athenion was like a commander to a king.” 

Page 264, Note 42, ‘ What were the motives inspiring him 
to this conduct is not clear; it is nevertheless apparent that 
Tryphon suspected him as a secret rival; for so soon as fa- 
vorable opportunity presented itself he had him arrested and 
put where he could do no harm.” 

Page 264, Note 43: “Having by the exercise of judgment 
gotten rid of certain powerful persons and established his 
councils around him, he put on the Greek robes of rank and 
donned tke mantle of purple with the broad-bordered tunic 
and chiton to denote great name and style, he surrounded 
himself with a guard of lictors having their whips and sac- 
rificial axe, and all other such things as seem to befit them- 
selves to the kingly estate.” 

Page 266, Note 45: ‘“ After some skirmishing, they closed 
in upon each other in regular conflict, which swayed to and 
fro for a long time ere its results were decided.” Same note 
quoting Diodorus: - “They closed together, but not until 
they had been drawn in by the skirmishing. ” 

Page 266, Note 46: “ Athenion with 200 picked cavalry- 
men undertook an assault and struck down every one in his 
way; but unfortunately lie received three wounds as a result 
which rendered him helpless. The slaves seeing this, lost 
courage and ran.” 

Page 267, Note 49: ‘“ When at last, after nine days from 
the date of the battle, Lucullus arrived before the fortifica- 
tions to commence a siege, the wavering courage of the 
insurgents had again been restored. ” 

Page 267, Note 50: ‘The camps of Lucullus haying been 
taken, Athenion overturned villages, cities and castles.” Sie- 
fert, same note: ‘Certainly, the camps of Lucullus must 
have been stormed.” 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES, 599 


Page 268, Note 51: ‘Tryphon dying, the command of the 
army fell to Athenion who laid siege to cities. ” 

Page 269, Note 55: “Μ, Aquillius the proconsul, contended 
vigorously. ” 

Page 269, Note 56: “ Athenion who, after the death ef Try- 
phon which had occurred in the meantime, had become king 
of the slaves, met Servilius with great boldness and drove 
him from the field. After his camps were taken, Servilius 
dared not again venture into battle, and the slave-king was 
able to ransack the country unhindered and got into his grasp 
the castles and small cities.” 

Page 269, Note 57: “The revolted cities followed, among 
which were Hybla and Macella and some others of less im- 
portance. ” 

Page 270, Note 58: “ΒΥ force he seized Macella, a city sit- 
uated in the neighborhood of Agesta,” 

Page 270, Note ὅθ: ‘ Athenion threw himself against him 
in open conflict and drove him from the field.” 

‘Page 271, Note 61: ‘‘ Athenion threw himself against him 
etc., but fell while thus engaged, at the hands of the consul, 
who himself received wounds upon the head and breast.” 

Page 271, Note 62: ‘Athenion the king of the rebelling 
slaves, throwing together his forces, fought heroically. Ru- 
pillius killed him, although he himself received a wound in his 
head.” 

Page 271, Note 63: ‘ Whilst preetor in Sicily, I pursued and 
captured runaway Italian slaves and restored 817 of them to 
to their masters.” 

Page 272, Note 66, Same as note 55. 

Page 273, Note 68: ‘Many thought that the glory of the 
fallen ones was greater than that of the surviving victors. ” 

Page 273, Note 69: “When M. Aqnillius, accused of mal- 
feasance in office, was defending himself, he was unwilling 
to question the umpires ( witnesses ) and M. Antonius acted 
as his lawyer. While making a powerful speech in his de- 
fense Antonius tore the garment from his client’s breast, re- 
vealing the honest scars. The judges no longer remaining in 
doubt, Aquillius was adjudged innocent.” 

Page 274, . Note 70, Granier says: ‘A very characteristic 
trait existed, which was the same in Eunus and in Athenion; 
and this was, that in revolting, neither one of them had any 
idea of abolishing slavery and of establishing conditions of 
equality. Hardly did they see themselves in command of force 
than they forthwith forgot that they ever had their own necks 
skinned with chains. They tasted with delicate relish the pre- 
rogatives of masters. It is thus easy to understand how cas- 
tles, villages and cities were delivered over to pillage.” 


600 APPENDIX. 


CHAPTER XIL 


Page 277, Note 1: “In the great work of Nicholas of Da 
mascus the slave war was recounted in the 110th book, from 
which we have a fragment that appears in Athenseus, IV., 
153, F. This fragment is given by Miller, in a Latin trans- 
lation which I here give, on account of the Latin being gen- 
erally more easy to read than the Greek. It is as follows: 
‘Nicholas of Damascus, a philosopher of the peripatetic sect, 
writes in his 110th book of histories these words, describing 
how they used to pair gladiators at their dinners: The Ro- 
mans not only hold gladiatorial spectacles in the assemblages 
and amphitheatres, such as were borrowed from the Etruscan 
customs, but they also do it while at their banquets of guests. 
The way they do it is this: They invite their friends toa 
dinner; and between the courses they introduce, sometimes 
one, sometimes two, or sometimes three pairs of gladiators 
whom they exhibit to the guests in battle. In this manner 
after they have been gorged with wine and are full of sumpt- 
uous hilarity, the gladiators are ordered on the scene; and 
when one of them falls with his throat cut, the whole com- 
pany of feasters fall to applauding, exhilarated by the spec- 
tacle. Indeed, there is proof that sometimes beautiful wo- 
men whom the master has bought for the occasion, fight each 
other with steel. There are others also who say that even 
little boys below the age of puberty, contribute to the grati- 
fication of this delicious passion. But the public who held 
such atrocities in detestation, ordered a law to stop it.’ The 
whole looks as if these dreadful things might have given a 
motive to the revolt of Spartacus.” 

Page 277, Note 2: “The first gladiatorial function ever per- 
formed at Rome was in the Forum Boarium at the time Ap- 

ius Claudius and M. Fulvius were consuls. It was given by 

. and D. Brutus, in honor of their deceased father who was 
incinerated. A battle of athletes was arranged through the 
munificence of M. Scaurus.” 

Page 278, Note 3: ‘Function of gladiators.’ The origin 
of the gladiatorial combats is in the funeral and comes from 
the Etruscans, although the Etruscans may possibly have de- 
rived it from the Greeks. But from whatsoever the source, 
the cause was the funeral, or burial. For inasmuch as it was 
formerly believed that the souls of dead men were propiti- 
ated by human blood, they used to immolate their captives 
of war and even slaves of their own hearth and nourishment, 
to the funeral rites. After having been customary in placat- 
ing the avengers of impiety, it differentiated into a source of 
voluptuousness; and thus the practice operated in two ways 
to propitiate the wise and great, and afterwards for funeral 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 601 


solemnities where feasts or banquets were given. Such is 
the gladiatorial function. So from this the fighters are called 
funereal or sepulchral gladiators, The gladiators, or, as Livy 
and others have it, ‘gladiatorial function,’ did not necesses- 
sarily mean the function in this sense, but was the common 
or popular term in use when speaking of the amphitheatre. ” 

Page 279, Note 5, No. 2,551 reads: ‘“ Poetelius, a Syrian 
who teaches a gladiatorial school at Forina where you can buy 
or sell a lot for the ring.” No. 2,555 is: “ Inscriptions repre- 
senting gladiators, that have been preserved in the museum 
at Rome and catalogued by Marini in his Records, vol. I., p. 
165.” The inscription itself reads: ‘‘ Astianax came out 
victorious on the first day of the ninth month of the Roman 
year; although he lost his own life. One antagonist was 
Symmachus Maternus (or perhaps, a relative of Astianax on 
his mother’s side), who was skillful in the use of weapons.” 
Schambach, studying the probable age of Spartacus from 
data given in various inscriptions, says: ‘‘ Regarding his 
age, we have no historical reports from the ancients; yet in 
spite of this fact the age of Spartacus is by no means hard to 
get at. It is natural that people should have chosen young 
men; at any rate those not above middle age. The tomb- 
stones for gladiators that have come to our knowledge show- 
ing ages at the time they fell in battle, establish this fact. We 
find in Hegenbuch’s edition of Orell’s Inscriptions the fol- 
lowing data of deaths of gladiators: No, 2,572 gives the age 
of the gladiator, at 22 years. No. 2,592 shows one who fell 
at 27 years. No. 2,571, one who fell at 30. No 2,590 gives 
the age at 46. Very rarely does the age of the gladiator rise 
above this latter figure. We shall consequently not miss far 
from the mark by setting the age of gladiators at something 
between 30 and 40 years.” 

Page 281 Note 10: ‘For although slaves are low in estate 
of manhood and fortune, and liable to punishment, yet they 
are a species of mankind.” 

Page 281, Note 11: ‘The true meaning of family is prop- 
erty. It comprehends the land, the house, the money, the 
slaves, etc.” 

Page 282, Note 13: “The war that was instigated by Spar- 
tacus the general, I am at a loss to finda name for.” Scham- 
bach, same note, says: ‘That Spartacus was a Thracian by 
birth is a matter on which all information agrees. Plutarch 
even adds that he was of a nomadic tribe. Steven of Byzan- 
tium mentions a Thracian city of the same name. From 
Thucydides, II., 101, we learn thot there was a royal dynasty 
of the Thracian house of Odrys, bearing the name Spardo- 
kos. We are shown by the inscriptions and coins that the 
name Spartokos was common among the rulers along the 


602 APPENDIX. 


Bosphorus. Compare Béckh, Body of Greek Inscriptions, 
vol. II., 91. It ispossible, therefore, that our Spartacus, in 
his own country, might have been clothed with the rank of 
nobility. 

Page 283, Note 15: “On the laws that were enacted against 
the unions: ‘Frequently they organized communistic socie- 
ties without authority of the public statutes, out of the quar- 
relsome elements of the people, who thus became a public 
nuisance...... and on this account many of the unions were 
afterwards suppressed by law.’ ” 


Page 284, Note 21: “Speech of Spartacus: A group sculpt- 
ured in marble by Barrias,/1872; Spartacus the father of the 
hero, appears chained and nailed to the trunk of a tree, about 
to expire, etc.” 

Page 285, Note 22: ‘That Spartacus was a Thracian by 
birth, is agreed to by all accounts of him.” 

Page 286, Note 27: “From this reflex of humanity as one 
views it in the light of a fresh power overwhelming the world, 
the regular demand of business enterprise was satisfied. All 
the time there were multitudes of slaves imported to Italy 
from the north, from the regions of the Black Sea, from Syria 
and Lybia through slave merchants. For a long time Delos 
was the head-quarters of this business. At the time of its 
highest succegs, which was about B. c. 100, no less than 10,000 
slaves are said to have been landed here in a single day. It 
is self-evident that Rome was an important center of the slave 
trade. How the slave dealers came iu possession of their 
wares was never questioned. Kidnaping by land and sea 
constituted the man-hunt such as is to-day being carried on 
in Africa. It was no uncommon thing to see a great multi- 
tude brought in who had been victimized through secret 
machinations and private feuds as well as those coming into 
possession of traders by exchange and barter.” 


Page 287, Note 28: ‘ Pyrrhus, who had been called by the 
people of Tarentum as an aid against the Romans, in order 
to help the effeminate citizens, forbade the communistic table 
or Greek system of taking their meals in common, as one of 
his first regulations.” 

Page 287, Note 32: ‘And they built the prison which is 
said to have been called the ‘home of the Roman proletaries.’ 
Thue, in order that he might call out at any time, and often, 
that is, ia order that he might frequently, and again and 
again be her judge and lest she should resist him, and vindi- 
cate herself through the law, he took away her liberty and 
reduced her to a slave. If she did not succumb, he could in 
this case, order her to prison and in chains. Seldom was 
there ever such a commotion of human feelings, or such a 


TRANSLATION OF NOTHS. 603 


power of the people, determined to bring kim to punishment; 
for they saw by this, how easily their own liberty might be 
taken away. So Appius Claudius was thrown into prison.” 

Page 289, Note 35: “He had served in the legions as an 
auxiliary; but being too proud to accept a species of servitude 
disguised in the name of the ‘alliance,’ he had deserted at 
the head of a company of his fellow citizens. But being 
caught and sold, his courage and physical powers were forced 
into play as a gladiator. ” 

Page 289, Note 36: ‘He met with some gladiators belong- 
ing toa certain Lentulus Batiatus at Capua, many of whom 
were Gauls and Thracians.” Remark of Florus: ‘Since 
they had already done menial work in the army, they were 
ordered to act as gladiators—a sort of infamous human crea- 
ture of the meanest quality and a butt of derision; yet they 
brought on a calamity.” Schambach’s remark: “They 
now elected the Thracian, Spartacus, general-in-chief, and 
the two Gauls, Crixus and @nomaus, as generals of the sec- 
ond degsee. It is with extreme probability, judging from 
the vote which decided this result, that we can set down the 
proportion of the Thracians as one-third, and that of the Gauls 
as two-thirds—a proportion which does not materially vary 
in the coming course of events. ” 

Page 290, Note 37, Schambach’s remark: “So far as the pre- 
vious vicissitudes in the life of Spartacus are concerned, this 
holds good: that he had for a time been a soldier in the Ro- 
men wilitia, with pay; probably in the force of the procon- 
sul P. Claudius, who had been assigned to the work of break- 
ing down what remained of the free ranks of the Macedonian 
Thracians. He had in this service probably acquired that ex- 
act knowledge of Roman military tactics which was an indis- 
pensable condition to his future victories. According to Flo- 
rus, he then deserted and became a marauding guerrilla. He 
was taken prisoner while in this capacity. Appian does not 
coincide with this view where (book I., 116), he says: ‘ Be< 
ing sold as a prisoner of war to be one of the gladiators.’ Nei- 
ther does Varro’s fragment (Charis, I., 108), where he says: 
‘Spartacus, who was innocent, was thrown as a gladiator, to 
be killed with steel;’ since they speak against the testimony 
of Florus. We are informed by Plutarch (Crassus. 8), that 
‘he first came into Rome on sale;’ that he had many a time 
changed owners before he came to the Capuan fighting school 
of Lentulus Batiatus. Plutarch also relates an anecdote of 
him after his arrival in Rome, to the effect that a snake once 
coiled itself about him in his sleep and that a female Thracian 
fortune-teller interpreted the circumstance to mean that ‘he 
was to become great and feared, «and even to his unhappy 
end, happy.’—a prophecy which, especially in its last part, 
leaves nothing more to wish for.” 


604 APPENDIX. 


Page 291, Note 39: ‘Nor did he decline his pay, as a sol- 
dier of Thrace. From a soldier, he became a deserter; from 
that, arobber and then a gladiator, doing duty to the amuse- 
ment of gentlemen.” 

Page 291, Note 40, The inscription reads: “M. Aquillius 
and M. F. Gailus were proconsuls at the time 1 was marching 
from South Italy to Capua. Along the highway of Pontis I 
put registers showing the number captured, as follows: 2 
at Nuceria; 123 at Capua; 73 at Murianum; 123 at Cosa- 
num; 180 at Valencia. On the strait were put 231, and at 
Rhegium 237. In the stretch from Capua to Rhegium, 1,321. 
And also at the time I was pretor in Sicily, I captured 917 
Italian slaves and returned them (to their owners ), to culti- 
vate the land.” 

Page 292, Note 41: ‘ About this time gladiators were brought 
to Italy and lodged at Capua to be trained for the show. Spar- 
tacus a Thracian by race, who had been a soldier in the Ro- 
man army, and who, as a prisoner of war, was sold for a glad- 
iator, being one of them, persuaded some 70 of the most dar- 
ing to make an escape, pleading that a forceable attempt at 
liberty was better than to be butchered at the amphitheatri- 
cal spectacle; and arming his fellow adventurers with cud- 
gels of wood and knives, they forced the guards and escaped 
to Mt. Vesuvius.” 

Page 292, Note 42: ‘ With scarcely more than 30 men of 
his own fortune they forced themselves out of Capua.” 

Page 293, Note 43: ‘They first compelled their best com- 
rades to leave Capua and seizing weapons suitable for fight- 
ing, safely got away; and luckily, as they got hold of more, 
they threw away their old weapons as barbarous, unworthy 
the dignity of gladiators.” Cicero says, speaking of Sicily : 
“In the insurrection of Spartacus there were very few at 
first. But what evil would those fellows not have done in so 
small an island!” Florus, speaking of their numbers, says: 
Spartacus, Crixus and @nomaus broke out of the ring school 
of Lentulus and with scarcely more than 30 men of their own 
sort, escaped from Capua. ” 

Page 294, Note 46, Same as note 43 at the close. 

Page 294, Note 47: ‘Plutarch says: ‘People generally 
call it the Spartacan war’ and Florus, who designates the 
Sicilian labor war the war of the slaves, sets the caption 
‘Spartacan war,’ which brings this Italian insurrection like- 
wise among the great wars of Rome, like the Hannibalic, the 
Sertorian and the Mithridatic wars, in which a single pesron 
exhibits such superior qualities as to constitute the soul of 
the conflict, that it takes its name from him. In fact, we 
find other weighty references to this, among the Roman au- 
thors. Augustin, in De Civitate Dei, III., 26; Ampelius, 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 605 


Book of Memory, chapters 41 & 45, calling it the servile war: 
Cesar, Gallic Wars, book I., 40, calling it the slave insurrec- 
tionary war; Frontin; Orosius: ‘This war of the runaways 
or ag I may more correctly call it, war of the gladiators.’ 
But in all these appellations the main idea is expressed, that 
the glory of the strikers, or insurrectionists, must not come 
down to posterity except as the hated and despised leaders.”’ 

Page 294, Note 48: “Slaves are held subject to the power 
of their masters, and this is in fact the power recognized by 
the jus gentium (law common to nations); for we are to un- 
derstand that with all citizen and respectable classes, owners 
of slaves have the power either to kill them or permit their 
existence.” 

Page 295, Note 51: “Seventy-four companies were killed 
by the gladiators.” Florus remarks that: ‘The general 
thought nothing of what was going to happen, when oll at 
once his camp was burst into by a sudden onset.”” Scham- 
bach remarks: ‘All information agrees that the fighters 
were immensely inferior in numbers. Frontin even bears 
witness (I., v., 21), that there were only 74 in the battle. 
He says: ‘But he also from the other side, so terrified Clo- 
dius that his gladators killed some 74 companies of his sol- 
diers.’ The attack succeeded perfectly. The Roman soldiers 
who had been hastily gathered, fled from the battle ground 
leaving their camp with all their baggage, which became the 
booty of the insurgents.” 

Page 297, Note 53, Florus says: ‘ His force gathering in 
numbers every day until it assumed the proportion of a real 
army; and he made shields from the vines and the skins of 
the cattle, and forged swords and javelins out of the iron of 
workhouse prisons.”” Appian adds: ‘Spartacus gathered 
very many soldiers and soon hed an army of 70,000. He forged 
arms and collected the implements of war. On the other hand, 
the inhabitants of the cities sent against him two consuls with 
an army of two complete legions.” 

Page 297, Note 54: “Ashe shared the spoils of battle equally, 
his army became numerous; and the first commander sent 
against him was Varinius Glabros, and with him one Publius 
Valerius. They did not carry out the tactics of a regular 
army but thought only to proceed with all haste possible, the 
Romans not looking upon it as a war but thought they were 
merely dealing with a robber and his unorganized hordes. 
They were allured into a weak spot and defeated. The horse 
of Varinius was seized by Spartacus himself, Varinius escap- 
ing, although the Roman general was well-nigh taken pris- 
oner by the gladiator.” 


Page 297, Note 55: ‘And I may drop a thought upon that 
Mars-like warrior, Spartacus ; though every scrap plies its de- 


δ00 APPENDIX. 


ceptive art in making him a vagrant.” Tacitus says: “Never 

contumely toward the Roman people brought Cesar greater 

pain than did this deserter and robber—not even Spartacus, 

after so many disasters of Rome’s consular armies, who raged 
, and burned up Italy with impunity.” 

Page 399, Note 57, Remarks of Schambach: ‘We have 
most of all to regret the loss of the greatest work—that of 
Sallust—hearing the title of ‘ Books of History of the Roman 
People.’ Sallust was not only the person nearest in date to 
the events, among Roman authors who wrote a history of 
this war, but he was also the most trustworthy in his histori- 
cal tracings. On account of his position in the state and his 
far-reaching communications he was in condition to give the 
best information; and he combined a characteristic for de- 
scription, with method and criticism. His histories were 
very thorough.” 

Page 299, Note 58: “Ina disastrous conflict Varinius lost 
his troops, his baggage and his horse, even his prsetorian bun- 
dles with the rods and battle-axe.” 

Page 300, Note 59: “He not only seized the mountains 
around Thuria but the city of Thuria itself; and forbade mer- 
chants bringing gold and silver into camp, using only iron 
and bronze and discountenencing other things. Piles of wood 
were brought and worked up for the coming expedition and 
large quantities of plunder were accumulated. By exchange 
among the outstanding Romans, and with the booty which 
came into their hands, they became a power.” 

Page 300, Note 60: “After Spartacus had drawn to himself 
all the elements of revolt offered by Campania, he turned to- 
ward other regions. We are unforunately, not instructed 
with exactness regarding the route he took; nevertheless by 
employing the Vatican fragments of Sallust which agree with 
Orosius, we may conclude that he first marched toward the 
peninsula, on the coast of the Adriatic, whence he turned in 
southerly direction and came to Lucania. At any rate the 
fragments show that Varinius of whom we shall speak more 
as we proceed, confronted the revolters at Picenum. On 
this march he took Annii Forum and perhaps Avella, whose 
inhabitants displayed a feeling against his offer of protection. 
It is perfectly certain that the slaves pursued their course 
with fire and murder.” 

Page 301, Note 64: ‘Not only are unions restored which 
the senate suppressed, but others, new and innumerable, are 
trumped up out of all the dregs of the city.” 

Page 301, Note 65: ‘During the consulate of L. Julius and 
M. Marius, noted by Cicero, the unions were suppressed by a 
law of the senate.” 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 507 


Page 301, Note 66: “That not only the ancient unions, but 
others, innumerable, and entirely new ones, should be created 
by a gladiator.” 

Page 302, Note 67: ‘Concerning the restoration of the old 
and the institution of new unions ,which he (Cicero) says, are 
created out of the dregs of the city.” 

Page 302, Note 69: “For which cause the conscription may 
be instituted ; and I have already explained as to which unions 
this law applied. In this matter I ought to observe two points: 
first that when slaves belonged to the unions they should not 
be considered as being in the unions of mechanics; since I do 
not think that these admitted slaves. But it was those de- 
voted to religion. Therefore, the law of Clodius must be re- 
garded as having effect only in the city of Rome, as Cicero 
says: ‘Also unions created out of the dregs of the city’— 
those which Clodius conscribed and organized into companies 
in the forum.” 

Page 302, Note 70, ‘Golden and gilded things are luxuries 
which we know Spartacus prohibited from his camps; for no 
soldier was allowed either gold or silver. This shows how 
much nobler than ours were the souls of our runaway slaves.” 

Page 303, Note 72: ‘‘Certain feeble glances are brought to 
mind upon the constancy of women, the inter cession of their 
prayers and the fine sentiment of the breast in cases of im- 
prisonment. Sometimes the tedium of long and impatient 
confinement is thus assuaged; and it comes to great use in 
binding together the souls of states, as in cases where girls, 
even of noble parentage are wanted to comfort those held as 
hostages. Nor do men put aside their counsel or neglect 
their answers. We have as examples, Veleda, who was held 
high for her predictions and her method of worship among 
the Germans. But there were also Aurinia and very many 
others who long ago were venerated. They did not fawn or 
descend to superficial adulation before the goddesses.” 

Page su4, Note 77: ‘‘Spartacus made an avenging sacri- 
fice of 400 of the Roman prisoners, to the ghost of the dead 
Crixus. Having 120,000 foot soldiers he thought to march 
on Rome. Making a bonfire of all unserviceable things of the 
expedition, tying all of the prisoners and slaughtering the 
beasts of draft in order to render the army light and easy to 
inanage, and many deserters from the Romans offering them- 
selves, he took them in. The consuls straightway coming 
to the rescue against him in the country of Picenum, he 
fought and beat them in great battles at every hand.” Julius 
Obsequens says: ‘* From Capua, they tell us, comes a hor- 
rifying clamor—a hundred thousand men destroyed in the 
Italian civil war!” 


Page 305, Note 78, Granier’s remarks: ‘Spartacus who 


608 APPENDIX. 


was a man whose heart was above his condition had only one 
idea: he wanted to get to Gaul, on the other side of the Alps, 
and once there, his wish was to have every one return to his 
own country. The military manoeuvres of the consuls and 
the insubordination of his comrades prevented the realization 
of his desire.” Schambach says: “ Florus however, can be 
excused, as giving a useful tinge to the subject, where he says, 
speaking of the leaders of one of the Sicilian wars: ‘We 
should hold in mind that the disasters were great.’ But peo- 
ple were not content with simply making silence cast oblivion 
over Spartacus; they even smeared public opinion of him by 
means of invented misdeeds, and brought his name down 88 
a term of contempt and abuse. And even men like Cicero 
and the elder Pliny are not entitled to remain free from this 
opinion regarding them. But we, who have no cause to re- 
gard Spartacus as a terrible enemy to be held in dismay, 
have a duty to perform in exhibiting his personality in its 
correct light and thus redeem it from an undeserved blame. 
Drumann says: ‘“ Nature had created him to be a hero and 
a ruler by endowing him with wisdom, courage, love of lib- 
erty and moderation. These caused him to stride in advance 
of his companions. He brought unconquerable Rome to fear 
and trembling when he broke his chains; though all he de- 
sired was freedom. The cruelty of his unbridled hordes is 
not to be attributed to him, nor charged to his reckoning, so 
far as it was not directed against their oppressors; it was only 
to the Romans who played their part against his manhood, 
those whom he prevented from nailing him to the cross, that 
he knew no mercy. He also remained in the resolve to act as 
for himself, for those who fell victims of Rome. He did not 
wish to destroy Roine, because he desired nothing that was 

‘jmpossible. The prophecy of his Thracian wife regarding his 
forthcoming greatness did not dazzle him. But the slaves 
confused, frustrated and baffled his plan.” 

Page 306, Note 79: ‘‘Cinomaus had already fallen in bat- 
tle.’ Schambach says: ‘This @nomaus must have been 
killed early. Crixus, who appears as the next in command 
after Spartacus, played his part for a longer time.” 

Page 306, Note 80: “Ὁ. Arrius, the preetor, killed Crixus 
the general, together with 20,000 of his troops.” Appian 
says: ‘‘Crixus who was the other commander, having un- 
der him 30,000 men, was met (by Arrius), at the foot of Mt. 
Garganus and defeated; himself and two-thirds of his army 
being destroyed. Spartacus, the other commander, was in 
consequence hindered from carrying out his intention of cross- 
ing the Appenine mountains, and so moved toward the Alps 
in the direction of Gaul, pursued by the Roman consul.” Sal- 
lust so far as can be made out of the broken scrap, says: 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 608 


“The rage of the conflict was powerful. Forgetting the body 
lacerated with gashes, and half-alive, some of them fought 
wickedly while others on the house tops hurled down fire 
upon the enemy. Many slaves of the place who had enrolled 
themselves in the love of liberty as allies, secretly stole things 
from their masters as they set themselves at liberty and no- 
body, holy or wicked, was spared the anger and servile res 
vengefulness of the barbarians; deeds were these which Spar- 
tacus was unable to hinder though he sent messengers in haste 
and with many entreaties.” Again Sallust says: ‘‘In afew 
days the faith of our troops began to augment and the force 
to increase unexpectedly. Varinius moved incautiously on 
his prey which was in view, and fell into a new ambush like 
the others, and his soldiers suffered a shock. He however, 
led them up to the camps of the revolters. With quick step 
they silently advanced but not in such self-conscious splen- 
dor as they had hitherto assumed. Again on the other hand, 
the slaves, it was perceived, were quarreling among them- 
selves and were at the point of sedition; for Crixus and his 
Gauls, together with the Germans were anxious to offer battle 
while Spartacus opposed it.” 

Page 307, Note 81: ‘He also tore to shreds the consular 
forces under Lentulus, in the Appenines; and under Caius 
Cassius at Mutina.” 

Page 307, Note 82: “Their numbers rose so that at last he 
brought to bear against the Romans as many as 40,000 men.” 
Note of translator: This absurd remark attributed to Velle- 
jus Paterculus is a false statement of an early amanuensis; 
for the real, and undeniably correct figure actually given by 
Paterculus was 300,000; see pp. 324-5,-and notes 122, 124. 

Page 308, Note 83: ‘‘Being driven by him and dispersed in 
flight—hbe it said to our shame—the enemy retired to the far- 
ther side of Italy.” 


Page 308, Note 84: “On the route he met and crushed two 
consular, and two preetorian armies and arrived, fighting and 
always victorious, at the Po, whose waters overflowing its 
banks, debarred his progress.” Sallust remarks: “M. Tre- 
quius, having scarcely enough troops, could hardly escape 
being injured. But Varinius, so long as his force was pressed 
upon by the insurgents and rendered weak-spirited by the 
odds against him, ytdered his men with a severe threat, not 
to fall back and encouraged them to rally by means of sig- 
nals; and those who lagged he lowered to the rank of militia 
with anathemas of disgrace. His commissary Οὐ. Thoranius” 
( Here the scrap is so broken as to be no further intelligible). 

Page 308, Note 85: “He ordered the prisoners ( Roman) 
to fight each other as gladiators with weapons, in celebration 
of the funeral and to the honor of the immortal spirits of the 


610 APPENDIX. 


dead leaders; plainly as if to resuscitate a gone-by abomina- 
Gon and revive the old funereal function of the gladiatorial 
wake.” 

Page 309, Note 89: “Ὁ. Cassius the proconsul, and the 
preetor Cneus Manlius, continued the war against Spartacus 
but were defeated.” 

Page 310 Note 92: “Therefore the two consuls joined their 
forces on the plains of Piceno, and attacked him both to- 
gether. But here again Spartacus raged against them and 
defeated them with great loss,” 

Page 310, Note 95: “He did not dare to march to the city.” 

Page 311, Note 96: “At last with all the forces at his com- 
mand he marched against the Thracian gladiator.” Transla- 
tor’s note. According to law, Crassus, being the consul was 
commander-in-chief of all the forces recently returned from 
Spain and Asia. 


Page 311, Note 97: “There happened an affair on a gigan- 
tic scale. Steadily they found allies of their own class, be- 
sides many farmers—men of a tough and pernicious sort.” 

Page 311, Note 98: ‘Spartacus the leader of the runaway 
ape] was able with his 500 robbers to perpetrate enough 
of evil.” 

Page 312, Note 101: “The war had already been raging 
three years and was becoming more fearful and the gladia- 
tors more disdainful in power and spirit. When the vote for 
new consuls was about to be taken candidates were tardy 
in coming to hand, as they would have to be commanders. 
At length Licinius Orassus, well known by family and wealth 
among the Romans, manifested a willingness to assume com- 
mand and with six fresh legions bore away against Sparta- 
cus.’ 

Page 313, Note 104: “The Roman general only intended to 
invade Latium, not daring to risk a battle with the terrible 
gladiator, and was content to harass and render him misera- 
ble, with his lieutenants, who were invariably beaten when- 
ever they ventured to come to battle.” 

Page 315, Note 108: ‘Immediately choosing one out of 
every ten from the whole lot of those who had been defeated 
they were condemned to death and destroyed. This was re- 
gardless as to which one the lot fell upon; for every soldier 
in the army who was beaten was called up and the tenth of 
the whole number chosen. The total number enrolled was 
about 4,000, no one escaping. No matter how this was con- 
sidered, the thought of defeat became one of terror and 
straightway Crassus fell upon the myriads under Spartacus 
and his disdainful gladiators, with these newly invigorated 
men, and drove them.” Remarks of the commentator Thir- 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 611 


sius: ‘ ‘He kills those who were chosen by lot, with clubs. 
I think it should read: ‘He kills those led out.’ Concern- 
ing the severe military discipline of Crassus, we must reflect 
that it was in the case of the two legions of Mummius who, 

; contrary to the orders of the consul, had dared to attack the 
enemy under Spartacus and who had been defeated. Four 
hundred of those who had been the first to take to their heels 
were led forth, after being drawn by lot. This ancient man- 
ner of punishment by making them kill each other, and which 
had long since fallen into disuse, was resuscitated by Crassus.” 

Page 315, Note 109: “ Defeating him, he smartly followed 
him to the sea, where Le (Spartacus) was to cross over into 
Sicily. Here Crassus set to work and threw up a breastwork 
and an intrenchment.” 

Page 316 Note 111: ‘About the same time the gladiators 
forced themselves into the town of Preneste and endeavored 
to break into the garrison of the army which here held the 
muuitions of war, and spread terror among the people; for 
it started amidst these a desire to reénact the old scenes of 
Spartacus; and not much later a naval defeat was sustained. 
It was not a war, for all this was in a time of profound peace 
but Nero had ordered the flest to return to Campania on a 
certain day, taking no notice of the nets of the sea. The 
governors therefore, inasmuch as the sea thronged with pi- 
rates who had their head-quarters in Formiz (Mola de Geeta), 
and were strong in Africa as well as in Miseni, which they 
had taken, sent war boats with three pairs of oars and a large 
number of smaller vessels everywhere along the Cumanian 
shores.” 

Page 317, Note 113: “L. Metallus the preetor, prosperously 
carried on a warfare in Sicily.” 

Page 318, Note 115: ‘So great was the terror which he 
(Spartacus) had inspired, that Crassus undertook to shut him 
up in the peninsula of Rhegium by a breastwork and ditch 
some 45 miles long! The chief of the slaves manifested pro- 
found contempt for this immense work, as well as for his en- 
emies, who did not dare to attack him in the front. There- 
fore, when the provisions began to fail, he broke down a part 
of the breastwork during a stormy night, forced the lines of 
the Romans and maneeuvred freely in Lucania where he ex- 
terminated the troops of the two lieutenants of Crassus who 
had the temerity to molest him in his retreat.” 

Page 318, Note 116: “Spartacus, relinquishing his inten- 
tion to give battle with his entire command, ordered his vav- 
alry to harass and teaze the besiegers as much as possible, 
by continually attacking them of a sudden. He broke into the 
defenses of Crassus and burned them, accomplishing the des 
struction of much difficult work. He hung a Roman prisoner 


612 APPENDIX. 


in the open space between the two armies, showing his own 
men by plain view that they were not to disobey orders. He 
threw fagots and wood bundles into the ditch and escaped.” 

Page 319, Note 117: ‘‘The people in the city of Rome, on 
inquiry, learning the escape of Spartacus from the blockade 
and reflecting upon the length of this war with the gladiator, 
sent word to Pompey to return with his army, from Spain, 
writing him that the affair had become a great and difficult 
work. Since the election which created Crassus consul, he 
had kept back the rumors of the war with Spartacus from 
the knowledge of Pompey and made every possible turn to 
get Spartacus into his hands. Spartacus knew that negoti- 
ations were going on for the assistance of Pompey.” The 
French Dictionary says: ‘Crassus wrote to the senate ask- 
ing that Pompey, then about to return from Spain, be sent 
to his assistance; likewise for the aid of Lucullus, who was 
about to return from Asia. He however, soon regretted 
this step, and sought every measure possible to terminate the 
war himself, so that he might enjoy all the honor.” 

Page 319, Note 118, Remarks of Frontin, quoting Livy: 
‘¢ hirty-five thousand armed soldiers of the insurgent slaves 
who were defeated by Crassus were killed in this battle, to- 
gether with their generals, Castus and Gannicus,’ so says Livy 
and the Romans recaptured 5 eagles, 26 ensigns and much 
plunder, among which were the preetorian fasces.” 

Page 320, Note 119: ‘Crassus had in the war of the glad- 
iators, at Catana, built a couple of palisade-like intrenchments 
that walled the camps of Spartacus from his own army. In 
the night, Spartacus set his army in motion while the pre- 
torian guards remained on high ground in their camps, in or- 
der to deceive the Romans. He thus led out all his force and 
going to the foot of the mountains they all met at a place in- 
dicated in advance. The cavalry was attacked by L. Quinc- 
tio and the part under Spartacus was drawn off so as to frus- 
trate a battle with him. The other part consisting of Gauls 
and Germans who had been in a faction against their head 
leader and who were commanded by Castus and Gannicus, 
were allured into an attack (upon Quinctio), by his pretend- 
ing to escape. In this way the Roman drew up his forces 
against them and when the barbarians came up he formed 
his cavalry in squares and suddenly throwing off the mask, 
fell upon them with a clamor. Thirty-five thousand armed 
men, Livy tells us, fell in this battle, together with both the 
leaders, Castus and Gannicus.” See also last words of Fron- 
tin, above. 

Page 323, Note 121: ‘Pompey was bending his energies 
to reach and seize Spartacus; and the latter believed him tc 
be bearing down upon him—even then, summoned to a con- 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 613 


sultation with Crassus. Disdaining to find out by inquiries 
what was going on, he had the cavalry brought up, forced 
his entire army through the barriers of the intrenchment and 
escaped to Brundusium, followed by Crassus. Spartacus how- 
ever, learned that Lucullus had arrived in Brundusium, hay- 

- ing finished his defeat of Mithridates. He now became des- 
perate; for he knew that he was about to fall into the hands 
of Crassus, with all of his great army of so many times ten 
thousand in number. Spartacus received a wound in the 
thigh by a dart, in the great battle that took place. Bend- 
ing the knee to the fight and throwing away his shield, he 
stood out upon the approaching enemy and in single, hand-to 
hand conflict, fell, covered with wounds, leaving many, in a 
circle around him, dead.” 

Page 325, Note 123, Schambach says: ‘ Vellejus is of little 
value to us. We get nothing through him that is not already 
known, except this statement regarding the numbers, that ‘of 
the 300,000 slaves engaged in the last battle, only 40,000 
were left.’” 

Page 325, Note 124, What Vellejus, interpolated by some- 
body, is wrongfully made to say: ‘* Runaways from the train- 
ing school for gladiators, at Capua with a leader named Spar- 
tacus, escaped, and having seized swords in the city, grew in 
numbers day by day until they became a multitude. With 
traps and tricks they inflicted great damage to Italy and their 
numbers rose so that at the last battle there were 40,000 in 
line” (the original MSS. written by Vellejus himself, had it 
300,000, the number 40,000 surviving ) “who arrayed them- 
selves against the Roman army.” John Campbell’s note is 
as follows: ‘* Although I do not think that I ought to alter 
anything myself, I will say that there is a great dispute here, 
among writers. Among those known to hold a diversity of 
opinion is Vossius, the exceedingly learned author of a dis- 
sertation on translations, in his edition of Florus, book IIL., 
chapter 20.” Again: “Forty; Some others augment this 
number by a great deal. Hutrope is among those who make 
it smallest of all. He writes it down as 60,000 men who 
were collected by Spartacus. But Appian extends the num- 
ber to 120,000. Orosius who continued the histories of Livy 
is observed to hold a medium between these. Thus I shall 
scarcely go wide of the truth by stating it, with Vossius, at 
90,000. This is but a paltry pivotal number from which 
the writers vary one way or the other; since the real edition 
of Vellejus gives it at 300,000 men.” Signed by Heinsius. 
Remarks from tne Hudson edition, note 5: “ Vossius does 
not dispute that the number should be read 90,000 or 100,000, 
because the original edition of Vellejus reads 300,000 men.” 

Page 327, Note 128: ‘The battle became great and obsti- 


614 APPENDIX. 


nate as 80 many times ten thousand men grew desperate. 
Spartacus was wounded in the thigh by ajavelin (dart) and 
bending his knee, threw off his shield and plunged in upon 
the approaching columns of the enemy until he himself and 
mauy more, fighting in a circle around him, fell.” 

Page 328, Note 132, Words of Heinsius on the number of 
men under Spartacus who fell in the last battle: “Since 
the main edition (of Vellejus) says ‘40,000 out of the 300, 
000 men.’” Words of Schambach, the best modern critic, 
see note 123; Words of Appian: ‘The rest of the army 
fell into disorder and the men were cut down in great num- 
bers while the loss on the part of the Romans was not very 
great, reaching only to a few thousand men. The dead body 
of Spartacus could not be found.” 

Page 330, Note 136: “The number of killed, according to 
Athenseus, in this and other less important slave uprisings 
which peradventure have, or have not come down to us, rose 
to something like a million. He probably got his figures 
out of the exaggerated calculations of Ceecilius Calactenus.” 


CHAPTER XIII. 


Page 334, Note 1: ‘“ Wesearch for the place end the na- 
ture of the skilled workmen in trade unions engaged in pub- 
lic affairs and government work, who were tolerated by law 
—and this is being examined into so far as may be—although 
among authors this thing is kept very dark.” 

Page 335, Note 6: ‘Declares that Numa the king, created 
the third union, that of the bronze-workers, in the city of 
Rome...... Numa the king, instituted the seventh union— 
that of the potters.” 

Page 335, Note 7: ‘The Roman state originally granted 
the trade organizations, such as did service to its religious 
functions and its military, complete privileges and its imme- 
diate protection, together with a code of self-sustaining rules 
on the communal plan.” 

Page 335, Note 8: “In very ancient times the right of com- 
bining into organized form was allowed to everybody.” 


Page 336, Note 10: “In the divisions of the trades and pro- 
fessions there were included along with the skilled arts, the 
flute-players, gold-workers, dyers, shoemakers, tanners cur- 
riers, braziers, potters and all the others instructed to operate 
under the same system.” 

Page 337: Note 13: ‘It is worthy of remark here that this 
is the law of Solon, as it relates to the sacred and civil com- 
munes.” 

Page 338, Note 14: “Amasis made a law for the Egyptians 
which made it compulsory upon all to inform the governors 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 615 


of their districts as to how they maintained themselves, on 
pain of death. Solon brought this law to Athens and estab- 
lished it there.” 

Page 340, Note 17: ‘Although much was destroyed in 
the civil war, yet there were in his possessson, 4,116 slaves.” 

Page 340, Note 19: ‘Not only those ancient unions were 
restored in spite of the senate, but new ones, too numerous to 
count were enrolled by a gladiator.” 

Page 342, Note 21: ‘To his most virtuous wife Numisia, 
with her incomparable love, with whom he lived 17 years, 11 
months and 17 days.” 

Page 343, Note 26: ‘We are nevertheless surprised to see 
in Livy who knew the old traditions, that the optimate class 
denied the admission of plebeians as citizens, not because 
they were from conquered countries, but because they were 
without religion and without family. Now this reproach, un- 
merited at the time of Licinius Stolo and which those living 
contemporaneously to Livy, could scarcely understand, com- 
ing down from a high antiquity, reminds us of the ancient 
organization of cities.” 

Page 344, Note 27: ‘Men of the inferior class formed a 
body or union among themselves. What was meant by the 
people was the patrician class and their clients. The plebei- 
ans were outside of this.” 

Page 344, Note 28: “This was a renunciation of religion. 
Let us again remark that a son born without the regular cer- 
emonies and rites, was recognized an illegitimate, the same 
as one born of an adultery; and the domestic, or home reli- 
gion was not for him at all.” 

Page 344, Note 29: ‘But such, and of such δ sort was the 
religion of the unions called the sodality that they were pro- 
hibited by the public laws in order to be rid of annoyances.” 

Page 344 Note 30: ‘The sodalis (union of a pretended re- 
ligious nature), is a species of wild thing, evidently derived 
from the stock farms and farms of the Germans, and addicted 
to their lupercalian orgies, whose meetings in the forest were 
instituted before the laws that govern mankind.” 

Page 345, Note 33: “Ina great many places Cicero inveighs 
against P. Clodius who by his law, restored the unions, 58 
years before Christ, and even caused the creation of new ” 

Page 346, Note 35: “Be it known that whoever commits 
suicide for whatsoever cause, shall for that offense, be denied 
a burial.” 

Page 346, Note 36: “This deceit which used religion as a 
cloak caused the senate to withdraw the right of combina- 
ion.” Again: “Under pretext of religion, those forming 
illicit combinations for purposes of political power by vote 


816 APPENDIX. 


(the ballot), are not to be included among ancient organiza- 
tions.” 

Page 347, Note 38: ‘We have elsewhere shown that the 
Roman law of the Twelve Tables touching the corporations, 
continued the same dispensations as the Greek law, to such 
an extent that they appeared to Gaius to be a translation from 
the Greek to the Latin.” 

Page 347, Note 40: “ Combinations also of quarrelsome peo- 
ple without legal authority, often commit mischief,...... on 
account of which the religious unions were suppressed by va- 
rious laws.”’ 

Page 350, Note 44: “10 did not ameliorate the low estima- 
tion in which the laboring people were held; even though 
quite a number of celebrated men belonged by birth or busi- 
ness to this class.” 

Page 357, INSCRIPTION AT LANUVIUM Completed. 
‘Be it ordained that whoever shall be created a five-years’ 
magistrate in this union, shall, from the date at which he so 
became, as appears stamped on the records, be free and ex- 
empt from the duties of the other members; and double as 
much shall be given him out of all the resources, as to the 
others. So also to the scribe or amanuensis as well as to the 
traveling agent, once and ahalf as much is to be paid, out 
of the revenues, from the time he takes the office.” 

‘“ Be it ordered that whoever conducts the office of the quinquen- 
nal or five-years’ magistrate faithfully and honorably, shall 
receive one and a half times that of an ordinary member, out 
of every revenue; that those behind may be imbued with an 
emulation and a hope, by following in his footsteps.” 

“Be it ordered that if any one wishes to bring complaint or 
to make any demands, let the same be done in a session of 
the union, that it may be done quietly and in the good feel- 
ing that prevails when we are enjoying our banquet on stated 
occasions.” 

“Be it ordered, that if any one go from his place over to another, 
for the purpose of sedition (disturbance), let him be fined 
the sum of 4 sesterces (17 cents U. S. money). But if any 
one speak against another, using opprobrious language, or 
become tumultuous, let him be fined and disgraced. If any 
person during his term of the five-years’ magistracy behave 
indecently, using contumelious language during the festivi- 
ties, let him be fined 20 sesterces ( about 82 cents), and be 
disgraced.” 

“Be it ordered that the five-years’ magistrate of the union shall, 
during his term, behave himself with holiness on the solemn 
days of the feasts, by offerings of frankincense and wine and 
through other offices, himself performing the functien of lord- 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 617 


priest, robed in white; and on the birth-day of the goddess 
Antin, he shall put oil before the union and in the public 
bath, before the banqueting begins.” 


CHAPTER XIV. 


Page 360, Note 3: “The Order of Wood-workers, divided 
into bodies of 100 to each union, was put between the first 
and second categories; or if we follow Dionysius of Halicar- 
nassus ( VII., 59), we shall have: ‘two bodies of 100 me- 
chanics each, who are wood and brass workers, engaged in 
making the armaments of war.” 

Page 361, Note 8: “The union of ship carpenters,....and 
in the same manner there were the mechanics in wood, of 
the city of Pisaurum.” 

Page 362, Note 10: “ΒΥ the law (senatus consult), there 
was the school of the unions of wood-workers under Augusta 
which was maintained at their own expense, founded by T. 
Furius, the first son who, at its dedication, gave 10 sesterces 
(about 42 cents) out of his own purse, so that they might 
enjoy a banquet every year in honor of his birth-day which 
occurred on the 12th of August.” 

Page 362, Note 11: “All the unions were suppressed, ex- 
cept a few particular ones, such as he considered useful; and 
these were the wood-workers and the image-makers.” Note 
of Dion Cassius: ‘‘ The ancient brotherhoods... .being reg- 
ularly recorded and known to have existed for a long time.” 

Page 362, Note 12: ‘But a greal many unions had been 
created before. The first cause for this was religion ; some 
thinking this a matter essential to their lives and they used 
these associations for sacred purposes.”’ 

Page 362, Note 13: “Feigning religion and making a false 
show is what caused the senate to suppress their privilege 
of combination. These words must be explained as touch- 
ing their meetings in the temples on pious pretenses, which, 
however, wasin no wise against the law; though they could 
fraudulently use this clause of the law.” 

Page 363, Note 14, at bottom, Funck Brentano says: “It 
was the saine in the cities of Greece; this was a condition of 
their progress,” 

Page 363, Note 15: ‘“ We have said that during the time L. 
Piso and A. Gabienus were consuls, P. Clodius who was a 
tribune of ‘the people, strove to restore the unions and to cre- 
ate new ones which Cicero says were organized out of the 
dregs of the city of Rome.” 

Page 364, Note 19: ‘Sacred to the holy ashes of T. Sillius 
& T. Liberius Priscus, president of the union of wood-workers 


618 APPENDIX. 


and five-years’ magistrate with the brotherhood of cloth. 
fullers; and also sacred to the memory of Clavidia his free 
wife, who was matron of the brotherhood. Signed by C. 
Tullanis, T. Sillius Caris and Tiberius Claudius Phillippus, 
who were presidents and five-years’ magistrates ( quinquen- 
nals), sons of these most pious parents.” 

Page 365, Note 23: ‘Ceasar suppressed all the unions ex- 
cept those of ancient origin. 

Page 366, Note 24: “In this case the many workmen be- 
longing to Cato, or the 500 belonging to Crassus, would not 
have been able to do anything; it was necessary for govern- 
ment to have corporations of trade unions of the workmen.” 

Page 367, Note 27: ‘The union of stonecutters, organized 
by (or perhaps presided over by ) Augurius Catalinus Usar.” 

Page 368, Note 28: ‘An emancipated slave who, after his 
manumission, became either a silversmith or an engraver and 
die-sinker.” 

Page 370, Note 34: ‘According to Budwus, the joiners or 
inside finishers (house finishers etc.), worked in wood of a 
smaller sort, and consequently they used to work finishing 
dwellings, temples, etc.” 


CHAPTER XV. 


Page 373, Note 2: ‘What Flavius Josephus tells us about 
those works which were several times executed at Jerusalem, 
either in building the temple or repairing it, does not leave a 
ehance for doubt, that the workingmen, whether Jew or Si- 
donian, were organized into trade unions. Furthermore every 
particle of doubt is removed by the following passage where 
he clearly speaks of the hierarchy which prevailed among 
the workmen and their 3,200 foremen who had 80,000 ma- 
sons at work on the walls of the temple, to wit: “Οὐ the 
neighbor workingmen employed by David, there were eight 
times ten thousand hewing stone, whose work was directed 
by three thousand and two hundred foremen.” 

Page 373, Note 3: “It should be stated at the start that 
the mines of iron come first; although it is both the best and 
the basest commodity in human use.” 

Page 373, Note 4: “Statue to the honor of the most pious 
Voleanus, erected by (or at the instance of) T. Flavius 
Florns, who was priest of the Sun-god. It is of marble, 
for the union of sling-makers and the union of iron-workers,” 

Page 373, Note 5. The Arundelian slab is not so old as Numa 
but it embraces time remotely anterior to him. Its authen- 
ticity is subseribed to by Béckh. The passage quoted seems 
to speak of women who combed their hair with toothed in- 
struments made of iron. 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 619 


Page 375, Note 8: “They forged swords and javelins out 
of the iron of their prisons.” 
Page 377, Note 10: ‘The sword-makers, arrow-makers, 


wagon-makers, water-wheel-makers and shinglers.” 

Page 378, Note 14: ‘To the honor of my remains! CO, Fu- 
rius and C. F. Lollius, chief officers of the union of machine- 
makers ; let this be enregistered that I desire and ask of you 
a sacrifice; and that the union consider me worthy of a six- 
days’ solemnity—this to take place from the Ides of March, 
the fourth and on my birth-day; and that as much as four 
dollars and thirty-five cents be expended for that purpose. 
Let the finest flowers be used, at a cost of eighty-seven and a 
half cents. If this request be not punctually fulfilled, then 
you shall forfeit double that sum for funeral uses, collected 
by subscription” (not from the treasury of the union ). 

Page 379, Note 17: ‘One searches in vain for satisfactory 
information.” 

Page 380, Note 19: ‘The government on its own part, had 
need, all the time, of a number and variety of workmen suf- 
ficiently large to execute its works. And what mighty works 
were those performed by the Romans! What temples, and 
such splendid temples! What aqueducts and such mighty 
aqueducts! What bridges and they were magnificent! 

Page 380, Note 20: ‘Just so the shoemakers, whom Cicero 
calls the girdlers, to express his contempt, as being no better 
than common people, formed, under Numa’s categories, an 
especial trade organization.” 

Page 381, Note 21: “There was, in fact, the government. 
It was the true supporter of the trade unions. And the en- 
terprises undertaken by it formed the only permanent man- 
ufacture in which the laboring people could obtain their liv- 
ing, or wages day by day.” Again, Granier says: “On the 
part of the government” etc. (see note 19 above), “it was 
indispensable to have unions of workingmen; and this is be- 
cause they were constantly under the service and pay of gov- 
ernment that the senate and the emperors had them provided 
for by laws. The law of the Twelve Tables which ordained 
that the unions should conform to the general statutes of the 
state, is therefore, in reality the first established privilege in 
favor of the working class already organized at the time.” 

Page 382, Note 23: “A five-years’ magistrate of the unions 
of wine-curers of the city of Rome and the port of Ostia.” 

Page 383, Note 24: ‘The union of wine-smokers put the 
epitaph: ‘sacred to the memory of’”..and Orelli adds: “I 
have found another union of wine-smokers.” 

Page 383, Note 26: “It must be observed that among the 
great numbers of unions and organizations of the arts at the 


620 


APPENDIX. 


port of Rome, the decurians (those of the category of 10, by 
law ) were not simply corporations, but real trade unions.” 
Text of the inscription: ‘‘Sacred to the memory of Cneus 
Sentius, son of Cneus senior, three times the successful can- 
didate for superintendent of works and buildings, and twice 
elected captain and secretary-treasurer of the company at 
Ostia the port of Rome; a man who died while yet a youth.” 
‘This person is the first who is known to have been received 
as a member of a union at ten years of age; and he in fact, 
designates two men. He appears five times admitted during 
his youth, through the good nature of managers of the order 
of boatmen, and he belonged to the good-fellowship in the 
order of wine-men. He was secretary’s accounting clerk un- 
der the patronage of the company and herald or crier to the 
unions of silversmiths, traders and wine-men. So also, he of- 
ficiates in the bread supplies for the city of Rome, for unions 
of measurers and fruiterers, and also for the unions of light 
and heavy boatmen, split and corn-grits unions for furnishing 
food to freedmen as well as the slaves belonging to the city, 
for the cabriolet-drivers young and old, the oil-drivers’ unions, 


_ and was youth of the plays for the fish-hucksters. Cneus Sen- 


tius Lucullus Gamala, a Clodian, beloved of his father.” 


Page 385, Note 30, Granier says: ‘ From the earliest times 


the slaves are found to be apart from free people, forming a 
race by themselves. They were fed and clothed in a mannez 
special and appropriate. The Jews used to pierce their ears 
while the Greeks and Romans branded them on the forehead 
whence the name ‘Stichus’ which became common and gen- 
eral among the slaves. From Homer’s time their mode of 
living was regulated and they never ate bread made of 
wheat flour.” 


CHAPTER XVI. 


Page 389, Note 1: ‘To Titus Claudius Esquilius Severus, 


lictor to the company of ten, under the patronage of the union 
of fishermen and divers and who was three times a five years’ 
magistrate of the same. On account of his meritorious ac- 
tions two statues are placed to his honor—one through the 
gift of money made by Aug. Antonius at Rome and the other 
costing more, donated by the union itself, in the sum of 10- 
000 sesterces, which is placed at interest, the earnings to be 
expended every year on the 15th calends of Feb., his birtn- 
day, in a banquet at which each member shall have a flagon 
of wine apportioned to him accordingly as he shall have dili- 
gently behaved in the work of the society’s business with 
the boats under the rules of the order of fishermen and diverz 
vt the whole length of the Tiber, to whom the right of or- 
ganization has been decreed by a law of Rome,” 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 621 


Page 391, Note 5: “At the elections of duumvirs and the 
board of public works of provincial cities, the trade unions, 
the public, and what is wonderful, women also, when they 
favored the candidates, voted for them. For this purpose 
they placarded the place as seen on the walls of Pom- 
peii through a recent discovery.” 

Page 395, Note 20: “Union of hunters of Deéns who fur- 
nished the amphitheatres with wild beasts.” 

Page 398, Note 26: “Oligarchy of money, with its concom- 
itants of pauperism and slavery.” 


CHAPTER XVII. 


Page 402, Note 1: “In mirth and jollity to the union of play 
actors at Felan; second prompter of the companies of 10.” 

Page 403, Note 6: “The two inscriptions are remarkable 
which Gorius (Etruscans, I., p. 125, which is the same as 
Orelli’s no. 2,447, and Muratorius’ nos. 886 and 887), thinks 
dates from A. D. 212. In these they hold that by the word- 
ing, it is to be understood that the names of the soldiers 
are taken from 7 cohorts (or from the 7th cohort). They 
are now in the collection at Florence. An inhabitant of the 
seaport of Misenum arranged theatrical plays, making actors 
of the guards in the pretorian fleet. When Claudius Gno- 
rimus was made a superintendent of the board of works he 
organized a division under one flag, and had entertainments 
and diversions performed by the military companions them- 
selves. Among them are to be mentioned these names and 
epithets: archimimus (first mimic); archimimi Greci (Greek 
mimics); the clowns, the Greek clowns, the Greek perform- 
ers, the jesting dandies and the machinist or scene-adjuster. 
All the names of the soldiers appear.” 

Page 404, Note 9: “The unions of mimics, both in name 
and kind of association are the same in arrangement as the 
Greek communes of skilled workmen of the Dionysian or- 
der, which were exceedingly numerous among the Greeks.” 

Page 413, - Note 36: “The fortune-tellers whose tutelary di- 
vinity is the goddess of justice Nemesis (sun-worship), the 
same as good fortune.” 

Page 414, Note 37: “Very many unions of comic actors are 
being discovered.” 


CHAPTER XVIII. 


Page 416, Note 5: “The freeborn sons of Eumachia, of the 
sacred union of cloth-fullers, who worked for the state (or 
public).” 

Page 416, Note 8: “The principal corporations of the em: 


022 APPENDIX. 


pire of Rome were those of the weavers and drapers.” 

Page 422, Note 30: “Union of the rag-pickers and patch- 
piecers of the provincial city of Mevaniola.” 

Page 423, Note 32: ‘Similar laws which were neither 1688 
wordy nor less stuffed with fawning language.” 

Page 425, Note 39: ‘The date, 251 years of the union, was 
written above, showing that it must have been founded at 
that time.” 


CHAPTER XIX. 


Page 429, Note 3: “In the rules of Diana and Antine and 
of Esculapius and Hygmwa.” Also: ‘‘In the domestic estab- 
lishments of the Cesars (from Czsar Augustus), there were 
many unions of skilled mechanics,” Again: ‘The appear- 
ance is that there were also sailors. They dedicated the ‘fam- 
ily’ of sailors as sacred to Minerva.” 

Page 433, Note 14: ‘ We do not like to look at the circus 


performance from cushioned seats.” 


CHAPTER XX. 


Page 439, Note 3: ‘Placed to the memory of Aurelius Ce- 
cilius. Epictatus the student or apprentice, placed it to his 
honor at Lyons.” This is an inscription commemorating the 
union of collectors. 

Page 442, Note 10: “Tax collection of the iron forgers and 
iron ore miners.” Also: ‘‘ Sacred to the memory of Primon 
the tent associate, comrade of the forgers in the iron mines.” 


CHAPTER XXI. 


Page 445, Note 2: “Again, there are certain unions at Rome 
defined under the law as sacred, with regular rules and by- 
laws; such as the millers and bakers; and certain others, as 
the boatmen in the provinces,” 

Page 445, Note 3: ‘P. Monetius a freedman member, and 
Philogenes, a worker in metals. 

Page 446, Note 4: “There is shown on the pyramid, by let- 
ters engraved in the Egyptian style, the statistics of living for 
the workmen. If I remember the interpreter rightly, the ex- 
pense for eatables for them alone was, for radishes, onions, 
and garlic, no less than $1,690,000. 

Page 447, Note 5: ‘For both on account of the necessity 
of burials and their usefulness in putting out fires, the senate 
continued their right to organize. For this reason, those only 
were prohibited who had ostensibly gone into a burial associ- 
ation with the real purpose of forming one of incendiaries.” 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 623 


Page 447, Note 6: “He (or the senate) gave permission to 
organize, to all the wine-men, brothel keepers, shoemakers 
and the artisans generally; and ordered that the magistrates 
should keep an eye upon them, seeing to it that they main- 
tained their proper relations one to another.” 


Page 448, Note 9: “The variety, extent and propagation 
of the organizations.” 


Page 455, | Note 16: ‘There are unions of brotherhoods of 
eranoi, allowed to combine by the consent of the magistrates 
of Athens, with their help, good will and indulgence toward 
those that were called, sometimes the eranos, sometimes the 
thiasos, and by others, the commune or union of the broth- 
erhood, and the union of the thiasotes.” 

Page 456, Note 17: ‘Some of the communistic societies 
are thought to be for pleasures or enjoyment, among which 
are the thiasotes and eranists. Some are combined for the 
purpose of performing sacrifice to the gods.” 


Page 458, Note 18: “We are all a brotherhood ( thiasotes) 
under this divinity” (meaning the god of love). 


CHAPTER XXII. 


Page 467, Note 5: “Of late, in order to make the arrang- 
ments easy, all the between-distances are designated, and so 
well learned as to be in familiar use. So the custom is to 
drive down the staff of the banners (vexilla). One of them, 
and in fact the first one, must be put at the place where the 
general’s tent stands; another is fixed at one side and the 
third at a central point between the lines toward which the 
tribunes march. A fourth is put in a position at which the 
legions are to be stationed. Then certain other flags which 
are red, although the consul’s banner is white, are placed as 
follows: Among these red flags some are placed on the side 
opposite the preetorian guards. Sometimes they are fixed to 
naked spears or lances driven into the ground, the banners 
being frequently of more than one color.” 

Page 470, Note 10 “These rudimental colors are the red, 
the orange, the yellow, the blue, the indigo and the violet.” 

Page 471, Note 12: “To finish the arrangements of the camp, 
tribunes find it necessary to exact an oath from all, whether 
freedmen or slaves, and this is done in the following manner: 
‘You solemnly swear that you will not steal anything from 
the camp; and moreover, if any one finds anything, that he 
will bring the same to the general.” 

Page 474, Note 20: ‘Nor could the angry and threaten- 
ing aspect of things be assuaged. There was no election ex- 
cept for members of the board of public works and for trib- 


624 APPENDIX 


unes of the common people. Licinius and Sextius were re- 
elected tribunes and it was impossible to fill the aristocratic 
chair of consul; so that there was an interregnum duringa 
period of five years; for as the plebeian party succeeded in 
restoring the two tribunes, these broke up the election of 
military tribunes or commanders, and thus held the city 
for five years.” 

Page 475, Note 22: “Horatius had an unmarried sister, in 
love with, and engaged to, one of the three Curiatii (antag- 
onists whom he killed). When he observed her in front of 
the gate of Capua, in tears and rending her hair knowing 
by the military cloak over his shoulder that it was her dead 
lover he became aroused by her weeping, being worse ag- 
gravated by the congratulation of the public at his moment 
of victory. These awakened the ferocity of the young 
man’s soul. Drawing his sword and at the same time 
shouting, he stabbed the girl through the body, cryin 
‘Hence with your love! Get you gone to your lover! O 
down with the dead men into oblivion! Be done with life 
and fogret the land of your fathers! Hello, hangman! bind 
together the hands which but now were in arms against 
the power of the Roman people!’ ” The words of the father 
of Manlius were: “Heigh there, executioner, tie him to 
the post!” 

Page 477, Note 25: “The little toga was put on the lictor 
near the city gate and when he took it he cast off his saga 
and went again into the service of the consul.” 

Page 484, Note 43: “Flag-bearers who carried banners and 
colors in honor of the gods, at the pageants, the festivities 
and the games.” 


Page 484, Note 44: “Ancient and revered union of master 
flag-bearers at the banquets and their numerous varieties 
extending from the image and ensign-bearers who are the 
genus to the standard-bearers who are the species.” 


Page 484, Note 45: “One will easily understand that there 
might have been lively quarrels or differences among these 
unions of shoemakers and cobblers—the one selling old 
boots and shoes, the other bartering certain articles of its 
trade but in doing so, trenching upon the conditions pre- 
scribed by the rules and regulations. Indeed, oftentimes 
the courts and tribunals of justice heard their grievances 
and interfered against acts which they often committed, or 
prevented their combats.” 

Page 485, Note 46: “Their banner was in three colors di- 
vided from each other by a pale blue strip, the first divi- 
sion being red, with a gilt- handled knife; the third part 
was gold with a horse bit in red.” 

Page 485. Note 48: “At Clermont, blood-red with a blade 
of silver and a gilt handle.” 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES 625 


Page 486, Note 50: ‘“ At Montferrand the shoemakers, in 
union with the carders, weavers, dealers in old junk, tavern- 
keepers and masons carried a banner the color of which was 
red and in the center was the virgin in silver, with the infant. 
It was margined with gold.” 

Page 488, Note 53: ‘One may make a very curiosity-grat- 
ifying study of the part which the military carpentry played 
in the second expedition of Pepin-le Bref in the year 761 
against Gaifre, duke of Aquitania, At the siege in which he 
took the city of Clermont he profited by the experience of the 
Lombards, and caused formidable battering-rams to be slung 
against the walls. These consisted of beams of enormous size 
set swinging by levers, and rolling upon cylinders made to 
oscillate backwards and forwards by ropes, the impulse being 
given by carpenters and skilled men who hurled iron-headed 
ends against the walls and stove them to pieces. To this day 
one may observe the marks of damage thus sustained at other 
sieges of Clermont and Montferrand, A. D. 1121 and 1126.” 


CHAPTER XXII. 


Page 498, Note 3“ In Epidamnus there were no artisans ex- 
cept public slaves. Manual skilled labor was in consequence 
condemned and despised, and in many cities even forbidden 
the citizens.” 

Page 499, Note 9: ‘Who is he that is not tired and dis- 
gusted with reading and writing of long and irksome wars 
and the motives that propel them.” 

Page 499, Note 11: ‘That sort which the Greeks call bur- 
den-bearers, but which we in Latin denominate drudges.” 

Page 499, Note 12: ‘ Wherefore I plead and beseech, O 
judges, that you see in the true light this work which Sextus 
Clodius has, within these few days accomplished. [ demand 
that you look after this man whom you for two years, have 
seen as the minister or leader of sedition—the man who is 
burning the holy altars and the wealth of the Roman people, 
blotting them from public memory by his own hand; a man 
without condition, without a faith, without hope, without a 
home, without fortune, mouth, tongue, hand or even life that 
be not smirched and polluted ; the man who brought to dis- 
grace the naine of Catulus, who consummated the ruin of my 
house and burned the home of my brother.” 

Page 500, Note 14: ‘‘It is very much to be regretted that 
so slender details of them have come down to us.” 

Page 6500, Note 15: ‘One seeks in vain for satisfactory 
information.” 

Page 503, Note 18: ‘ Relating to a thiasos which is an as- 
semblage of people for purposes of drinking.” 


626 APPENDIX. 


Page 503, Note 19: “Polybius recounts in his Histories, 
(book 20, chapter 6), that these garlands and wreaths were 
in their finest stage of effusion in Betia.” 

Page 503, Note 20: “The thiasos is not an association for 
wine and drunkenness.” 

Page 506, Note 25: ‘‘A certain degree of satisfaction and 
of confidence.” 


Page 510, Νοίβ 37: “ Besides these smaller unions devoted 
exclusively to private objects, there were also boatmen and 
dealers who had their unions.” 


Page 511, | Note 41: “Both sorts of eranos appear to have 
been mixed with the thiasotes at a very early time.” 

Page 513, Note 46: ‘Nowhere were the religious societies 
more numerous than at the Pirzeus.” 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


Page 552 Note 69: “So far as the civil right is concerned, 
slaves are not considered anything; notso however, the nat- 
ural right, for in the natural right,al) men are equal.” Again, 
Florentine says: ‘‘The condition of slavery is provided for 
by acode of rights for high-born citizens, by which a man 
may be subjected to an outside owner or master contrary 
to nature.” 

Page 553, Note 70: “We come together in our brother- 
hood and our congregation in order that we may walk and 
work together as it were in prayers and deeds.” 

Page 552, Note 76: ‘So it seems, said he (Socrates), O 
comrades; in all likelihood we ourselves resemble the great 
spirit; and in the realm of time, the mortal probation, our 
life is the same in stature and shape as the immortal divini- 
ties, but when once fixed in our seats in the newer form and 
shape, forget not that then, we are all thiasotes and mem- 
bers of the brotherhood, under Eros, the God of Love.” 

Page 557, Note 87 ‘The well-nigh incestuous liason of An- 
tipas and Herodias was then and there accomplished.” 

Page 569, Note 109: ‘The harvesting was accomplished in 
the following manner: In the great estates occupying the 
larger valleys and level tracts of land, a machine is used hav- 
ing its outer margin full of teeth and this they force through 
by means of two wheels, and the power of an ox harnessed 
in thills behind (and pushing the machine). In this way the 
heads of the grain are torn off and fall into a trough attached 
to the vehicle. The stalks which are left below the heads 
thus harvested, they afterwards cut with a sickle.” Palla- 
dius says: ‘‘In the more level parts of Gaul the following 
apparatus is in use for harvesting, which does away with the 
labor of man to such an extent that an ox performs the en- 


TRANSLATION OF NOTES. 627 


tire task of harvesting. A cart or carriage is constructed 
furnished with two small wheels. On this carriage is mounted 
a square box made of planks, with the top larger in size than 
the bottom. The height of this cart-box is less in front thar: 
in rear. Here are fixed many umall teeth, curved backwards, 
not so thickly set but that the grain can get between them, 
and arranged in such an order that the heads may enter above. 

~ Behind this cart are two small tongues or thills, as if the ani- 
mal were harnessed in a chair. Here the ox is fastened, his 
head towards the machine, by means of a yoke and chains; 
and when all is ready, he begins to push the cart forward, 
into the grain. Thus every head is caught between these 
teeth and torn from its stalk—which is left standing—and 
falls into the box. The machine is generally about the height 
of an ordinary small ox that propels it from behind. Thus 
by a few bouts and in a very short space of time, the entire 
harvest is accomplished. This machine is useful in valleys 
and level fields, and in those places where straw and chaff 
are necessary for manure.” 


GREEK INSCRIPTION 
CORONATION AT SYMPOSIUM OF A THIASOS, 


( FACING AND INCLUDING PAGE 463). 


‘THE MALE and female members of this thiasos crown Sratonice, 
daughter of Menecrates, who was presiding officer for proph- 
ecy and predictions of the eranos, in tne one hundred and 
and seventy-eighth year of its existence; since she was loyal 
to the great mother Ceres, and to the sun-god, Apollo. An 
upright tablet of stone is engraved to her honor and orna- 
mented with wreaths and ribbons, and she is further honored 
by a public proclamation at the meeting in the temple of 
Jupiter.” 


PND EX” 


A 


Abolition, Aristotle’s day, 541. 

Abomination, a certain practice, 
538. 

Abraham, tried low form of pa- 
triarchism, 72; the God of, 562. 

Abyss, or crater of the brimstone 
lake, 248, note 3. 

Achzeus, compared, 167; chosen 
by Eunus as his adviser, 209; 
his character, 210; organizes 
an army of slaves, 210; beats 
the Romans often, 214; lieu- 
tenant general to Eunus, 217; 
with Cleon, defeats Hypseus, 
217; mysterous death of, 228. 

Achaia, Roman conquest of, 210. 

Acknowledgment honorable, 565 

and note 106. 

Acragus, a state in Sicily 214. 

Acrobatic sports (Spartan), 535. 

Acropolis, of Athens, 126; of 
Sunion, 142, note 38. 

Actors, unions of comic, 112; at 
seaport, Misenum, 403, note 6. 

Adad, Syrian sun-god, 236. 

Adam and Eve, 535. 

Admission, of women, freedmen, 
strangers and slaves to the thi- 


asos and eranos, 169, note 10. 
Adrian, withdrew slaves from 
the old domestic tribunal, 365, 

Adoniastes, a divinity, 462. 

Adultery, what its equivalents 
were, 344, and note 28. 

Advent, of Jesus, 493. 

Aldile, superintendent of pub- 
lic works, 403. 

fkgesta or Segesta, a city, 258. 

fAigis, protector of labor, 474. 

®lian, what he says of the in- 
human slave-holders, 537, 

Ainator, buccinator, played the 
shepherd’s horn, 407, 408. 

Kon, great period of time 495. 

ARschines, orator of low birth, 
101; railed at by Demosthenes 
in consequence, 543. 

Affection, strange tenacity of, 
for the red flag, 468. 

Africa, modern slavery of, 68; 
fame of the ancient mysteries 
in, 88; comparative numbers 
in northern parts, 195. 

African, slave trade, 286, note 27. 

Africans enslaved by the ancient 
Roman and Greek traders, 190, 

Agathodemoniastes, 462. 

Age, of gladiators, 279, note 5; 


630 


of ragpickers inscription, 425. 

Aged word, “red,” 471. 

Ager Comensis, 423, 424. 

Ager publicus, explained, 285-8; 
how tilled, 287, 443; inimical 
inroads upon, 288; usurpation 
of, 285; further explained, 360 
note 4; cultivated by the pro- 
letaries, 349; products of, car- 
ried to:-Rome by sea, 440; when 
seized by the landlords, 438. 

Ages, the new, 556. 

Agis, an ancient king of Sparta, 
115; labor insurrection in the 
time of, 115; vast murder of 
Helots by, 116. 

Agis, the Fourth, 531. 

Agitation, ancient, against the 
slave institution, 141, note 33. 

Agitator, a gladiator, 412; John 
the Baptist, 557. 

Agony, of the crucifixion, 562. 
Agriculture, Ceres, its protect- 
ing divinity, 469, see Ceres. 
Agrarianism, 557; see Gracchus. 
Agrarian, trouble, 213; law, 474. 
Agricultural, organizations rare, 

443; laborers, how treated 526. 

Agriculturists, found organized 
in the isle of Santorin, 456. 

Agrigentum, state of, in Sicily, 
214; slave owners of, 405. 

Agyrium, number of its prop- 
erty owners, 194. 

Alaba, river, 253; the battle of, 
255; Tryphon’s camps, 263. 
Alatri, invented the siphon, 571. 
Albarius, one who made plaster 

- images, 432. 

Alcestis, prayer of, 562, 563. 

Alcibiades, 140. 

Alents, an American tribe, 92. 

Alexander, the Great, 117. 

Alexandrian, school, the many 
communes, 506. 

All things common, 572. 

Alliance, with Crassus in Asia 
Minor, 241, 242. 

Allobroges, an inscription at Vi- 


INDEX. 


enne, in the country of, 403. 
Allegory—agitation by, 557. 
Altars, the domestic, 428; mass. 

ive and awful, 429 
Altruistic system, see co-opera- 

tive system. 

Amalgamated societies for vict- 
ualing the Roman people, 286. 

Amalgamation, the political, of 
Constantine, 551. 

Amanuensis, 435. 

Amasis, king of Egypt, 115; his 
Solon’s labor law, 338, note 14. 

Amazons, 87, note 12; Theseus 
and his battle with, 130. 

Amber, beads of, 110, note 50. 

Ambert, town in Auvergne, 484. 

Ambition, of Spartacus, 305; Pla- 
to’s idea of, 539. 

Ambuscade, of Lycurgus, 102; 
the Spartan, 104; Crixus al- 
lured into, 306. 

Americans, the aboriginal, 92; 
working classes, 57 ; republic, 
slaves of, 77. 

Amphictyonie council, 80; ex- 
terminating wars, 81; article 
of agreement of the brother- 
hood, 82. 

Amphipolis, battle of, 107. 

Amphitheatre, butchered at the, 
292 note 41, 332; cleaners of, 
395; wild beast hunters for, 
395 and note 20. 

Amphore, showing fine work- 
manship, 446. 

Amusers, the whole of chapter 
xvii.; of gentlemen, 291, and 
note 39. 

Anacreon, Plutarch’s compari- 
son, 544; dithyrambies of, 454 

Anaglyphs that have survived for 
2,000 years, 403. 

Analogy, of experience between 
Socrates and Jesus, 553, 560. 

Anaxagoras, Aristotle followed 
the ideas of, 117; wisdom of, 
156; laid the foundation, 514. 

Ancient competitive system, the 


INDEX. 


ideas of, being dispersed, vii.; 
unions spared, 123, note 76; 
lowly, their longings to cross 
over to the beautiful river, 353. 

Ancyle, a city of ancient Sicily, 
251 and note 14. 

Anecdote, of wild boar, 475. 

Anglo-Saxon cult, London the 
nucleus, 560. 

Anii Forum, 300, note 60. 

Animal, form of primitive man, 
72; man but a high type, 525, 
voracious and cruel, 533. 

Animate vs, inanimate tools, 567. 

Annihilation, 495. 

Anthesteria, spring sports, 505. 

Anthropologist, suggestion to, 80. 

Antigenes and Python, 219; a 
dealer in slaves, 199; owner 
of Eunus, 200. 

Antioch, prophet of, 199; Eu- 
nus assumes the name of, 208; 
cradleof the brotherhoods, 512. 

Anti-slave organization, 541. 

Antipas and Herodias, 557; the 
machinations of, 557, note 87. 

Antiquaries, question of the red 
color submitted to, 492. 

Antiquities of the Phoenicians, 
496; of Mexico, 564. 

Antisthenes the cynic, 544. 

Antonius defends Aquillins, 273. 

Apamea, birthplace of Eunus, 
199; cradle of many brother- 
hoods, 224, note 89; 512. 

Aped the pomp of circumstances, 
274 and note 70. 

Aphrodiastes, 462. 

Apocalyptic church, 512. 

Apollo, community of, 462; with 
other deities, 468; chosen col- 
or of, 471; human form, 487; 
Apollo, Ceres, Minerva, 481. 

Apology, of Tertullian, 527. 

Apollonis is taken by Ariston- 
icus, 237. 

Apostasy, the sin of, 524. 


Apothetz, cavernous pit of, 533, 


631 


Appian Way, lined with the cru- 
cified men of Spartacus, 299, 
Appius Claudius got a license to 
butcher the plebeians, 277; is 
cast into prison, 287, note 32; 
mention of, 339, 500, note 12. 

Apportionment of land by Ly- 
curgus, 532. 

Apprenticeships, 439, note 3. 

Apulia, bandits of, 158, revolts 
of slaves in, 159, 

Aqueducts, constructed under a 
plan of socialism, 380, note 19, 

Aquillius, kills Athenion, 271, 
and notes 61, 62; inscription 
of, showing records, 271. 

Arabs or Ishmaelites of the Sem- 
itic family, 48. 

Arbitration, 510, 525; supplant- 
ing violence by, 525. 

Arcadia, 401. 

Archeologist, future work that 
awaits him, 401, 501; what 
he is accomplishing 496, 

Archeology telling of the deeds 
of human society, 48. 

Archaic children of the gens fam- 
ilies, 426; genitive of, 471. 

Archery, trapping, spearing, 396. 

Archilochus and Philemon, 544. 

Archipelago, the Greek, 81; the 
communes of the, 451, 459. 

Architecture among Egyptians, 
74; great era of Grecian, 128. 

Archives chiseled out, 450; Al- 
exandrian, destroyed, 452. 

Archons, 114 

Ardency, from ardea, the red 
bird, 478, note 30. 

Arenariorum collegia, 411. 

Areopagus, the Greek, 129; Cle- 
anthus and his leetures, 540. 

Arethusa, Holy Fish, 221, n. 81. 

Aristonicus, his rebellion, 100; 
uprising at Pergamus, 140, 31, 
150; huge mutiny of slaves, 
546; Natural son of Eumenes 
234; comparison, 351; chap.x. 


632 


Aristotle, on immortality, 62; ac- 
knowlegment regarding slav- 
ery, 71, 96; recognized labor 
brotherhoods, 74; his philoso- 
phy, 116; his idea of the work 
people, 117; remarkable move- 
ment of, 132; his wisdom, 156; 
classifies the workers, 540; too 
pagan-bound to see beyond the 
chains of slavery, 445; one of 
five remarkable men, 514; de- 
scribed, 518-19; criticism, 525. 

Armory, of Spartacus, 375. 

Army, of Athenion, how organ- 
ized, 259; of Spartacus, num- 
bers of, 310, 313; of Spartacus 
and Crassus campared, 324-5; 
strength of, at Silarus, 324 sq. 

Arno, its fine landscapes, 155. 

Arnobius, his doubts regarding 
immortality, 62, 129, 523. 

Aroma for reserved seats of the 
grandees, 433. 

Armoratorium collegium, 393. 

Arrangement, of Roman camp, 
467, note 5; 471, note 12. 

Arrius, Q., in a battle at Mount 
Garganus beats Crixus, 306-7. 

Arrow-makers, 377, note 10. 

Art, architechtural, in Egypt 73. 

Art and Learning, two females 
in Lucian’s dream, 543, 

Artemis Taurica, 215, note 63. 

Artes et opificia, 366. 

Art and industry not pagan, 572. 

Article of agreement, in the am- 
phictyonic league, 82. 

Artisans, organization of, 119; 
all slaves in remote times, ac- 
cording to Aristotle, 541. 

Artificers, Plato’s opinion, 539. 

- Arundelian slab, 373, note 5. 

Aruspices, divined oracles, 413. 

Aryan race, aggressiveness of, 
40; struggles with the Sem- 
itic, 41; always competitive, 
41; original home of, 48, 55; 
their slave system, 68; religion, 


INDEX. 


69 ; they settle permanently in 
one place, 73; strange beliefs 
of, 75; not nomadic, 84; two 
classes of society, 108; an an- 
cient stock, 526-7. 

Asconius, testifies that the reli- 
gious union secretly continued 
the trade union tactics, 347. 

Ashes, the holy, 364, note 19. 

Asia Minor, free labor driven out 
of, by slavery, 156; effect of 
third Punic war in, 178; the 
field of labor organization, 496; 
more relics found there than 
in Greece, 511. 

Asiatic races, 70; workmen, 489, 

Aspasia, a beautiful Greek, 125. 

Aspidopegeion, a shield factory, 
547. 


Assassination, in ancient Greece 
98; later, of 2,000 men, 107, 
note 46; of Viriathus, 187; of 
Clonius by Salvius, 254; by 
Horatius, of a sister, 475, note 
22; of Polemarch by his own 
slaves, 547. 

Assassins, of tne Gracchi, 241, 
note 19. 

Assignation houses, 557. 

Asshurbanipal, library of, newly 
unearthed, 460. 

Associations, protective, formed 
by freedmen, 85; for protec- 
tion and pleasure, 111. 

Asylum, of the Palikot Twins, 
247, 257; of the castle of Su- 
nion, 143-4 and note 34. 

Atabyrius (Jupiter), 450. 

Atargatis, the sun-goddess, 236. . 

Athena, statues of, 101; her im- 
age, 430 ; Greek Minerva, 468. 

Atheneus, the Egyptian author, 
166 ; quotes Nymphodorus, 
Zeno, 168. 

Athenian, marine force, 107; de- 
feated by a strike, 138; com- 
pared with the Spartans, 139; 
census, 193; slaves desert, 140. 


INDEX. 


Athenio Pastor, the farmer-slave 
who revolted, 262 and note 40. 

Athenion, terribly punished in his 
rebellion, xii.; the under cur- 
rent of news, 140; a poor man, 
181 ; born in Syria, 199; was a 
Cilician, 258; described, 258, 
note 29, also 263; in chains, 
264; wounded, 266; recovers, 
267 ; still victorious, 269; at 
last killed, 271, note 61; Saint 
Paul, 513; influence of, as well 
as of Drimakos, 517. 

Athens, two classes at, 108; tol- 
eration of the brotherhoods at, 
113; the jugglers, 112; cen- 
sus of, 193; dangerous slaves, 
211; numerous communes at, 
452; magistrates encouraged 
the brotherhoods, 455, note 16. 

Atrocities, that caused Gracchus 
to revolt, 193. 

Atrophy, benumbing the social 
organism, 494. 

Attalists, members of an eranos, 
98, note 27. 

Attalus ITI., deeded his kingdom 
to the Romans, 232, 233, 512; 
his crazy tricks, 222, 546. 

Attica, rebellion of miners, 100; 
Ceres worshiped in, 198. 

Augury, foreshadowing death of 
Gracchus, 240; how conveyed 
and understood, 564. 

Augustalis, domus collegia, 507. 

Augustan unions, 429, note 3. 

Augustonemetum, 485. 

Augustus, emperor of Rome, 80; 
mild reign of, 518. 

Auletrid, female flute-player, 463. 

Auletrides—they were members 
of the brotherhoods, 455. 

Auvergne, red banner at, 481. 

Autranius Maximus, cruelty of, 
to his slave, 141, note 34. 

Aurinia, wife of Spartacus, 290 
and note 37; what Tacitus says 
regarding her, 303, note 73 ; 


633 


her prophecy, 305, note 78. 

Avella, 300, note 60. 

Avenger, of the disaster of Cras- 
sus, 243, note 21. 

Avenging sacrifice, of Sparta- 
cus, 304, note 77. 

Awe-inspiring divinities of the 
Thalian temple, 248, note 3; 
reverence necessary to ancient 
leaders of revolts, 274, note 70; 
striking hues, 479. 

Axe, sacrificial, of Triphon, 264, 
note 43; lictor’s instrument of 
execution, 475. 

Axiom, of Aristotle, 561; a con- 
clusion from this research, 509. 

Aztecs, gladiatorial feast of the 
Mexican Xipe, 276; a speci- 
men prayer of the, 564. 

Azure, 466. 


B 


Baal, attributes of, 491. 

Babe, Plato when a, 118, note 72, 

Babylonians, 401. 

Bacchanalia, ill-founded preju- 
dice against, 502; - ditties, 454; 
slander of the, 161; affair of 
the, 452, 

Bacchantes, societies of the, 158, 
493. 

Bacchic, not the characteristics 
of the thiasos, 503 note 20. 
Bacchus, sons of, 450; protective 

principle, 469. 

Backsliding, 524, 551. 

Bagpipe, age of the, 408. 

Bagpipers’ union, 408. 

Baker, bath attendant and king’s 
fool, of Eunus, 230. 

Bakers, 349; six out of eleven 
of their banners red, 489. 

Bollista, or stone-thrower, 378. 

Ballot, democracy of the, 525; 
the ancient, as shown in the 
inscriptions of Pompeii, 572. 

Banausoi technitai, of Aristotle, 


634 


541; uncouth and hoyden, 542. 
Bancroft, on monumental archas- 
ology, xi.; quotation from, 278. 
Banderoles (ribbons), 463 & cut. 
Banner, makers of the ancient 
red, 418, 471; bearer or signi- 
fer, 484; color of, note 46. 

Banquets, gladiatorial spectacles 
at, 277 and note 1. 

Baptism, day of, at Eleusis, 91; 
it was the form of the bathing 
custom of thiasotes, 504, n. 23. 

Bastardy, of what it was consti- 
tuted, 344 note 28. 

Batons, with ends pointed for 
cooking, 504. 

Battering down the walls of Tau- 
romanion, 227. 

Battering-ram, 379; described p. 
378 & note 12; makers’ unions 
demolished walls, 488, note 53. 

Battle, of Zama, 152; between 
slaves and Romans, 157; the 
Hill of Venus, 183, sq.; of Dri- 
makos, 171; of Pydna, 186; 
of Erisane, 187; of Cleon and 
Acheeus with Hypseus, 217 ; 
of Alaba, 254; bofore Morgan- 
tion, 256; of Triocala, 262, 266; 
of Scirthzea, 265-6; of Mes- 
sana, 269; of Macella, 270; of 
Silarus, 327, note 128; of Lu- 
cre, 242; of Morgantion, Sal- 
vius, 256, note 25; of Scirthexa, 
265-6, note 45, of Macella— 
Athenion killed, 271, note 61; 
first, of Spartacus, 293; Ves- 
uvius, 295, note 51; victories 
of Spartacus, 308, note 84; of 
Mt. Garganus, 306-7, note 80; 
of Picenum, 310, note 92: of 
Silarus, 323 sqq. and note 121; 
in Epirus, 340, note 17. 

Battle-axe, and pretorian bun- 
dles, 299, note 58. 

Baxea, ancient shoe, 420. 

Beasts, wild, for the amphithea- 
tres. 395, note 20. 


INDEX. 


Beaufort, a hunters’ union found 
there, 394. 

Beautiful, under Plato’s meaning 
or as he interpreted it, 515. 
Beatitudes of the underground 

paradise, 563. 

Beauty, of the boys emasculated 
by slave merchants, 168-69, 
note 7; of the red color, mak- 
ing it prefered, 470. 

Bedstead factory, owned by De- 
mosthenes, 548. 

Beer halls, rather than churches 
welcomed the agitators, 573. 
Beegary, ragpickers’ unions, 422. 

Behavior, criticism of, 535. 

Beleaguered, by tramps, 261 and 
note 3/7. 

Belles-lettres, of Greece, 128. 
Bellowings, the frightful, of the 
brimstone lake, 248, note 3. 

Berberinis, temple of, 399. 

Bethlehem, offering of ignominy 
of, 509. 

Betrayal, both of Socrates and 
Jesus, 514, 

Bible, in Greek, 87; Zend and 
other oriental records, 526. 

Bigotry, and empiricism, 538. 

Bird, a new analysis of the red 
bird, 478 and note 30. 

Birth and standing of Spartacus, 
282, note 13, 285, note 22. 
Birthday, of the goddess Antinee, 
357; of the patron saint Jo- 

seph, 488. 

Birthplace, of Athenion, 258; of 
EKunus, 512; it was a cradle of 
the brotherhoods, 512; of sev- 
eral wonderful characters, 513. 

Bisellarii, union of the, 431. 

Bismarck, 71. 

Bithynia, 249, note 5. 

Bitter waters, 130, note 96. 

Black sea slave traffic, 
note 27. 

Blasphemy, 250, note 10. 

Blattearii, or dyers, 418. 


286, 


INDEX. 


Blaze, analysis of, 471. 

Blazoned iu red, 472. 

Blemish, infants with a, 533. 

Blessed, kingdom, government of 
the, 550; the, of Plato’s ideal 
republic, 548. 

Blind, cured by visiting the tem- 
ple of the Twins, 248, note 3. 

Blockade, and siege of Tauroma- 
nion, 226, note 97. 

Blood-making, not blood-letting 
472; spilling, what was em- 
blematic of, 472; red banners, 
484; red storm signals, 487 ; 
blood and lineage, 534. 

Bloody uprisings, 493. 

Blossius, the labor agitator, 173; 
in Asia Minor, 239; friend of 
Gracchus, 222, 240; story of 
Cicero, 241, note 18; commits 
suicide, 243, 

Blotting the page of bistory, 536. 

Blue and azure, 479. 

Board of public works, election 
of, by plebeians, 474, note 20. 

Boatmen’s unions, an inscription, 
113, note 62; trade union of, 
119, 383, note 26, 384; in the 
provinces, 445, note 2; colle- 
gium naviculariorum, 445, 

Bocchus, the Moor, 260, note 35. 

Boeckh, 112, 161; his analytical 
works, 343. 

Bodies, of mechanics, 360, note 3. 

Bodily powers, of Viriathus, 180, 

Body, or union, 378. 

Boedromion, Greek month em- 
bracing September, 87, 130. 

Boetia, astate in Greece, 79, n.32. 

Bombardini, Italian jurist, 154. 

Bonfire, of Spartacus, 304, note 
77 


_Book-gluers, 435. 

Boot-1nakers’ unions (caligari- 
orum), 380, 421. 

booty, of Spartacus, 300, note 
59; of Crassus by recapture, 
919 note 118, 


635 


Borrowed, aud lent, sexual loves 
in Spartan state 527; Lycur- 
gus, from the Cretans, 572. 

Bouillet cited, on red colors, 483. 

Bounty, given informants, on 
slave strikes, 151, note 18. 

Bourgeoisie, so called by Saint 
Simon, 526, 

Bows, javelins, arrows, helmets, 
shields, 397. 

Boys, forced to fight at gladia- 
torial spectacles, 277, note 1. 

Boyhood of Viriathus, 180, n. 2. 

Branded, all slaves, 196, note 17; 
and ears pierced, 385, note 30. 

Brasidas, a Spartan general, 107. 

Brass-workers, 360, note 3. 

Bravery, grand exhibits of, 321. 

Bread, slaves not allowed to eat 
the white kind, 135, 

Breastwork, of Crassus, 315, the 
note 109. 

Bribe, offered Nerva, 249 ; bribe 
taking, 515. 

Bridle-makers, 485, note 46. 

Brigandage, common in early 
times, 119; was no crime in 
ancient days, 121; the origin 
of Italian, 161 ; existed in ex- 
tremely early ages, 280; once 
very formidable, 511. 

Bridges, constructed under the 
state control, 380, note 19. 

Brilliant red hue, 470. 

Brimstone lake, 248, note 3, 
251, and note 13. 

Brioude, unions of, 484. 

British soldiers, likened to a flock 
ofred-birds, 479; the signal 
jack, 487. 

Brixia, weavers’ and carders’ 
union found at, 417. 

Broadsword, 411. 

Broil, of Crassus, with the Thra- 
vian soldier, 242, note 20. 

Broker—gladiator, 412. 

Bronterre O’Bryan, on the slave- 
wars, 274, note 70, 


686 


Bronze workers, 335. n. 6, 375. 

Brothels, a comparison made by 
Theophrastus, 543. 

Brotherhoods, 127, note 87; the 
ancient, 362, note 11; of the 
eranoi, 455, note 16, and 458, 
note 18; they had already 
lived the revolution, 498, ; the 
zreat Eleusinian, 504; frowned 
ypon, 511; of the thiasotes, 
524; Christianity modeled, 553. 

Brundusium, Spartacus marches 
to, 320; he again attempts to 
cross over to Sicily from, 321-2; 
arrival of Lucullus prevents it, 
323, note 121. 

Brutal conduct, of the customs 
collectors, 440. 

Brutus, the brothers, 135. 

Buccinator, who played the shep- 
herd’s horn, 408. 

Budeus, 370, note 34. 

Buddhism, 460. 

Buecher, 136, 138, 157, 177. 

Buffoons, 403. 

Building, performed by slaves, 
without pay, 39;-trades under 
two names, 360, 369, 370, 380. 

Bunker Hill, flag of, 492. 

Bully, society began with the, 
84; the first slaves were his 
children, 84; the low original 
bully, 560. 

Bulwark, of democratic rule, the 
reverse of slavery, 542. 

Bundles, fasces and axe, 471. 

Burden-bearers, 499, note 11. 

Burial, the rite refused the slave, 
75; this stamped his disgrace, 
75, 85; society for, 97; soci- 
ties for, in Greece, 115, 127; 
in Rome, 278, 342, 347, 353, 
gladiatorial, 278, note 3; of 
Lanuvium, with entire inscrip- 
tion, 353-8; associations, 559. 

Business tenets, of the Greek sa- 
cred and civil communes, 113, 
note 63; chrematistikos or bu- 


INDEX. 


siness man of Plato and Aris- 
totel, 539. 

Butchered, at the amphitheatre, 
292, note 41. 

Butcher-knife policy, of Eunus, 
228. 

Butchers—where their unions 
were located, 388, 490; for a 
Roman holiday, 307. 

Butchery, of rebel slaves, 252, 
note 15, 

By-laws, of the millers and ba- 
kers, 445, note 2. 

Byzantium, unions at, 113. 


C 


Oab-drivers, unions of, 383 and 
note 26. 
Oade, Jack, 559. 


Cecilius, Oalectenus, words of, 
165; on the statistics of cruci- 
fiixions, 330. 

Oaepio, causes Viriathus to be 
murdered, 187; fifth general 
sent against Viriathus, 187. 

Ceruleum, (sagum), 475; the 
cerulean Zeus, 476, note 24. 

Cresar, 123; suppressed all the 
unions, 365, note 23, 397; con- 
quest, 439; kills a million, 570. 

Caius, confraternities that fol- 
lowed, 462. 

Caligarii, soldiers’ boot-makers’ 
union, 421. 

Caligula, despotism of, xiii.; his 
cruelty, 280. 

Calisthenic games, 535. 

Calliades, they were nobles, 95. 

Callias, manager of the mines of 
Laurium, 136, 137. 

Callicrates, one of the architects 
of the Parthenon, 125. 

Calumniators, of Diodorus, 220. 

Cambalus, a wealthy citizen of 
Morgantion, 212; death, 212; 
the story told, 212, note 54 

Camps of Servilius and Lucullus, 


INDEX. 


262, note 40; 267, note 50. 
Canada, organized labor in, 128. 
Canaan, 496,498; numerous com - 

munes in, 504; rigorous law 

against the brotherhoods, 508. 
Canaanites, the first among the 

brotherhoods, 496. 

Candidate, for membership, 461. 

Cannibalism, 226, note 97. 

Cantiopolis, or our Kent, and its 
trade unions, 487. 

Capitalists, 54, wealth. 

Capitoline Hill, prison under, 154 

‘Capitolinus, a Roman consul, 145, 

Cappadocia, 239; Comana of, 215, 
note 63; an early post of the 

‘ brotherhoods, 512. 

Captos, mines near, 138. 

Capture, of Syracuse, 221. 

Capua, description of, 285, 288, 
289; amphitheatre at, 289. 

Carcer Tullianus, 230. 

Carders, their flag, 486. 

Caroused, the Spartan boys and 
girls, 530. 

Carpenters, wages paid to, 137, 
361 n. 8; unions of, 364; patron 
saint Joseph, 488; their bat- 
tering-rams, 488, note 53. 

Cart-load of iron money, 531. 

Carthage, destruction of, 178; 
horrible bloodshed, 179. 

Carthagenian hostages, join the 
slave uprising, 152-4; these, 
and the other Pheenician col- 
onies still have red, 491. 

Carvers organizedat Athens, 127. 

Cassiterides, or tin islands, 483. 

Cassius, at Mutina, 307, note 
81; defeated by Sparteaus,313, 
314. . 

Castle, of Sunion, 100. 

Castrensiariorum collegia, 398. 

Castus and Gannicus, 319, note 
118. 

Catacombs, of Paris, 155; those 
of Rome, 155. 

Catana, daughter of Damophilus 


637 


taken by Hermias, to, 206. 

Catastrophe, of Tauromanion, 
229; being hemmed in caused 
the dire disaster, 269. 

Categories, of Numa, 335, note 
6; of Dionysius of Halicarnas- 
sus, 360; of the federations, 
368-9; Numa’s shoemakers, 
380, note 20; of Aristotle, 541. 

Cato the Elder, a slave driver, 
141, 159, 178; tried to punish 
Galba, 181. 

Catulus, deplored by Cicero, 499, 
note 12. 

Oaucasian, an Aryan race, 48. 

Caudicarii, (bargers) on the Ti- 
ber, belonged to the unions, 


Cauldron, of the brimstone lake, 
248, note 3, 

Cave-dwellers, 42. 

Caves, relics found in, 67; men 
living in, 530. 

Oeleus, king, 130. 

Census, of Corinth, 193; of Ath- 
ens, 193; of antiquity, slaves, 
freedmen and children were 
not counted, 340, note 17; the. 
workers and non-workers so 
distinct that the former were 
not counted as human, 348. 

Centers, of the early church, 513. 

Centonarii, or ragpickers, 422. 

Central America, the inscriptions 
found in, 112, note 57. 

Centralization of wealth, upon 
individuals, at highest stage, 
283, note 17. 

Cephalion—a savior from, 509, 

Cephalonia, Alexander of, 462, 

Cephistodus, a brother-in-law ta 
Phocion, 545. 

Cercenses (Ludi), 410. 

Cerberus, watch-dog of the infer- 
nal regions, 90. 

Ceres, or Demeter, 77, 87; story 
of her daughter, Proserpine, 
88, 89; represented the cereal 


638 


products of farm labor, 90; rid- 
iculed by a slave, 130; temple 
of, at Enna, 198; she shielded 
Sicily from famine, 198; was 
believed to be the mother of 
the world, 198; revealed her- 
self in dreams to Kunus, 200; 
temple to her honor, 208; god- 
dess of Sicily, 223; she was 
related to their great sun-god, 
Apollo, 463 and plate; god- 
dess of agriculture, 469; she is 
identical with many other di- 
vinities of farms and gardens, 
470-1; see Minerva and Apollo, 
and 488; for further details of, 
consult chapter iv., Eleusinian 
Mysteries. 

Chained, the father of Spartacus, 
to a log of wood, 284 and note 
20; to mules, 530. 

Chair, see bisella, sacerdotal seat, 
431; honorary, 360; ivory, 575. 

Chaldeans, 459. 

Champion colors, 472; boldly 
marshaling a, 522. 

Change, of systems, what was 
meant by, 496; from human 
tools to labor-saving machan- 
ical tools, 568. 

Character, of Spartacus, 305, and 
note 78. 

Characteristics, competitive, not 
derived from Hebrews, 40; of 
the Aryan and Semitic fam- 
ilies, 48. 

Charilaus, Spartan king 531. 

Charon, 90. 

Chasuble, or the red mummy, 
483, note 40. 

Chattel slavery extinct, 68; con- 
tempt of masters for, 72. 

Chaucer and Shakespeare, res- 
cued a language, 569. 

Chaudesaigues, its half-red ban- 
ner, 489, 

Cheap deal, of Eunus, 219, 

Cheek, smite, 553, 


IND FE. XG 


Chemists fortify the arguments, 
of the new philosophy, 62. 
Chians, superstition of the, 169; 
their vices, 168~9 and note 7; 
Drimakos, see chapter viii., pp. 
163-177; horrible story told by 
Herodotus, of the vengeance 

of Hermotius, 168 note 7. 

Chicken, entrails of the, for the 
aruspex, 240; the, which Soc- 
rates and his companions owed 
for, 553. 

Children, numbers of, by Pallas 
Gideon, Apson, Jair, 49; kill- 
ing of, among the ancients, 53; 
the first-born son, 69; canni- 
balism which devoured them 
at Tauromanion, 226; forced 
to fight each other with knives, 
277; not reckoned, in the cen- 
sus, 340, note 17; enslaved and 
killed, 525; communism of, 
537. 

Chiton, and toga, or himation, 
478; chlamys, himation, toga, 
481; at the feast, 503. 

Chlamys, was red, 476, note 24; 
chiton, toga, 481. 

Choice of a trade, Lucian’s, 543. 

Christianity, its introduction, re- 
sisted by the image-makers, 
vii.; account of, 41, 42, 46; 
strifes about idol worship, viii.; 

, present movement is building 
upon it, xi; modern greed not, 
xii. 68, 74, 78,97; first planted 
among the communes, 341-9; 
exclusion of the brotherhood 
from Eleusinian mysteries, 86; 
era of, based upon absolute 
equality of all manklnd, 337; 
took up the community prin- 
ciple, 451; why it so readily 
took root, 512; by whom per- 
verted, 555; true functions of, 
yet hopefully returning, 519, 
and 573. 

Christmas compared to the Sas 


INDEX. 


urnalia, for relaxation, 502. 

Chroniclers, what they left un- 
written, 498. 

Chronology, of the Sicilian slave 
war, of Eunus, 214, note 57. 
Ohurch, celebrated plant, upon 
grounds mellowed by the com- 
munes, 512; based upon the 
ancient brotherhoods, 509 and 
the whole argument contained 
in chapter xxiv., pp. 520-573. 

Cicero, an admirer of Paganism, 
87; on the vectigalia, 119; his 
contempt for the workingmen, 
102; spurned and cast obloquy 
upon the bacchanals, 159; en- 
emy of the plebeians, 284; as 
a valuable historian, 301, 302; 
an aristocrat, 345; the mortal 
foe to theancient brotherhoods, 
345; his tirades against Glo- 
dius who befriendedthem, 499, 
note 12; his opinions as he ex- 
pressed them, 540; the lowly 
despised, 543. 

Cimon, riches of, 137, note 16; 
a mine contractor, 136-7, 140; 
and Nicias, 146. 

Circumvallation, line of, at Rhe- 
gium, 318. 

Circus, 332, 411. 

Citadel, of Sunion taken by slaves, 
1438, & note 40; of Morgantion 
in which Gomanawas besieged, 
257, note 27; of Macella, 270. 

Cithara, Alexander played, 544. 

Cities, did not exist in the earlier 
ages, 82-85, note 4. 

Citizens, of the sun, 244, note 22; 
what constituted a, 344, note 
27; who he was, 496; stock, 
and what they seized, 498; 
the three classes of Lycurgus, 
526; those of Sparta, 529; in 
collective goods they were rich, 
529; citizens of the sun, 550. 

Civilization, outgrew slavery, 71. 

Clairveyant, 412, 


639 


Classes, two among the ancients, 
96; the distinction defined, 
344, note 27; of the working 
people, 540, 

Classic, the old Latin, dead, 569. 

Claudius, Appius, 277, 287, see 
Appius; Marcellus, a Roman 
consul, 157; another consul at 
the time of the first gladiato- 
rialspectacle, 277, note 2; Pul- 
cher, who curried favor with 
the plebeians, 344. 

Clazomene, silver coin from, 481, 
note 34. 

Clean-washed, and fat, 467, 469, 
Cleaners, of the blood in the am- 
phitheatres—a union of, 395. 
Cleft, hiding place of the moun- 

tain, 230. 

Cleon, 62, 167, 196, 413; a Sili- 
cian brigand, 215; his rebell- 
ion in southern Sicily, 216; he 
defeats, assisted by Acheeus, 
the Roman, Hypseus, 217; his 
death, 228. 

Clepsydra, 130, note 96. 

Cleptius, the bold, 264. 

Clerk, to unions, 383, note 26. 

Clermont, exquisite red banner 
of, 485 ; color of its flag, 485, 
note 48, 

Clients, their relation to the citi- 
zen class, 344, note 27. 

Cloak, religion as a, 346 note 36; 
of blue and azure, 475, 

Clodian Gamala, the precocious 
youth, 383, note 26. 

Clodius, 161; Glaber, defeat of, 
by the gladiators, 295; his ter- 
ror, 295, note 51; law of, 302, 
note 69; brother-in-law to Lu- 
callus, 322; prevents the en- 
actment of conspiracy laws to 
suppress the unions, 344; Qic- 
ero inveighs against, 345, note 
32; intrepid orator and trib- 
une, 363; compared with Blos- 
sius and Gracchus, 474; speech 


640 


of Cicero against, 499, note 12; 
in favor with the trade unions, 
552. 

Clonius, murder of, 253, note 16. 

Cloth-fullers’ brotherhoods, who 
worked for the state, 416, n.5. 

Clothes, manner of ancient, 415; 
of the slaves, 385, note 30. 

Clowns, 403, and note 6. 

Olubs, soldiers of the defeated 
Mummius killed with, 315 and 
note 108; of the eranoi, 508; 
brutalized with, 530. 

Cneus Sentius’, inscription, 383, 
note 26. 

Coarse bread, for slaves, 385 and 
note 30. 

Coat of arms, 469. 

Coctorum collegium—union of 
the cooks, 398. 

Code, of Lycurgus, 69; of Solon, 
127; communal, of self-sustain- 
ing rules, 335, note 7; of The- 
odosius, 373; of the gamblers 
with methods, 456. 

Collective, wealth, 529. 

Collectors, of tax, 382; the vec- 
tigalia, 437; unions of, at Ly- 
ons, 459 and note 3. 

College-Gymnasium, of Altona, 
247; of ancient collegium of 
working people in the guise of 
piety, 357; of Italy, 77; the 
sancta and their tactics, 362; 
naviculariorum, 445 ; they were 
fond of parading in red, 477; 
the collegium was a veritable 
trade union, 341; of the rag- 
pickers (centonariorum), 422; 
identical with eranos, 506. 

Coliseum, reserved seats of the 
grandzes known by the aroma 
at the, 433. 

Colophon, in the labor war, 2365. 

Colors, what were the true rudi- 
mental ones, 470, note 10; tu- 
telary patron of, 490; a charm 
to season the dry annals, 497; 


INDEX. 


their enumeration, 470. 
Colossus, the cryselephantine, of 
, Athena, 431. 

Coma, of Pamphylia, 215, note 
64; a brother of Cleon, an es- 
caped slave, 215. 

Comana, what Valerius Maximus 
says, 215, note 64; a town in 
Asia Minor, 215. 

Comanus, extraordinary suicide 
of, 227. 

Combats, at wakes, 135: gladi- 
atorial, 278, note 3; no mock- 
ery in the arena, 411. 

Combine, for economic purposes, 
508. 

Come, in Italy, 422. 

Comic actors’ unions and inscrip- 
tions of, very many found, 414 
and note 37. 

Commerce, under Lycurgus, 69, 
disallowed, 530. 

Common table, abolished by Pyr- 
rhus, 287, note 28; robber, a 
cognomen for Spartacus, 297; 
fund, how distributed, 507, 
and note 27; eating in, 510; 
table of Sparta, 533. 

Commotions, caused by attempts 
at reform, 69. 

Communal, institutions, 68; pro- 
prietorship, 69;. government, 
not mentioned by inscriptions, 
73; organizations, at Rome, 
335, note 7; culture, what it 
was, 492; state of Plato, 522. 

Communes, formed by freedmen 
and slaves, 85; the civil and 
the sacred, 113; the countless, 
chapter xxi., pp. 444-464; the 
Greek world ablaze with, 402, 
of the early christians, at Fer- 
rand in Auvergne +85. 

Communism, slavery earlier than, 
67; in Sparta, 109; of Piso, 
223. of the Roman trade union 
system, 335, note 7; see also | 
363; what it was, 458; that of 


INDEX, 


theisle ofCrete andSparta, 567. 

Cormmunistic form, the highest 
attempted, 72; of a social gov- 
ernment, 80. 

Communists, in Greece, 115; con- 
templated in an uncharitable 
light, 463; under what aus- 
pices they did or did not work 
well, 460; ancient tribal kind, 
68; their ancient system, 70; 
participation of both the sexes, 
527. 

Companies, unions organized in, 
302, note 69; arranged in cat- 
egories of ten, 389, note 1; the 
companions of the sun, 450. 

Comparative paleology, 497. 

Comparison of the last battles of 
Athenion and Spartacus, 271; 
of commentary on numbers in 
the army of Spartacus, 325 ,n. 
124; of various plans tried by 
the great men, 526. 

Competition, no conscience in the 
world of, 64; of capitalists, 
396; none among the unions, 
442. 

Competitive, system, 38, 40; de- 
fined, 40-42; struggles to be 
extricated from the, 41; oldest 
system known, 42; the idea 
among the Greeks and Romans 
48; prevalent with all the an- 
imals, 55-6; world still strng- 
gling in it, 61; competitive la- 
bor, 68; slavery, 71;—system 
based in concupiscence, 206; 
a description, 494; ancient and 
modern, 496; comparison, 510; 
more about it, 524; system 
has nearly always proved itself 
a failure, 573. 

Compulsory, the law of Amasis, 
338, note 14 ; inscriptions, 427 ; 
education, 527; marriage, 527, 
535. 

Concatenation, linking the labor 
wars, 237. 


641 


Conceptions, immaculate, 559. 
Conclusious—axioms reached by 
investigation, 122, 509, 561. 
Concupiscence, 74; under Lycur- 
gus, 109; Paganism rested on 
it, 206; moral impulses, 515; 

of Rome, 517. 

Conde sur Vesere, (society of ), 
448. 

Condition, of working people in 
ancient times, lowliness of, 49. 

Conference, of slaves about to 
revolt, 251, note 13. 

Conflict, of Triocala, 267. 

Confraternities, 461, 502. 

Confusion, Diodorus on tramps, 
261 and note 37. 

Congregation, of the Hebrews, 
40; Tertullian on the, 552, 
and note 70. 

Oonnubial, tie opened free inter- 
course, 536. 

Conquest, the Roman, 480, 499. 

Conscience, annihilation of, 59; 
the origin of ghosts, 61; ani- 
mals have little, 64; it may be 
based in cunning, 62; a pow- 
erful agent in bringing about 
good, 66; the fonndation of 
religion, 62; ethical customs 
and habits built upon it, 61. 

Conscription, 302, note 69. 

Conspiracy , against Plato’s life, 
119; laws to curtail liberties, 
120; those of Roman Cesars, 
123 ‘and note 76; law of Eliz- 
abeth, 126; of slaves to burn 
Rome, 148 ; laws to suppress, 
283, note 15; laws passed B. 6. 
58, 346; crucifixion the pen- 
alty and punishment, 152. 

Constancy, of woman, 303, note 
72. 

Constantine, customs and habits 
at the time of, 486, 489; the 
Great, 521. 

Consternation, at Rome, after the 
victories of Spartacus, 311. 


642 


Contempt, for the workers fell 
with the establishment of the 
new era, 384; of the low-born 
people, 407; of labor, 544; a 
specimen shown, 545, also the 
note 54. 

Contour, fine, of the body, 535. 

Contractors, at Laurium, 135. 

Convent, Pagan temple of the 
Twins, 247. 

Convicts, working in the mines, 
138. 

Convivialities, ancient, 502. 

Convulsion, in nature, 276; that 
caused by introduction of the 
new principles, 495. 

Cooks, of Eunus, 230 and note 
105; unions of, 398; shops— 
ideas of Theophrastus, 543. 

Co-operation, aim of the ancient 

~ labor movement, 38; it under- 
mines the incentives to crime, 
61; reasons why slaves were 
partial toward it, 86; its good 
works, 379; peaceful rather 
than aggressive, 461; co-op- 
erative system defined, 40; its 
struggles to bring about much 
wanted changes, 41; used by 
the Semitic races, 48; the har- 
mnonious system, 56, 57; asso- 
ciations of the lords to obtain 
the benefits which it offers, in 
protection, 81. 

Copied (writings of the ancients), 
times without number, 436. 

Copyists, wages paid to, 137. 

Cordonniers, of the Middle Ages, 
484. 

Corfinium, the union of hunters 
found at, 393, 

Corinth, census of, 193; gulf of, 
210; population in B. σ. 300, 
193; its slavery, 522, note 1. 

Corn grits, for slaves and freed- 
men, 383, note 26. 

Oornicularius, an old term for a 
secretary, 439, 


INDEX. 


Corporations, of trade unions, 
366, note 24; of the Roman 
empire, 416, note 8. 

Corpores, sodalicia and collegia, 
implied the same meaning as 
unions, 366 and note 10. 

Corsair, for kidnaping, 498 

Cos, inscription at, 462. 

Cosseir, mines near, 138, 
Cossinus, ἃ man of uncommon 
judgment, his defeat, 297-8. 
Cost, of living, engraved on the 

Egyptian pyramid, 446, note 4. 

Cotton, how used, 415. 

Couch, celebrated dining cquch, 
400; makers, registered by the 
archeologist Oderic, 433. 

Countless myriads of women in 
the island of Crete, 340 vide 
note 17. 

Courniéres, had a nearly totally 
red banner, 489. 

Court, of appeals, 94. 

Ooward, Spartacus given that 
epithet by his insubordinate 
soldiers, 319. 

Oradle, of Plato, 118, note 72. 

Crafts, of workmen, 430; divin- 
ities, of remote antiquity, 492; 
-manship brutifies the indi- 
vidual, 539, 

Crassus, xii; spoke Greek and 
its Asiatic dialects, 238, note 
12; Publius, his character, 241; 
L., made consul, 312; loses the 
battle of Mutina, 313; his tac- 
tics, 313; adheres to the Fab- 
ian mode of warfare, 321; he 
becomes the legal commander 
of the combined armies of Lu- 
cullus and Pompey, 323. 

Crater, of the brimstone pool of 
the Twins, 248, note 3. 

Oredentials, of regular chartered 
unions, 437. 

Cremation, 75, note 19; in an- 
cient times, 71; was the usual 
form of interment among the 


INDEX, 


freedmen, 75; the working 
people were too poor to bury, 
they were obliged to burn 
their dead, 345. 

Crescent moon, wife of the flam- 
ing Apollo, 491. 

Crete, great schemes, 572; count- 
less myriads of women, 340, 
note 17. 

Crier, for traders and winemen’s 
unions, 383, note 26. 

Criminals or malefactors’ punish- 
ment, 475. 

Crispin, the unions first organ- 
ized by, 483; account of .him 
and of his brother Crispinian, 
420, 421. 

Criticism, of Lycurgus, 525; of 
Aristotle, 536. 

Crito, scenes of Socrates, 562. 

Crixus, actions of, 62; his com- 
patriot, Gnomaus, 289, note 
36; elected lieutenants, under 
Spartacus, 294; death of, 307; 
retaliation of Spartacus for the 
fallen hero, 308-9, 332, 406. 

Cross, see crucifixion. 

Croton, battle of, 320. 

Grouching, nude and suffering, 
532-3. 

Crown, of foliage, 462; of Stra- 
tonice, 463 and plate. 

Crucible, of a thousand tradi- 
tions, 523. 

Crucifixion, of 8,000 slaves, 222, 
of the kitchen mates of Eunus, 
230; at Enna, 229; of slaves, 
252; of the devoted farmers 
of Aristonicus, 243; after the 
defeat of Athenion, 271; esti- 
mated total number of the la- 
boring people who so perished, 
330; in what countries this ig- 
nominious punishment was in- 
flicted, 499; a million crucified, 
517; invention of, and its ori- 
gin described, 562. 

Crude grape juice, 384. 


643 


Cruelty, of the forked gibbet, 
141, note 33; of Damophilus, 
Polias, Megallis, 201, 405; of 
the Pagan religion, 428; of re- 
ligion, 482. 

Crusades, origin of, 87; the Eleu- 
sinian, 87; conflict of classes at 
the, 95; march to Eleusis, 130. 

Cryptia, secret, of Sparta, 537. 

Crystalization, of all dark hues, 
478. 

Cudgeled, by tramps, 261, ἢ. 37. 

Cudgels, 292, note 41. 

Cult, of Men-Tyrannus, 143, note 
39; of Ma, (Artemis Taurica), 
215, note 63; a world-wide, 
451, secret, in Canaan, 501; 
of Zeus Labraundos, 509; of 
Serapis, 509; of the great com- 
mune system, emerging, 556. 

Cumee, home of Blossius, 239; a 
city near Rome, 186. 

Cumanian shores, pirates of the, 
316, note 111. 

Cunning, the weapon of primi- 
tive man, 60. 

Cup, of bitterness, 233. 

Curias, 94, 

Curiatii, story of Horatius, 475, 
note 22. 

Curies, the outcasts converted 
into, 86. 

Curiosity-gratifying study of mil- 
itary carpentry, 488, note 53. 

Curry, to obtain favors, 475. 

Cushioned seats, 433, note 14. 

Customs unions, or collectors, 
439. 

Cutting each others’ throats, 277, 
note 1. 

Cybele, the Phrygian goddess, 
463; also, 470, 471; image of, 
481, note 35; goddess of farm- 
ing, in Palestine, 503; tenets 
of, 562. 

Cyclones, of retributive justice, 
523. 

Cyme, in the labor war, 235. 


θ44 ΄ 


Oyril, St., burnt the archives, 452. 


D 


Dadouchos, the priest and torch- 
bearer at the Mysteries, 92. 
Demons, governors during Sat- 
urn’s reign, 47; afterwards the 
lares or ghosts, 48; of the wail- 
ing wood 248; of Socrates, 560. 

Dagger- duels, 291. 

Damophilus, his treatment of his 
slaves, 65; a rich slave owner 
of Sicily, 196; cruelties of, 197, 
200; his wife, Megallis, and 
their tender-hearted daughter, 
204-6, 221; owned 500 slaves, 
405; murdered by them, 203-4. 

Dances, of the members, 503, 
note 22; under aspecies of con- 
tumely, 407; among wreaths, 
red flags and banners, 503; the 
races and tumbling, 590. 

Dandies, the jesting, 403, note 6. 

Dangerous slave element, 331. 

-Dared not march to the city of 
Rome, 310, note 95, 

Dark Ages, by what caused, 494. 

Darwin, views man as an animal 
destitute of an immortal prin- 
ciple, 59; on immortality, 62. 

Data, of ages of gladiators given 
in the inscriptions, 279, note 5. 

Date, of the wars of Eunus, 214, 
note 57. 

Daughter, of Damophilus, 201, 
note 32. 

Da Vinci, 544. 

Dawn, of manumission, 425. 

Day, of the feasts, 484. 

Dea Nemesi, 413. 

Dead letter, the Licinian law, 222 
and note 84; that of the con- 
spiracy laws, 454. 

Deal tables of Spartan state, 532. 

Death, ancient opinions on, 70; 
of Viriathus, 187; of Cleon, 
228, of Eunus, 230; of Eumenes, 
234, note 3; of Attalus IIL, 


INDEX. 


234; of Blossius, 241, note 19, 
of Gracchus, 241; of Crassus 
242; of Aristonicus, 243; of 
Athenion, 271; of Tryphon— 
Athenion made king—269 and 
note 56; of Athenion, note 61 
of page 271; of Aquillius, 273; 
of Spartacus, 327, note 128; 
death grapple, 374; warrant, 
533; of Socrates, 553,562; of 
Jesus, 562; of Juvenal, 563. 

Debts, of Sparta, 531. 

Decay of Rome, date of begin- 
ning, according to Polybius, 
548. 

Deceit, which used religion as 
a cloak, 346, note 36. 

Decelea, strike of silver miners, 
134, note 1, and 146; a town 
in Beetia, 139; Spartan garri- 
son at, 140. 

Declaration, regarding slavery, 
made by Granier, 529. 

Decline, of the Roman honor and 
virtue, 480 note 33. 

Deeded his kingdom to the Ro- 
mans, 512. 

Deeds, of the Spartans, 536. 

Deéns, unions of hunters, 395, 
note 20. 

Deep-rooted hatred, 443. 

Defeat, of Aristonicus, 242; of 
Lentulus, 308, note 81; Spar- 
tacus, 327-30. 

Defense, of Aquillius, 273, 

Deification (self), by using po- 
litical priestcraft, 433. 

Deipna apo symboles, old eranos 
forbidden by council of Lao- 
dicia, 511. 

Deities, fed by slaves, 75; wor- 
shiped through sacrifices, 75; 
their sacred cult, 510. 

Deliverance, of slaves, 249, and 
note 5. 

Delos, the great slave mart, 286, 
note 27. 

Pees emphatical, of Christ, 


INDBX. 


Demeter, and Eunus, 168; her- 
self, Gybele, Isis and others, 
for Ceres, 477. 

Demiourgoi, workingmen, 539, 

Democracy, laws of the, 38; in 
worship, 51; a Christian basis, 
165; the Spartan, 104. 

Demon, see demon. 

Demophon, nursed by Ceres, 88. 

Demos Collyte, 509. 

Demosthenes, the great orator, 
101; oration against Pantetus 
the mine contractor, 143; he 
despised men of humble birth, 
543; knife factory of, 548. 

Den, description of the gambling 
of competitive life, 456-8, 

Dendrophori, 360, 361. 

Deorum immortalium, 428. 

Depping, 489 and note 54. 

Depths unspeakable, 248, note 3. 

De Quincey, quoted, 280. 

Descent, of the red color as a 
legacy of the ancient usages, 
492. 

Descriptiones reliquarum, books 
of the archeologists, 459. 

Deserters, how treated, 70; es- 
caped from slave owners, 258, 
note 29. 

Desperadoes, the maratime, 330. 

Desperation, of the slave soldiers 
of Tryphon and of Athenion, 
265 ; of the fight of Athenion, 
266; of the slaves, 306 and 
note 80; of Spartacus, at the 
last battle, 326-7 and thenotes 
128, 131, 132. 

Despised humanity, in formidable 
misery, 423. 

Despotism, military, of Nero and 
of the Czesars, xili. 

Destinies, of peoples, 524. 

Destroyed by lice, 230 and note 
105. 

Destruction, work of the soldiers, 
229; was the basis of the plan 
of Eunus, 549; of Jerusalem, 


645 


1,100,000 persons massacred, 
according to Josephus, 566. 
Deterioration, of mind by labor, 

542, 

Devastation, of Sicily by tramps, 
261 and note 37. 
an element of the plan of Eu- 
nus, 549, 

Development, theory of, 55; of 
the growth of the soul, 59: 
theory, of believers in an im- 
mortal life, 59, 63, 64, 72. 

Devices invented and constructed 
by the unionists, for weapons, 
396; of banners, 489. 

Deviltry, deeds of, by tramps as 
reported by Diodorus, 261, in 
note 37. 

Dialecticians, moral impulses of 
three, 514, 515. 

Dictionnaire Universel, quoting 
Maury, 92 and note 18; used 
further on Spartacus, 326. 

Differentiation, of gladiatorial 
functions, 278, note 3; which 
made nations out of isolated 
families, 281; of worship, from 
Minerva to Jesus, 490; the 
creeping, 525. 

Difficulties, in the way of the his- 
torian of labor, 500. 

Dinner, gladiatorial combats at, 
277, and note 1. 

Dining room, 399. 

Dinotherium and trilobite, 450. 

Diocletiar, empires of, 79; his 
persecution of the early Chrise 
tians, 483; planted poisons in 
his garden, 547. 

Diodorus, 138, 180; lost chapters 
of, 165; quotation from, 206; 
mutilated scraps of, 211; ver- 
acity of, 220; on the temple 
of the Twins, 248, note 3. 

Dion, his conquest of Syracuse, 
77; a friend of Plato, 119; Cas- 
sius, lost books of, 165. 

Dionysia, what they were, 502 ; 


646 


of four sorts, at Athens, 505. 

Dionysiates Cheremoniens, a 
sacred divinity, 462. 

Dionysian skilled workmen, 503, 
and the notes. 

Dionysius, of Halicarnassus, 47, 
114, the tyrant of Syracuse, 
77; spurned Plato, 118; he en- 
gaged the caudicarii to put him 
out of the way, 119; dug the 
cavern prisons of Syracuse, 
208; built the prison work- 
shops, 549. 

Dionysoi, societies of the, 158. 

Dionysus, a god—protective es- 
sence presiding over skilled la- 
bor, 468; god of the mechan- 
ics, 488. 

Dirksen, on the hetairz and so- 
dalicia, 115; on the Twelve 
Tables—says the Roman trade 
unions were communists, 335, 
note 7. 

Disaster, of Demosthenes (the 
Athenian general), 134, note 
1; unchronicled, of Piso, 225; 
entailed in the law of Lycur- 
gus, 527; under Spartacus, 556. 

Disbelief, good cause for, 565. 

Disciples, of Socrates and Jesus, 
514. 

Discipline, of Orassus, 315, note 
108. 

Discovery, of the first slaves, 49, 
note 4. 

Discrepancy, in Plato’s republic, 
536. 


Discussion, among the lowly, 129; 
caused the formation of a pub- 
lic opinion, 236, 

Disdain, of Spartacus, 312, note 
101, and 323, note 121. 

Disgusted with wars, 499, note 9. 

Disinherited classes, 458. 

Dismal, the fear, regarding Eu- 
nus, 218. 

Dispensation, of Lycurgus, 533: 

Distaste, of Florus, 268. 


INDEX. ~ 


Distemper, spoken of, by Pliny, 
79, note 33. 

Distinction, the basis of Plato’s 
slave state, 522. 

Divers, a fishermen’s union of 
the Tiber, 389, note 1; search- 
ing for pearls, 435. 

Divine right, theory of, 531. 

Divinities, of the brimstone pool, 
248, note 3; of love, of Soc- 
rates, 458, note 18; of a yield- 
ing race, 480. 

Divisions, of the trades and pro- 
fessions, 336 and note 10. 

Dog-day winds, 130, note 96. 

Dodge, for the credulous, 475. 

Dogmas, and inquisitorial intol- 
erance, 495. 

Dome, the vaulted, of heaven, 
236. 

Domestic establishment, of the 
Cesars, 429, note 3. 

Domus Augustalis, 507. 

Doon, of liberty, 233; of Spar- 
tacus, 324; as a consequence 
of the law of Lycurgus, 526. 

Dorians, killed their imperfect 
children, 53 and note 18; they 
were the Spartan stock, 531. 

Downfall, of Rome begun by Eu- 
nus and Gracchus, 222 ; of the 
Spartan system, 537. 

Drama, religious, of the mys- 
teries, 92, note 18. 

Drawn by lot, 315 and n. 108. 

Dream of Lucian, 543. 

Dregs, of the city, 302, notes 67, 
69; of the city of Rome, quot- 
ing from Asconius, 363, note 
15. 

Drimakos, strike of, did not turn 
out disastrous to his cause, Xii.; 
his prolonged resistance, 164, 
note 3; bloody wars of, 166; 
regarded as a savior, by his 
friends, 168; his speech, 172; 
the young friend of, 174; re- 
ward offered for his head, 175, 


INDEX. 


his death, 176; Chians render 
homage to his ghost, 177 ; in- 
fluence felt, after his decease, 
517. 

Drinking festivals, called anthes- 
teria, 505; beer halls wherein 
was first planted the modern 
movement of labor, 573. 

Droysen, Hellenismus, 503 and 
note 19. 

Drudgery of the Helots, 537. 

Drudges, 499, note 11. 

Druids, their colors, 482 sqq. 
Drumann, the author, 141 and 
elsewhere much referred to. 
Drunkenness, not a habit of the 

thiasos, 503, note 20. 

Duel, fought between Athenion 
and Aquillius, 270, 271. 

Dungeons, of the Sicilian quarry 
prisons, 231; opened by Enu- 
nus, 219; more about, 523. 

Duration, of wars of Viriathus, 
182, note 6; of the great slave 
war, 195; comparison of time 
with progress, 525. 

Dutchobers, 464. 

Dyers, of the woollen and linen 
cloth, 418, note 40. 

Dyes, how made, 483. 


jet 


Hagle, the race of the, 563, 564. 

Early Christians, what they were 
struggling for, 497; their or- 
ganization, 552, 553. 

Earth-born multitudes, 79, and 
note 32, 530. 

Earthquake, at Sparta, 107, n. 49 
& 164, note 2; of Vesuvius, 416. 

Ebb and flow, of the brimstone 
lake, 248, note 3. 

Eburarii, ivory workers, inscrip- 
tion of, 431, 432. 

Economic unions, proof of, 511. 

Eden, garden of, 535. 

Edict, of Lycurgus, 531. 


647 


Editio princeps of Vellejus Pa- 
terculus, 325, note 124. 

Education, under Lycurgus, 69, 
note 8; Plato’s view of, 539; 
Plutarch on, 545. 

Egoism, 479; originated saint 
hood and notions of religior 
and of immortality, 85. 

Egyptians, superstition of, 45; 
their gold mines, 138-40; en- 
slavement of the Hebrews, 39, 
40; form of their government, 
73; food of their slaves, 79. 

Elaphebolion, 505. 

Election, of Aquilius and Mar- 
ius, 270; cf Licinius Crassus, 
312; of officers hindered five 
years, 474, note 20. 

Elephants, used by the Romans 
against Viriathus, 186, note 14. 

Eleusinian mysteries, 86; their 
too absurd exclusiveness, 88 ; 
origin of, 88, 89,90; grievance 
against, 94; a popular resent- 
ment, 97; the sting of insult, 
99; peculiar games, 93; ac- 
cess to membership, 114 the; 
cause of dissatisfaction, 121; 
interwoven with the ancient 
labor troubles, 198; humili- 
ating exclusion from, 351; a 
brotherhood 504. 

Eleusis, a town in Attica, near 
Athens, 87; scenes at, 89; the 
crusade to, 95; ancient city of 
the Pelasgians, 130; its orgies 
not those of proletaries, 505. 

Elizabeth, queen, 126. 

Eloquence, of Plato, 118, note 
72; of Gracchus, 239. 

Elves, and urchins at the brim- 
stone lake, 247. 

Emancipation, the movement of, 
68; by running away, 70; the 
cause of Christianity a procla- 
mation of, 78; no mention of, 
in the Iliad, 80; movement of, 
164; note 2; the agitation for, 


648 


raging over the world, 241; of 
labor, 494. 

Emancipator, of Spain, 182. 

Emblems, of the mysteries, 87, 
88; talismans, mementos and 
charms, 435; of Ceres were red; 
469; of Pomona, a flaming red, 
477. 

Emergence, of the culture of the 
great commune system, 556. 

Empedocles, 518. 

Emperor, considered as the gov- 
ernment, 419. 

Employment, of the unions by 
the state direct, 376; through 
Plato’s two-fold method, 538. 

Emulation, Aristotle’s plan based 
upon, 542; useful, 535. 

Enfranchisement, the treachery 
in, 107, note 46. 

Engine of war, 378. 

Engineering skill, 378. 

England, oligarchy of landlords, 
in, 496 

Engravers and carvers’ federa- 
tion (celatores), 367-8; a union 
of die-sinkers, 368, note 28, 

Engyon, slaves broke chains at, 
251. 


Enjoyment, system of, 455 with 
note 16. 

Enlightenment, it repudiates un- 
fairness, 515, 516. 

Enna, number of the laboring 
class massacred at, xii.; a city 
built upon a height, in Sicily, 
88; the plateau of, 149, 195; 
labor organized at, 198; tem- 
ple in honor of Ceres at, 198; 
the scene of a horribly bloody 
murder, 202; captured by the 
slaves of the resident owners, 
203-4; attempted recapture by 
Piso, 224; his protracted siege 
of, 224; at last taken by Ru- 
pillius. Crucifixion and ex- 
termination of the inhabitants, 
228-30. 


INDEX, 


Ensign, of the saddle and bridle 
makers, 485; the popular one 
was red, 492. 

Entail, law of, 69; entailment 
upon primogeniture, 558, 

Enumeration, see census; of the 
unions allowed to combine, 127 
note 87; of the unions of Numa, 
336, note 10; of trade unions 
of Constantine, 369. 

Environments, Plato entangled 
in his, 444, 

Epaphrodite, 462. 

Ephesus and inhabitants in the 
labor war, 235; theatre at, 401; 
it, and Hieropolis were strong- 
holds of the brotherhoods, 512. 

Ephori, the despots of Sparta, 
103; their trained assassins, 
104; under-dealing tyrants of 
the state, 531-2. 

Epidamnus, no workmen except 
slaves, 99, note 29, 498, note 
3. 

Epidemics, among the ancient 
slaves, 79, of strikes, 146. 

Epigraph, one near Nazareth de- 
ciphered, 503. 

Epimelites, a manager or trustee 
in a Greek brotherhood, 453. 
Epirus, destruction of life and 
property in, 179; Paulus 4- 
milius by order of Rome, en- 
slaved 150,000 of the inhab- 

itants, 186. 

Epistle, of Saint Peter dated at 
Cappadocia 512. 

Epitaph, of wine-smokers, 383, 
note 24; of the president of a 
bagpipers’ union, 408-9; of 
the man who died while yet a 
youth, 383, note 26; of gladi- 
ators killed in combat showing 
their ages, 279, note 5. 

Epitomies, of Livy, 269. 

Epoch-making period, 552. 

Equality, social, a law of Moses, 
40; Ohristian temple of, 66; 


INDEX. 


how indoctrinated,68; perfect 
at the temple of the Twins, 
248, note 3; of birth, 443; of 
the rights of man, 552, with 
note 69. 

Kquites, or knights on horseback, 
477 


Era-making period, 523. 

Eranos, of Greece, 77; together 
with its thiasos existed in great 
numbers in Asia Minor, 236; 
a term unmistakable in mean- 
ing, 448; took the name and 
inspiration of particular divin- 
ities, 462; festivals of thiasos 
and, 464; analysis of both of 
them, 502, 3, 4 and notes; of 
it, and essene, the same word, 
504, note 23; eranos and thi- 
asos one and the same associ- 
ation, 511, note 41. 

Erebus, descends to Hades, 89; 
and the dark river, 90. 

Erechtheis, priestess-assistant to 
Orpheus in the initiations, 92. 

Erecthian spring, 130, note 96. 

Ergastula, the Greek ergasteria, 
prisons, mostly underground, 
139, note 28; how used in Sic- 
ily, 209; further account, 219 
the Greek and Latin distinc- 
tions in Sicily, 251; how ap- 
plied in Italy to gladiators, see 
prisons, also cf. chapter xii., 
on Spartacus; copied from Di- 
onysius into every city, 549; a 
serious thing, 274, note 70. 

Ergastularins, convict condemned 
to fight in the amphitheatres, 
406; a kind of gladiator, 412; 
something like the ergastulus, 
ergastuli, gladiators changed to 
freemen, 297. 

Erisane, siege of the town of, 187. 

Eros, Socrates on the godof love, 
253 and note 76. 

Escape, of Spartacus, 290, note 
37; of the people from Mor- 


649 


gantion, 256, of Athenion, 259. 

ra ea 462. 

Escutcheons, monograms etc., 
459; in red, 483, note 40; on 
some of them are found gules 
in Great Britain, 486. 

Hssence, the sacred, of the brim- 
stone lake, 248, note 3. 

Essenes, and the Orgeons, 493; 
conjectures regarding the, 501; 
proved to be identical with the 
thiasotes, 504, note 23, their 
prophecies, 558. 

Estate, the paternal, it was made 
criminal for the slave to leave 
it, 69. 

Ethics, based upon conscience, 
61; a history of, 97. 

Ethnologist, and paleontologist, 
future duties of, 459; student 
of ethnology, 500. 

Etruria, strike of the laborers in, 
155; in the hands of the mas- 
ters, 156; Roman standing ar- 
mies in, 211. 

Etruscan, soothsayer, Olenus Ca- 
lenus, 154, note 27; people the 
first who introduced gladiato- 
rial fights, 278 n. 3; ἃ hard- 
working and faithful race, 431 ; 
trinket manufacture, 435. 

Etruscum Fretum, 268. 

Etymology, of red flag, 485. 

Etymon, of essenes, is eranos, 
504, note 23. 

Eumenes, and Nusa, 234, note 3. 

Eunuch, revenge of, 168-9, and 
note 7. 

Eunus, ten years war of, vill; 
punishment for the rebellions, 
xii; deeds of, 62; enormous 
servile war, 89, note 13; an ac- 
count given, 140-166; Syrian 
slave-king, 195; how elected, 
208; the cause of the insurrec- 
tion related, 198; was botha 
magician and messiah, also a 
prophet, 199; meeting of hime 


650 


self and his followers, 202; a 
popular choice for leader, 207; 
turns 60,000 prisoners loose, 
209; great victories enlarge his 
territory, 214, joins with the 
the revolter Cleon, 216; their 
union creates an immense army 
of slaves, 217; his supernatural 
powers, 219; various successes 
and eventual reverses, 220-31; 
hope lost, 229; perishes in the 
filth of a Roman prison, of the 
lousy sickness, 230 and note 
105: interesting history, 405; 
his plan that of extermination, 
548-9; plan of. followed by 
Aristonicus, 550; Ceres as his 
goddess, see entire chapter ix. 
and 562, 

Euripides, language of, in prayer, 
563. 


Europe, working classes of 57. 

Huristheneid line of the Spartan 
kings, 101; Lycurgus of that 
stock, 531. 

Kusebius, on dates, 247, note 1. 

Eve, the temptation of 89. 

Evolution, phenomena of, 69; 
law of, 73. 

Examination, of infants, 533. 

Excerpts, Peirese quoted, 247, 
note 1. 

Executioner, same as the Roman 
lictor, 475, and note 22, 

Exercise, the gymnastic, 534-9. 

Exiguous star, 490. 

Exile, Paperna dies in, 243, and 
note 41; of Juvenal, 563. 

Experiment, trial by, 525. 

Extermination, plan of Eunus, 
219; of 20,000 workingmen, 
271; it was the plan of slaves, 
549,; extinction and, the cen- 
tral idea of the great slave- 
king, 548. 

Eye for eye and tooth for tooth, 
514; what Plato wanted, 518; 
sermon on the mount, 549. 


INDEX. 


F 


Fabius, Q. deprived of command, 
226. 

Fabretti, 364. 

Fagots, used in escaping block- 
ade of Crassus, 318. 

Failure, of ancient governments, 
496; of the Spartans, 531; of 
tbe great plans, 573. 

Faith, importance of a, 499 and 
note 12. 

False translation, of Vellejus Pa- 
terculus, 325, note 124. 

Falsehoods regarding bacchantes 
and bacchanals, 493. 

Family, great numbers of them, 
49; size of a patrician’s 69; 
a term substituted for “union” 
from the time of Augusta, 429, 
note 3; the word property 
conveys the true meaning of, 
281, note 11; under the com- 
petitive system its members 
will sometimes destroy each 
other, 494; the Pagan, 497. 

Fanatic, Kunus, 217, note 67. 

Fanaticizing his Syrians, 236, 
note 8. 

Farmer, sons of a rich, 49; and 
shepherd, called by Livy the 
bacchanalian creature, 160 note 
38; sufferings of the, 179; or 
shepherd, Viriathus, 180, note 
4; of Asia Minor as a people, 
233; chained in prisons, 251, 
note 11; as aslave, 240; Athe- 
nion, first mentioned, 258; or- 
ganized to cultivate the ager 
publicus, 286; lupercalian or- 
gies, a vile comparison made 
by Cicero, 344, note 30; an in- 
scription of a farmers’ organ- 
ization translated, 453, 454; 
at the Dionysian sports, 505; 
how looked upon by Lycurgus, 
526: he is Aristotle’s soldier, 
541, 542; inventor of the an- 


INDEX. 


cient reaper, 569, note 109; as- 
a free and organized agricul- 
turist in Etruria, 156. 

Fasces, bundles, 471. 

Father, worshiped as a god after 

death, 49. 

Fatherland, of Eunus, 220. 

Fawning language of the unions, 
423, note 32. 

Fear, of slave insurrections, 141, 
note 33; all-prevailing, of be- 
ing murdered, 164, note 2; su- 
perstitions, of the victorious 
slaves, 224; of Romans, 355. 

Feasters, applause of the, at the 
gladiatorial spectacles, 277, 
note 1. 

Federations of trades, 375, 377; 
in politics at Pompeii, 391; all 
over the land at the time of 
Ohrist, 392. 

Fenestella, lost works of, 165. 

Ferocious necessity, 219. 

Festival, in honor of Ceres, 87; 
days of the, 488. 

Fetichs, 659. 

Fighting school, 289 and notes 
36 and 37. 

Fines, 356, 357, 358. 

Fire, the sacred, 51; and murder 
300, note 60; spitting, of Ku- 
nus described, 217 and note 
67; brands of torture, 229. 

Firemen, unions of, 447, note 5. 

First, Sicilian servile war, 224, 
note 94; born son, right of the, 
497; born—his allotments by 
paganism, 571. 

Fish, the Holy, of Diodorus, the 
Arethusa, 221, note 81; fish, 
venison and mutton, the aris- 
tocratic food, 386. 

Fishermen’s unions, inscription 
of, 113, note 62; their organ- 
ization, 119; combined with a 
divers’ union, 389, note 1. 

Fittest, survival of the, 56; this 
theory of the survival creates a 


651 


new philosophy in reason, 57, 

Five years’ magistrate, 389, note 
1 ; years’ interregnum at Rome 
474, note 20; men, who they 
were, 514, 

Flag, of theatrical company, 403, 
note 6; the ancient red, 418; 
origin of the word, 465; it was 
excused by a law of Theodo- 
sius, 484; bearers, 484, notes 
43 and 44. 

Flagitium, a derivitive from flag, 
471. 

Flame, flamma, 471; of fire, 487 
and note 51. 

Flamen Pomonalis, 478. 

Flaming red canvass, 485. 

Flamingo, 478. 

Flaminica, 478. 

Flogged once a day, 103. 

Florentine, on the natural rights 
of man, 552, note 69. 

Florus, quotation from as to the 
battle of Silarus, 324; also else- 
where much quoted. 

Flower of the Roman army, 249 
andnote 7; use of,at funeral 
ceremony, 378, note 14. 

Flute, drum and wild tumult, 244 
and note 23; player, Salvius 
the slave-king, 254, note 20, 
255; players, the famous, 458; 
another mentioned, 463; in- 
scription showing ancient play- 
ing, 503, 504; player at court 
of Eumenes, 545; players of 
the Romans and Greeks, 409, 
410. 

Foaming, waters of the brimstone 
lake, 248, note 3. 

Focus, part of Roman and Greek 
dwelling, 54, note 21. 

Food, poor quality of, for slaves, 
78; corn-grits union for feed- 
ing freedmen and slaves, 383, 
note 26; 385, note 30; of slave 
386; of working people, 529, 
530; and clothing, 530. 


652 INDEX, 


Foothold, of the brotherhoods, 
012. 

Forbidden, warfare, by the plan 
of Numa, 335; later, by the 
plan of Jesus, 553. 

Forefathers, our genuine, 101, 
525. 

Foremen, of the masons, at Je- 
rusalem, 373, note 2; of the 
ancient government cloth fac- 
tories, called gyneeciarii, 419. 

Forests Pomona in the, 477. 

Forfeiture, case of a union, 378, 
note 14. 

Forger of the armor for slaves in 
rebellion, 297, note 53; union 
of, 442, note 10; of swords and 
javelins, 375, note 8, 

Forgiveness, 525. 

Forked gibbet, 141, note 31. 

Form of government advocated 
by the Messiah, 496, 

Fortifications, of Triocala, 264; 
of Rhegium, 318. 

Fortitude, story by Valerius Max- 
imus, of Crassus, 242, note 20, 
of Christ in the hour of trial, 
562. 

Fortune, teller, Olenus Oalenus, 
154, note 27; tellers in Rome, 
208; teller, Athenion as a, 259; 
teller, Aurinia as a, 290, note 
37; telling and witchcraft, 414; 
Nemesis, the goddess of, 413. 

Forum Boarium, where was en- 
acted the first gladiatorial trag- 
edy, 277 and note 1. 

Foucart, denies the statements 
of Wescher, 506; erroneously 
imagines the communes tohave 
had no other object than reli- 
gion, 507; expert epigraphist, 
508. 

Foundation, of paganism was the 
competitive systems 497. 

Fragments, of 1st books in illegi- 
ble forin, 271, note 64; of Sal- 
lust quoted, 306, 308, note 84. 


France, oryanized labor in, 128, 

Frankincense, offerings of, 357. 

Fratry, consolidated into a state, 
100. See phratry. 

Fratricide, the mutual, 273. 

Free masons, antiquity of the or- 
der, 124; John the Baptist one 
of them, 557. 

Freebooter, Gaddzeus of the Ne- 
brode, 252: negotiated with, 
by Spartacus to land his army 
in Sicily, 317. 

Freedmen, 39, 47, 70; of Aris- 
totle’s time, 71; cremated, 75; 
not mentioned in the Iliad, 80; 
a class at Athens, 113; arose 
out of slavery, 173; numbers 
of, in Athens, 193 organiza- 
tions of, in Greece, Syria etc., 
197; compelled to beg in Sic- 
ily, 213; raved in great and 
murderous revolt, 261, note 37; 
of Asia Minor, 233; Thracian, 
in Pergamenian labor war 235. 
as tramps in rebellion, 261; in 
Rome, as members of the un- 
ions generally, 333; their en- 
franchisement a blow to pa- 
ganism, 522; working without 
clothing, 530; ring cleaners, 396 

Freedom, desire of Spartacus, 551 

Freres cordonniers, 421. 

Friendly societies of antiquity, 


Fringe-makers, (the limbolarii), 
422; in gold, 486. 

Fruit purveyors, 392. 

Fruiterers’ union, 383, note 26, 
also 393. 

Fullers, unions of, 415; worked 
for the state, 416, note 5. 

Fulvius Flaccus, second general 
sent against Eunus, 218. 

Funuck Brentano, 363, note 14. 

Funeral, ancient, 75; origin of 
giadiatorial combats, and why, 
278, note 3; 378. 

Furius and Cossivus, defeat of. 


IND EX. 


by the forces of Spartacus, 297. 

Furniture, of a thiasos, 98, note 
27; of the mighty immortals, 
432. 

Furrows made with thongs, 472. 

Fustel, de Coulanges, 68, 75, 82; 
proves the statement of Gran- 
ier, 83; other proof by, 111, 
on origin of the plebs, 343. 


G 


Gaddeeus, treachery of, 252. 

Gades, the strait of, 183. 

Gaius, who wrote the original 
of the Justinian law, 100; was 
of opinion that the Roman xii 
Tables were a translation from 
the Greek, 127, 346; Digest 
from, 112; Orbius, the owner 
of Xanthos, 143 and note 39; 
Plautius, sent to Spain, 185; 
thejurist, discriminates on the 
rights of organization, 445. 

Galba, his treachery in Spain, 
180; accused by Cato, 181 and 
note 5; the trial and cause of 
acquital, 181; greedy objects, 
in Spain, 181; departure for 
Rome, 182. 

Galerius, emperor of Rome, 79. 

Gallantry, of Athenion, 266. 

Gambling, the ancient system de- 
scribed, 456-7, 

Games, the Eleusinian, 93; of 
the Spartans, both sexes were 
engaged in, 530. 

Gannicus and Oastus, 319, n. 118. 

Garganus, Mount, battle of, 306, 
307. 

Garlands and wreaths—where 
they flourished, 503, note 19. 

Gauls their ancient reaper, 569. 

Gellius, beats thelieutenant Gino- 
maus, in battle, 306. 

Gens, ancient lands belonged to, 
348; aristocracy of paganism, 
525; families, their fierceness, 


653 


527; Aristotle’s eighth vless, 
540. 

Gentiles, and proletaries, a civil 
duel between the, 345. 

Germany, 43, 71, 303; organiz- 
tions of labor in, 128. 

Ghosts, origin of, and beliefs in, 
53; conscience the originator 
of, 61; ghost of the dead lieu- 
tenant, Crixus, 304, note 77. 

Giant, Spartacus, the prophetic, 
294. 

Gibbet, the forked, on which to 
crucify slaves, 141, note 33; of 
Stratonice, 244; and thongs 
of Lucullus, 264 ; a description 
of its invention as a means of 
torture, 562. 

Girdlers, Cicero’s term of con- 
tempt for shoemakers, 380, 
note 20. 

Gladiatorial, scene with Satyros, 
272; games, their cruelty, 276; 
origin in the funeral, 577, note 
3; ad gladium and ad ludum, 
explanation made, 291; busi- 
ness, its growth, 332. 

Gladiators, bloody pairing of, 
277, note 1; ascertained age 
of, 279, note 5; fighting wild 
beasts in the amphitheatres, 
395; enumeration of the dif- 
erent kinds, 412; Spartacus, 
as a, pitted against his fellow 
men, 518. 

Gladium, ad, kind of fight, 406. 

Gluers (glutinatores), 435, 436; 
bookbinders, not found organ- 
ized, 435. 

Gluttons, that devoured the Holy 
Fish, 221, note 81. 

Goblins, that haunted the asylum 
of the Twins, 248. 

God, that slept under the hearth 
of the heir, 69; of navure, 85; 
of love, 457, note 18; of Abra- 
ham, and universal Father, 560; 

Gold, mines of Egypt, 138-142. 


654 INDEX. 


melters poured gold down the 
throat of Aquillius, 273; and 
silver forbidden by Spartacus, 
300 and note 59; border, 485; 
golden chain, 110, note 50; 
“Age” 122; Age, of prosperity; 
and happiness, 376: era, of a 
high stage of plentitude, pur- 
veying for the Roman state, 
381; age, at Rome covering 
a long vista, 438. 

Gorgias, quoted, 538. 

Government, social, it did not 
exist, 38; a legendary but ex- 
tremely improbable social form 
during the reign of Saturn, 
47 and note 1; animal form 
of, 73; earliest known plan of, 
82; public servants, or slaves 
belonging to the state did the 
work of, 113; the ancients em- 
ployed and patronized unions 
of labor, 381 and note; slaves 
shown in note 26 by inscrip- 
tions; employ, by law of the 
Twelve Tables, 381, note 21; 
state workshops, the fullers, 
416, notes 5, 8; ownership of 
mills, 417; system that of gov- 
ernment, 442; ideals of, cur- 
sorily sketched, 495; form of, 
adopted by Lycurgus, 536. 

Gracchus, as described by Appian, 
222, note 84 ; struggles of, 222; 
desperate resistance against, 
333; his proposal to distribute 
the will of Attalus among the 
needy of Rome, 233-4; furi- 
ous dissentions at his time, to 
break up the unions, 283; his 
friend Blossius, 239, 474; his 
noble speech, 500. 

Greased pole, merriment at the 
Dionysian sports, 505. 


of Italy, Spartacus in the, 304, 


Granier, 79, 83, 111; quotation 


from, 115; for thirty years is 
talked down, 506. 


Granite-cutters, 368. 
Greece, ancient, prevailing scene 


in, 54; incidental mention, 69, 
73; slaves of, multiplied within 
their own rank, 77; manner of 
food for the slaves of, 79; the 
twelve tribes of the Amphict- 
yonic council, 81; prehistoric 
assassination of slaves, 97; a 
majority of the people were of 
the laboring class, 108; the 
true golden Age of prosperity 
of, lasted about four hundred 
years, 123; disastrous strikes 
of, varied in character from 
these of modern days, 133; 
oppressive conditions in, 138; 
fear of slave rebellions, 141, 
note 33, 164, note 2, 224. 


Greeks, were of Aryan stock and 


used the competitive idea, but 
Hebrews and other Semitic 
races used the co-operative, 
48; early recognized private 
property, and no patriarchism 
found—de Laveleye refutec, 
68 and note 5; and their or- 
ganized trades, 98, 99, 106; 
their clerks enjoyed protective 
unions but they also had their 
grievance, 111; language was 
spoken in Sicily, Lower Italy 
the Archipelago and Asia Mi- 
nor, 198; great and mighty 
men before the Roman con- 
quest, 210; much in chapters 
xxiii. and xxiv. 


Grievances, of working people at 


Athens, 131; of the strikers or 
revolters, 134. 


Great Spirit—speech of Socra- Grinders, with morters, 446. 


tes, 553, note 76. 
Granary, of the world, 258; torn 


Groves, meetings held at, 450; 


see Fomona. 


into by tramps, 261, note 37; Gruiez, an archeologist of great 


INDEX. 


patience and erudition, 342. 

Juardian, of mechanics, 470; of 
labor, 487. 

Guests, invited to banquets with 
gladiatorial spectacles, 277 and 
note 1. 

Gueules, in France, was the red 
color, 481. 

Guicus, river of Pergamus, 149; 

Guilds, the medizval, 481. 

Gules, in England and gueules in 
France, 481, 483; on English 
escutcheons, 486. 

Gulf, of Symi—the inscriptions 
around it, 462. 

Gulping up dishonorable win- 
nings, 543. 

Gunpowder, not in use, 396. 

Gymnastics, took the place of in- 
dustrial exercise, 496, 535. 

Gyneciarii, overseers of the gov- 
ernment cloth factories, 419. 

Gypsies, theory on the origin of, 
426, 427. 


Fit 


Habit, tenacity and phenomena 
of, 483; power of, 489. 

Had all things common, 556. 

Hagi Constantios, slab discovered 
there by Vlastos, 91. 

Hair cropped and body dirty, 534. 

Hamilton, archeologist, 462. 

Hammerers, their organizations, 
399. 

Hand-looms, 417. 

Handicraftsmen, Greek unions 
of, 127, note 88. 

Hangman, same thing as lictor, 
475, note 22. 

Hannibal & Napoleon compared 
with Spartacus, vili.; & Scipio, 
152, 178. 

Harmodius and Iphicrates, 546. 

Harvester, of the ancient Gauls, 
569, note 109. 

Hatters and glaziers of Montai- 


655 


gut and St. Flour, 490. 

Head-quarters of ancient slave 
traffic, 286, note 27. 

Headlong, down the rocks, 252. 

Healers, 558. 

Heaven on earth, 493 ; born, 530. 

Hebrew, different from other na- 
tionalities, 39; slavery partly 
abolished, 39 ; originator of so- 
cialism, 39; fights only when 
attacked, 40; the only ancient 
with but one deity, 45; fixed 
customs of, 46; his excellent 
qualities not appreciated, 73; 
secret association always char- 
acterized the race, 508; willing 
to accept any truth of sociol- 
ogy, even a recognition of his 
celebrated kinsman, 566-7; 

Heer, Prof; Oswald, 72. 

Heights, of Enna stormedby Piso, 
224; of Engyon, 251; of the 
Mount Taygetus,533. 

Heinesius, quoted 325, note 124. 

Heliopolis, why so called, 236, 
note 9. 

Heliopolitai, the workmen-Sun- 
worshipers, 236; farmer war- 
riors of Aristonicus, 550. 

Heliotry, the ancient, 45, note 11. 

Hell, paved with infants’ bones, 
533. 

Hellenic peninsula, organizations 
of, 511. 

Helots, war with, 98; great and 
first known massacre of, 97; as 
to their numbers, 102; how 
murdered by nobles’ sons, 105; 
their systematic assassination, 
107, note 46; laboring stock of 
Lacedemon, 106, 528; a pen 
picture of their hideous misery, 
107-8 and notes; their descent, 
587. 

Heracleia ,Minoa, slave rebellion 
at, 254; and Trozen, —soters 
or saviors from, 509; museum 
named from, 423. 


856 


Heraclitus, who subdued Greek 
slave strike, 144, note 41. 

Heraldic symbols, 483. 

Herbita, numbers of property 
owners in, 194. 

Herculaneum, museum, 423. 

Hermes, the Pelasgic, 87. 

Hermias, a slave of Enna—kills 
Damophilus, 204; escorts the 
kind-hearted daughter to place 
of safety, 201, note 32, 206. 

Heres in Argos, 544. 

Hermotius the eunuch, the re- 
venge of, 168-9, note 7. 

Herodias the beautiful but silly, 
557; and Antipas, id., note 87, 

Heroic professions, not belonging 
to workers, 381. 

Herodotus, 79, 101; his rank as 
a historian, 168. 

Heroism, mutual suicide of Sat- 
yros and companions, 273; of 
Spartacus and his men at their 
trying hour, 326. 

Heroistes, 462, 509. 

Heron, the ancient sacred red- 
bird, 478, notes and 479. 

Heroon (temple), to Drimakos, 
built by the Chians, 176-7. 

Hesiod, Greek poet, 79; quoted, 
82; was the first known labor 
agitator and writer, 161. 

Hetairz or heteerz, same as the 
sodales, 127, note 87. 

Hideous forest, of the brimstone 
lake, 247. 

Hierarchy, of masons, 373, and 
note 2. 

Hieroglyphics, 67, 73. 

Hierokeryx, a priest, 453. 

Hieropoios, manager of religious 
rites, 453. 

Highlanders’ bagpipe, 408. 

Hill of Venns, the battle of, 183. 

Himation and chiton, 473, 476; 
with chlamys, toga, 481 

Hipparch, Pisistratides the, 546. 

Hippodrome, chariot - running, 


INDEX, 


foot-racing ete. 408. 

Hiram, architect of Solomon’s 
temple, 123-5; chief of trade 
union, 124; another, king of 
Tyre, 125, note 81; the archi- 
tect, skilled in building crafts, 
373. 

Historian, seldom mentions the 
efforts at reform, 69, 71; his 
praise of royal lineage, 531. 

History, students of, divided into 
three classes, 37; of labor be- 
gins with manumissions, 67; 
the great ones copied, times 
without number, 436; from a 
sociologic standpoint, 541, 

Histrionic entertainments, 220; 
tablet found at Preeneste, 403; 
unions, 402, 403, notes 1, 6. 

Hive, of trade unions—all antiq- 
uity, 444; of labor, 490; of 
free labor organizations, Naz- 
areth, 513. 

Holdings, of the Spartan lands, 
a summary, 531. 

Holy Wars, the, 81; Fish, Are- 
thusa, 221, note 81. 

Homotaphoi, common table com- 
munes, 510. 

Homer, quotation from, 110; the 
slave system of his time, 529. 

Hondurus aborigines of, 93 n. 18. 

Honey-bees, Oicero on Plato, 
118, note 72. 

Honorable, discharge of soldiers, 
107, note 46; to acknowledge 
an error, 564-5 and note 106. 

Hoplomachi, 412. 

Horse, of Spartacus, 327. 

Hors de combat, 268, 411. 

Horticulture, Diocletian’s work 
on, 547. 

Hostages, Oarthagenian, and the 
slaves, revoltof, 151, note 18. 

Hours, of labor, 530. 

Houses, of the ancient Greeks 
and Romans, 54; house finish- 
ers’ union, 370, note 34; house 


INDEX. 


of Cicero burned 499, note 12; 
of Socrates, 561; -hold and 
toy-gods, 429. 

Hudson edition, of Vellejus, on 
es quoted, 325, note 
124, 


Hues, 486. 

Human equality, doctrine of 57; 
beings, as tools, 567. 

Hunger, and cannibalism at Tau- 
romanion, 226. 

Hunter, Viriathus styled a, 180, 
note 4; of ostriches, sparrows 
etc., 393, 294; of Pompeii, 411, 
of wild animals, 411. 

Hurled down the precipice, 227. 

Huts, hovels and tents of the 
Britons, 488 

Hybla and Macella, 269, and the 
notes 57, 58. 

Hydra, 519. 

{fymeneal reciprocity, 536. 

Hyponicus, slave owner, 137. 

Hypothesis of Wescher, 506. 

Hypseeus, defeated by Achzus 
and Cleon, 217; was a Roman 
general, destroyed by Eunus 
in the slave war, 218. 


I 


Iambe, slave of Ceres, 130 n. 93. 

Iconoclasm, traced back to or- 
ganized resistance, x. 

Ideal, 518; state of Plato, 530; 
of Jesus, 553; Plato the father 
of the ideal state, 554. 

Idol worship, introduction into 
Christianity, vili.; origin of, x ; 
the idols, 44, and 428-36. 

Ignominious cross, 265; punish- 
ment-—in what countries, 498-9. 

Incas, massacres of the, 102. 

Iliad, antiquity of the, 80. 

Ilias. or period of calamity, 261, 
note 37. 

Illegitimacy, what constituted, 
344, note 28. 


657 


Image worship, viii.; making by 
trade unions, 123; makers, un- 
ions of, in Athens, 127; mak- 
ing elsewhere, 362 and ἢ. 11; 
makers, their business and or- 
ganization, 429; 2,000 images 
and statues taken at siege of 
Volsini, 431; makers, chapter 
xix., pp. 428-36; sculptured, 
of a female, 436; palladiums, 
amulets, talismans incantations 
ete., 556, 

Imaginifex, 429. 

Immaculate conception, 147, 559, 

Immolation, of gladiators, 278, 
note 3. 

Immortality, theory concerning, 
59, 60, 90; opinions of Aristo- 
tle, Lucretius, Darwin on, 62; 
of the soul denied by a philos- 
ophy, 62; crowning problem, 
66; originated by egoism, 85; 
further opinions, 90, 91; the 
working classes too mean to 
possess a soul, 95. 

Immortals, the most powerful of 
whom were Jupiter, Oeres, 
Vulcan ete, 429. 

Imperishable laws, 526. 

Imprints, as best arguments, 450. 

Incantations, 556. 

Incendiorum collegium or fire- 
men’s union, 447, note 5. 

Incentive to steal does not exist 
in communism, 534, 

Incestuous liason of Antipas and 
Herodias, 557, note 87. 

Indo-Europeans, original home 
of, 48, 55; their laboring class 
organized, 68, 73, 82; strange 
beliefs of, 75; communism of 
property among, 80; a demo- 
cratic people, 122; an atrophy 
that benumbed the race, 494. 

Indulgence, masters’ accorded 
right of, with female slaves, 
147, note 8; in voluptuousness 
and interchange of loves, 497. 


Initiation, into the Mysteries, 92, 
of Alexander, 545. 

Innocence of Spartacus, 290 and 
note 37. 

Innovation, of Lycurgus ete., 69; 
introduction of, would make 
Clermont uninhabitable, 485-6. 

Innumerable new unions created, 
801, note 66. 

Inscriptions, the genuine , men- 
tioned in book, xi.; evidence 
of the, 73; of the Eleusinians, 
87; an interesting one, 98; ev- 
idence of, 112, 205; specimen 
by Aquillius, 271; the same, 
with inscription verbatim, 291, 
note 39; true history revealed 
by, 342; one found at Lanu- 
vium, showing rules, 353-58; 
at Pompeii, 390-2; law com- 
pelling their registration, 426; 
they prove the red color not 
to have been warlike, 490; one 
found twenty miles from Naz- 
areth, 503. 

Inspection of candidates, 510. 

Insubordination of the soldiers 
of Spartacus, 306, note 80, 315; 
malignant spirit of, 321. 

Insurrection, 86; of slaves which 
frightened the masters, 94; a 
great cause of fear, 141, note 
33; of Oarthagenian hostages 
and the slaves, 151, note 18; 
at Preeneste, 153; in the inte- 
rior of Asia Minor, 235; great- 
est known in history, 413; of 
Sicilian slaves, 404, see chap- 
ters ix. and xi.; of slaves, that 
was feared by Attalus, 546. 

Intrenchment, of Crassus, 315, 
note 109. 

Intrigues that-filched the beau- 
tiful color, 480. 

Inventions, 372; the erarii un- 
derstood alloys, 372; the car- 
penters made the battering- 
ram, 379, 488, note 53; Mi- 


INDEX. 


nerva, the protecting divinity 
of, 470; discovery of the new 
in nature, 526 ; implements of 
torture, 562; other doings, 569; 
of the ancient farmers, their 
reaper, 569 and note 109; let 
them be nationalized, 573. 

Inventory, of Demosthenes, 548. 

Invincible, force of Eunus, 219. 

Iphicrates, a low-born, 546. 

Irascible world, 494; a war spirit, 
521; destructive and bloody, 
556. 

Trascibility, 74; and vengeance, 
269; coupled with concupis- 
cence and sympathy, 515. 

Iron workers, 373; miners fed- 
erated with the forgers, at far 
distant Rome, 442; the fam- 
ous money made of, 532. 

Ishmaelites, belonging to the 
Semitic family, 48. 

Isis, of the therapeut, 562. 

Ismenias, and Antisthenes the 
cynic, 544. 

Isomachus, on prayer, 563. 

Italian, schools of painting, 101; 
insurrection, 294, note 47. 

Italy, ancient, prevailing scenes 
in, 54; slaves of, 77; Greek 
was spoken in lower part, 197. 

Ivory, and gold in the crysele- 
phantine colossus, 431; the 
ivory-workers, 431, 432. 


J 


Jack-at-all-trades, the ragpicker 
of Italy, 423. 

Jack Cade 559. 

Janus, temple of, closed by king 
Numa, 335; same thrown open 
after his death, 375. 

Jagatnatha, 90. 

Jargon, of dogmas and inquisito- 
rial intolerance, 495. 

Javelin, only allowed to nobles, 
475. 


INDEX, 


Jealousies, among the revolters, 
229; of Tryphon, 264, note 42; 
and revenge, 268; of Orixus, 
against Spartacus, 304; see in- 
subordination. 

Jerusalem, temple of, 123; trade 
unions at, 373, note 2; its de- 
struction, 566-7. 

Jesting dandies, 403, note 6. 

Jesus, his plan a basis of hope, 
57, 122; a workingman, 152-3; 
openly preached againstslavery 
though indirectly, 173; revo- 
lution of, 237; in the act of 
creating an association, 494; 
nobody asks more than he did, 
495; the labors of, 501; one 
of five remarkable personages, 
514; not a Platonist, 517; his 
rules, 544; yet on trial, 525; 
planted the successful seed, 
552. 

Jews, easily grasp socialism, 43; 
their purity, 44,45; without 
a land of their own, 46; arace 
of the Semitic family, 48 ; the 
mechanics, 373, Sidonian, 373 
and note 2; pierced the ears 
of their slaves, 385, note 30; 
must eventually become proud 
of Christ, 566-7. 

John the Baptist, 557. 

Joiners, (intestinarii), 370. 
Josephus, and his account of the 
tradesmen, 373 and note 2. 
Journey through Gaul to Britain, 

488. 

Jove, see Zeus and Jupiter. 

Jubilee, a coronation, 463 and 
plate ; parades, feasts and red 
flags at, 484. 

Judea (Judea), a farming coun- 
try in ancient times, 46; ora- 
tor of, sprung from the laboring 
class, 493. 

Jugglers organized, 111. 

Jugs, or pots of milk, 399; made 
by the tyrant Agathocles, 545. 


659 


Julius, Obsequens quoted, 304, 
Epaphra, 433; see Ceesar. 

Junkmen, 422, 425. 

Jupiter, the father of Proserpine. 
88; exposed a conspiracy o 
rebels, 148; Atabyrius, whe 
he was, 169, note 10, 402 - see 
Zeus. 

Jus coeundi, or law permitting 
free organization, 283, 425; 
jus gentium, 294, note 48. 

Justinian, emperor, 100; see also 
Digest. 


K 


Kapila, plagiarized by Aristotle, 
117; laid the foundation, 514. 

Karpetania, redeemed by Viri- 
athus, 185. 

Kent, (Cantiopolis), 487; Mid- 
dlesex, and London, 559. 

Key, to the success of Athenion, 
Eunus, Tryphon and others, 
274, note 70. 

Kind, taxes collected in, 441. 

King’s fool, of Eunus, 230 ana 
403, note 6. 

Kitchen, presided over by the 
triclinarch, 399; co-operative, 
533. 

Knives and cudgels, 292, note 41. 

Knights, on horseback, 477. 

Koinon, and other names for the 
communes, 501. 

Kicks, as an expression ofthanks, 
530. 

Kidnapers, 286, note 27; were 
the buccaneer freebooters of 
Canaan, 498. 

Kraton, inscription by, 98, n. 27 
priest of a labor commune, 98, 


L 


Labor, movement, its aims, 38; 
no manual, among patricians of 


early days, 39; } arty, founders 


660 


of, 43; inculeations deerading, 
52; problem, counselto those 
studying the, 60; swelling le- 
gions of, 62; its products are 
in the hands of monopolies, 62; 
ancient, generally interlinked 
with religion, 64; history of, 
begins with manumissions, 67; 
Semitic classes of, organized, 
68; unions of, their laws re- 
corded on slabs of stone, 71; 
scarcity of records of ancient, 
71; taint upon,*72, 101, 110; 
unions recognized by Socrates 
and Aristotle, 74; movement, 
unions and agitations, 77, 79, 
80, 96; Ceres protected its pro- 
ducts, 89; socially degraded, 95; 
unions of great antiquity, 111; 
how debased, 112; laws of So- 
lon, 113; the Greek brother- 
hoods, 114, 130; source of a 
thinking success, 117; leading 
the world, 118; a reputed dis- 
grace, 120; efforts to suppress 
the organizations of, 157; so- 
cieties of, in Hesiod’s time, 
162, the first war of, 142; bu- 
reau of labor of the U. 5. and 
its report, 146; brotherhoods, 
not strictly religious societies, 
170; had prophets and messi- 
ahs, 173; organization in Spain 
shown by her antiquities, 179, 
connected with the mysteries, 
198; as a problem in the time 
of the Gracchi, 222; unions, 
did the work of collecting the 
taxes for the state, 437; wor- 
thy of pay—the laborerworthy 
of his hire—558. 

Laborer, wages paid the ancient, 
137; all the products were not 
Pagan, 572; left out 340, note 
17, 348; and he rebelled and 
killed them, 573. 

Lacedzemon, or Sparta, 79, 103; 
slaves of, 98. 


INDEX. 


Laconians, or Periceci, 102, 531. 
the Spartan branch, 533, 

Ladies, the youths introduced to 
the, 534. 

Lenatus, story of Cicero, 241, 
note 18. 

Lzenus and Rupilius, who perse- 
cuted the Graechi, 225. 

Leocrates, his interest in a com- 
mune, 507. 

Lake, of brimstone, 248, note 3; 
near Croton, whose waters are 
sometimes pure and sometimes 
salt, 320. 

Lamb, of sacrifice for the thiasos, 
98, note 27; 463, 503. 

Lanatus, a Roman tribune, 145, 

Land, equally divided by Lycur- 
gus, 69; tenure, ancient sys- 
tems, 80; division of, by Ly- 
curgus, 101, 532; belonged to 
the state in Greece, 109; own- 
ers, the number of, in Rome, 
192; in Athens, 193; Sparta, 
101, 532; the Land of Canaan, 
496: speculation, after the Ro- 
man conquests, 499 ; —lords, an 
imperious oligarchy of, 496; 
still holding the monopoly of, 
497. 

Language, of Hebrews, 39; the 
product of the low-borns, 568. 

Lanuvium, the inscription of, 357. 

Laodicia, stronghold of the broth- 
erhoods, 511-12. 

Lapicidine, 221. 

Lares, or demons, 48; supersti- 
tion, 51; remains of the dead 
still alive and active, 53, note 
20, and 70, note 12; lar famil- 
iaris, 61; fear and honor of 
the, 425. 

Lassalle, 43. 

Last supper, 562. 

Latifundia, of Clonius, 253, 

Latium, in Italy, 149. 

Laurium, in Attica, strike not 
unsuccessful, xii.; strike at 


INDEX. 


the silver mines, 134; contrac- 
tors at, 136; Athenian silver 
works, 134, 138, 493. 

Laveleye, M. de, 55, 68. 

Laws, of Moses, 39, 40, 43, 44; 
the Jewish, recorded in the 
Pentateuch, 40; ancient laws 
of usurpation, 50; the laws 
of marriage among freedmen, 
77; of entail, 69, 102; those 
recorded on slabs of stone, 71; 
of heredity, 96; of the Twelve 
Tables, 100; of Solon, 100, 
113, 127 and note 87; of Ly- 
curgus, 101, 104, 109, 525and 
full account, 530, sqq., of pri- 
mogeniture, 102; of Numa 
Pompilius, 109, 126; of Ama- 
sis 115; the conspiracy, 120, 
see conspiracy ; of organization 
generally, 127; Roman enforce- 
ment of the slave laws, 178; 
of Solon borrowed from Egypt 
245, note 23; of suppression, 
283, note 15; law of lust, 147; 
compelling inscriptions, 425-6. 

Laweiver, 497, 529. 

Learning and Art, two young 
females of Lucian’s dream, 543. 

Lebanon, mountains of, 236. 

Legality, of will of Attalus, 234. 

Legend, weird, of the brimstone 
lake, 248, note 4. 

Legerdemain, of Eunus, 217 and 
note 67. 

Leges populi, 340. 

Legion, number of soldiers in a, 
312; of Honor, 484. 

Leisure, the necessity of, accord- 
ing to Aristotle, 542. 

Leleges, Ohios a primeval home 
of the 163. 

Lentulus, O. Cornelius, praetor in 
Setia, 151; Piso, Rupillius, 218; 
third man sent against Eunus, 
218; Batiatus, teacher of the 
games, 285; proprietor of, in- 

‘comes to, 289 and note 36; 


66} 


the consul, dogging Spartacus, 
307; disaster of, 311; mystery 
as to fate of, 311; and Pop- 
licola, 407. 

Leo X., Pope, 125. 

Leonardo da Vinci, 544. 

Leontini, number of land owners 
at, 194. 

Le Play, 70. 

Leslie, Dr. Cliffe, his opinion,111. 

Lexicographers, obliged to con- 
sult the inscriptions, 379. 

Lexington, flag of, 492 

Liason, of Antipas and Herodias 
in Judea, 557, note 87. 

Lice, Eunus devoured by, 230, 
note 105. 

Licinian law, 156, 222, note 84; 
Stolo, 474. 

Lictor, of Tryphon, 264, note 43; 
same as executioner, 475, note 
22; fierce military pageant of, 
475; his functions, 475. 

Lightfoot, quoting Digest on the 
power of life and death, 294, 
note 48; on the Hssenes, 504, 
note 23. 

Lilybeum, where situated, 258; 
attacked by Athenion, 260 and 
note 35, 

Line of circumvallation, against 
Spartacus, 318. 

Linen weavers’ union, 416. 

Lions, tigers, leopards, wolves, 
bears in the ring, 188-90 and 
plate, 395; and other wild an- 
imals, 411; crouching in front 
of Cybele, 463. 

List, of trade unions 369. 

Liticen, or clarion, 408. 

Livy, account of Spartacus by, 
but lost, 211; other mention, 
79, 146, 148, 152; he spurned 
the bacchanals, 159. 

L. Domitius, horrible cruelty of, 
136; Furius, a Roman consul. 
157; Postumius, a pretor in 
charge of Apulia, 159. 


662 


Lokrians, did not tolerate slav- 
ery, 169; were the commun- 
ists of Italy, 194. 

London, the bed-rock of modern 
socialism, 488; leader of the la- 
bor movement, 559. 

Long-lived unions, 461. 

Lord’s prayer, 562. 

Lords, forced to fight as gladia- 
tors, 308, note 865. 

Lordship, and slavery, first estab- 
lished condition of society, 54. 

Loss, of the books, 262, 268, 269; 
of Livy, 298; of Sallust, 299; 
how the art of dyeing waslost, 
479 -80, 

Lots, the Spartan 
101, 102, 530. 
Lottery, booths, taverns ete., of 

Theophrastus, 543. 

Lousy sickness, 230, note 105. 

Love, incomparable, inscription, 
342, note 21; Eros the god of, 
whom Socrates worshiped, 553 
note 76. 

Low-born, inferior to a dog, 244, 
note 22, see slave, slavery. 
Lowly, ancient, 60; nature of 
discussion among the, 129; 
socialistic atmospliere of, 513. 

Lucanians, under Cleptius, 264. 

Lucanus, 79. 

Lucian, dream of, 543. 

Lucretius, compared with Vogt, 
Spencer and Darwin, 59; his 
celebrated apothegm, 60; his 
beliet regarding the soul, 62 ; 
the doctrine of, 129; a Roman 
tribune, 145; an etymological 
reference, 471. 

Lucullus, object of, in Spain, 181; 
leaves Spain, 182; L. Licinius, 
sent to Sicily, 264; routed by 
Athenicn, 267; a third, of the 
same name, in war with the 
gladiator, 319, note 117; ap- 
proaches Spartacus from one 
side aiid Pompey from another, 


division of, 


INDEX. 


321; drives Spartacus from the 
port of Brundusium, 323, 

Lueders’ Skilled Mechanics of the 
Bacchanals, 503. 
Ludi, and the incorporated com- 
munes, 404; cercenses, 410. 
Lugdunum, (Lyons), shipping 
produce from, 440. 

Luna, marble, 368. 

Lupanariorum collegium, 447. 

Lupercalia, 344, note 30. 

Lusitania, prosperity of, before 
the Roman conquests, 179 
see chapter viii., pp. 178-190, 
Viriathus, 

Luxuries, prohibited by Sparta- 
cus, 302, note 70. 

a slave traffic, 286, note 
2 


Lycurgus, law of, 62, 69, 94, 101, 
103, 139 ; a model and a mon- 
ster, 102; recognized aristoc- 
racy, 497; a review of him. 
526, sqq.; was attacked and 
blinded, 527 ; what he accom- 
plished, 532; his doctrines de- 
tailed, 559. 

Lyons, unions of collectors, 439, 
note 3; connected with Rome 
by water, 440. 

Lysias, his shield factory, 547. 

Lytton, Sir Edward Bulwer, his 
opinion as to gladiators, 289. 


M 


M. Acilius Glabro, Roman pre- 
tor, 157. 

Ma, a divinity, the cult of, 215, 
note 63. 

Macedonia, mines in, 137; an 
uprising in, 142. 

Macella, a great battle between 
Athenion and Rupillius, 270 
its castle, conjectures as to its 
seographical situation, 270. 

Machinists, union of, shown by 
an inscription, 378, note 14; 


INDEX. 


~ 


machine adjusters, 378; oth- 
ers, of the plays, 403, note 6; 
at the theatres, 570. 

Mackenzie, and the Twelve 'a- 
bles, 337, 339. 

Macrobius, his arguments against 
slavery, 141, note 34; quota- 
tion from, 146, 164, note 2. 

Madonna, or Notre dame, 486. 

Magician, Hunus the, 199, and 
note 27. 

Magister sacrorum, 452. 

Magnetism, of Lycurgus, 532. 

Maidens, the celebrated Spartan, 
530, 534; before the ephori, 
535. 

Malfeasance, 225, note 94: of 
Nerva, in office, 250-51, note 
13; of Lucullus, 274. 

Mamelukes, massacre of the, 102. 

Mamertine caves, 230. 

Man, original division of, into 
classes, 39. 

Manes, jealous, omniscient and 
on guard 53 , of Crixus—Sparta- 
cus’ revenge by forcing his vic- 
tims to fight as gladiators, 308, 
309, 406; as tutelary saints, 
420. 

Man-hunt, after Silarus, 286, note 
27; for remnants of routed 
army of the gladiators, also for 
the pirates, 330. 

Mania, for organization, 447. 

Manlius (Cneus ), defeat of, by 
Spartacus, 314. 

Mantle, the purple, of Tryphon, 
264, note 43. 

Manufactories, their wares and 
the collectors, 439; of arms of 
war operated by the brother- 
hoods, 123; by the freedmen, 
218; establishments in the em- 
perors’ palaces, 419; of colors 
in red, how suppressed, 480; 
others, of the armaments of 
warfare, 537. 

Manumissions, the dawn of, 48; 


663 


era of, 51; idea of, 56, 67-9, 
74,112, 526; history of labor 
begins with, 67-8; movement 
and progress of, 541. 

Marure, straw for, 569, note 109. 

Manuscript, the original of Vel- 
lejus Paterculus, 325, note 124. 

Maringues, 486. 

Marauder, of the Nebrode, Gad- 
deeus, 252. 

Marble, cutters’ organizations, 
127; quarries, 368; of Brioude 
had red devices, 490. 

Marius, O. election of, consul at 
outbreak of second Sicilian la- 
bor war, 248; and Julius, un- 
ions suppressed, 301, note 65. 

Markets, of the slave traffic, 286 
and note 27. 

Marriage, uncer the Lycurgan 
law, 527; form of, in Sparta, 
535. 

Mars-like warrior Spartacus, 297, 
note 55. 

Martyrdom, at Tauromanion 
227; and incalculable results, 
514, 525. 

Marx, 43. 

Masons, of the organized build- 
ing trades at Rome, 367; stone 
masons of Rome, 368, 369; at 
Jerusalem, 373, note 2. 

Massachusetts, its early flag was 
red, 492. 

Massacre, of Stone Henge, and 
others, 102; of the Helots, 115; 
at Ancyle, 251; and crucifix- 
ion of the slaves, 299; of the 
Hebrews at Jerusalem, 567. 

Materfamilias, conduct of the, 
52, her virtue beyond suspi- 
cion, 74; kept herself secluded 
at home, 78 note 30; worked 
at the spinning wheel, 108. 

Mauritania, sends a force to fight 
Athenion, 260, note 35. 

Maury, critic on Eleusinian mys- 
teries, 92, 


664 


Mausoleums and sarcophagi, 429. 

Maw, the rock-lined, of ‘Tay ge- 
tus, 533. 

Maxim, theorem, axiom, 509-10; 
saying, eye for eye etc., 493. 

Maximian, kills Crispin aad Oris- 
pinian, 421; persecutions, 480, 

Meals, incommon at Tarentum, 
287, note 28; see table. 

Measures, of Lycurgus, 532. 

Mechanics, 39; progress in, was 
unendurable to the pagan sys- 
tem, 568; skilled, of the bac- 
chanals, see Lueders’ Minerva. 

Megallis, wife of Damophilus and 
the cruel slaveholder, 201; her 
fearful death, 204-5; plunged 
headlong over a precipice, 405 
and 406. 

Megapolis, theatre of, 401. 

Megaron, temple of, 91; 95, 130. 

Mellow garden for the first sow- 
ings, 573. 

Membership, granted the slaves, 
98 ; note 27, 169, 355. 

Memento, talisman, incantation, 
charms, palladinms, 463; 556 ; 

Memphis, Egypt, 112, note 56. 

Men-Tyrannus, a god, 143; note 
39; men great and good, 525; 
and women the tools of labor, 
568. 

Menecrates, 463. 

Menestheus, the demagogue of 
Athens, 99, note 28. 

Menial work, 498. 

Menis, son of Menistheus of Her- 
aclitus, 454. 

Mercenaries, slaves used as, 77; 
a trade union of, 119; Thracian 
freedmen as, 235; and huck- 
sters, of Theophrastus, 542, 

Merchants, unions of, 98; 393; 
flags, 487. 

Mercury, his visit to Erebus, 89. 

Merula, preetor and tribune, 151; 
suppressed the slave revolt id. 
and note 18; defeats a second 


INDEX. 


and similar insurrection, 153. 
Messana, spared by slaves, 221. 
Messenian war with Sparta, 98; 

103. 

Messiah, slaves believed in a, 173; 
Eunus a, 199; also Athenion, 
259; and Salvius or Tryphon, 
263; soters, worshipers of the, 
462; the greater one, how He 
found things, 493; mellowed 
and in readiness for the, 513; 
Eunus the, acquainted with 
secret organization, 512. 

Messiahships, 558. 

Metagenes, Greek sculptor, 131. 

Metal, vessel-makers, 445 ; pro- 
scribed by Lycurgus, 69, n. 8. 

Metanira, mother of Demophon, 
89. 

Metaurus, battle of, 193. 
Metroon, temple of Oybele, also 
goddess of the Pirzeus, 509. 
Mevaniola, where a ragpickers’ 

union was found, 422. 
Mexico, ancient people of, 93. 
Microcosms, of a far-future state, 

459; inapplicable except for 

the, 493. 

Middle, men, the first of Rome, 
340; ages, 461. 

Milk, and milk-tasters, 399; the 
ancient milkmen, 399. 

Millers, wages paid the, 137; they 
were called pistores, 349; and 
bakers’ union (sacred), 445; 
other brotherhoods of, 446. 

Mills, did the Roman state own 
woolen mills? 417. 

Milo, the pugilist, 323; note 120. 

Mimics, communes of Roman, 
112, note 58; the unions of, 
see chapter 18; pp. 401; sqq., 
220; inscription of, 403; n. 6. 

Miners, insurrection of, 100; of 
copper, 375; their unions, 442, 
note 10. 

Minerva, goddess of the thiasote, 
114; temple of, 137 ; statue 


INDEX. 


431; the Lindienne, 450, 462: 
the Athena, goddess of man- 
ual labor, 468; with Apollo, 
etc., 488; feast-days and colors 
of, and when, 490. 


Mines, belonged to the state, 136; 


sufferings of the workers in, 
138; rebellious slaves sent to 
the, 158; of iron, 373, note 3. 

Mirmillion, a kind of gladiator, 
311, note 96, 412. 

Missing link, connecting the cat- 
tle-breeders with the unions, 
388. 

Mithridates, tyrant of Cappado- 
cia, 169; his punishment of 
Aquillius, 273; his defeat by 
Lucullus, 323, note 121. 

Mixing, Numa taught them to 
mix, 371 

Mnason, a great slave owner, 135. 

Mnistheus, 454. 

Mob, of Roman lords, 234 ; of no- 
bles who assassinated Grac- 
chus, 241; of gladiators, 323; 
of young men set upon Lycur- 
gus, 527; cruel, that murdered 
Jesus, 562. 

Mock, theatricals, 220; manceu- 
vres and sham battles, 410; 
combats in the arena, 411. 

Mohammedan rescue, 555. 

Mola de Geta, 316, note 111. 

Moloch, 44. 

Mommsen, 112, 127, 187; on the 
law of Solon, 113; always re- 
liable, clears up the doubt, 508. 

Mona, Isle of, and the Druids, 
482. 

Monarchism, earliest European, 
112; that of Numaawise, 375. 

Money, changers, 509, 518; the 
iron, of the Spartans, 531. 

Monks, what upheld by, 556. 

Monotheism, Jewish, 40, 504. 

Monselice, union of hunters dis- 
covered at, 394. 

Mont Ferrand, carders, masons, 


weavers of, had blood-red, 489 

Moors, in Sicily against Athe- 
nion, 262. 

Morgantion, 255 sq. 

Morocco, Peru, Bolivia, red, 487. 

Mortars, for grinding, 446. 

Mortgages, on landed estates, 
119, note 74, 531. 

Mosaic law, 43-5. 

Moses, 39-45; Pentateuch con- 
taining the law of, 40; other 
59, 72; divine authorship of 
his law, 46; provided for slav- 
ery, 566. 

Mount Garganus, battle of, 306-8; 
Taygetus, 533; see Olympus. 

Muenter, who sketched a wine- 
smokers’ society, 383. 

Muleteers, a union of, 396. 

Mummius, disastrous defeat of, 
314; frightful punishment of 
his men for cowardice, 315 and 
note 108. 

Munitions, the manufacture of, 
by trade unions, 443. 

Murder, of the Gracchi, 233; of 
Clonius, 253, many shocking, 
536. 

Murileguli, who fished for shells 
and purple fish, 418, 

Murillo, 84. 

Muscovite, 464. 

Musical instruments, 408; see 
chapter on organized amusers, 

Museum, 400; at Pesth, 402; of 
Athens, 453. 

Mutice, number of property own- 
ers at, 194. 

Mutina, battle of, 313. 

Mutilation, of the books, 268-9; 
also 299, note 57; of slaves, 
385, note 30; of Hermotius, 
168-9 note 7; of the valuable 
literature, 522. 

Mutiny, of the soldiers of Spar- 
tacus, 320. 

Mutton, fish and venison, the ar- 
istocratic food, 386. 


Myceenee, servant in the league 
at, 110, note 50. 

Myndun, in the labor war, 235. 

Myron, rival of Phidias, 431. 

Mysteries, the little, 87; their re- 
ligious rites, 94; Eleusinian, 
see chaper iv. pp. 83-132, 536; 
of skilled art, 539. 

Mythology, Saturn and Janus 
chained the god of war, 47; 
the ancient, 88, sq. 


N 


Nahuas, gladiatorial sacrifices of, 
278 


Naked, both sexes worked so to- 
gether in the mines, 138-9; 
sweat-begrimed slaves, 248; 
maidens practiced gymnastics 
with the young men, 534, 535; 
lowly and living in caves, 530, 
532. 

Naples, divers’ unions at, 113n.61. 

Napoleon, compared with Spar- 
cus, Viil. 

Narbonne, inscription of milk-jar 
makers at, 399. 

Narcissus, stupefying influence 
of the, at the mysteries, 92. 
Nassicus, assassin of Gracchus, 

241, note 19. 

Natal months, of Ceres, Minerva, 
Apollo, 488. 

Nationalization, of implements 
of labor, 570. 

Native Races, Bancroft’s 278, n. 4. 

Naturalists, and the new philos- 
ophy, 62. 

Nautii, family of the, 114. 

Nazareth, the unions around, see 
chapter xxiii.; 503. 

Nemesis, goddess of justice, 413, 
note 36. 

Deen and Augustonemetum, 

Neo-Platonism, 466; engrafted 
asa Ohristian dogma, 516, 551; 


INDEX. 


amalgamation, 522, 551. 

Neptune, the reign of, 47; and 
his trident at the Clepsydree, 
130, note 96. 

Nero, despot, xiii. 

Nerva, 247, note 1. 

Nestor, 452. 

Nets of the seas, 316, note 111. 

New England states and their 
colors, 492. 

Nicanor, a perfumer, 434. 

Nicaragua, 92, note 18. 

Nice, unions of divers at, 113. 

Nicias, ἃ slave owner, 135; had 
also convicts working for him 
in the mines, 138, note 25; and 
Cimon, 146. 

Nicholas, of Damascus, 165, 168, 
277, note 1. 

Nicomides, king of Bithynia, 249, 
note 5. 

Niebuhr, 299. 

Nile, 112, red-birds of the, 479. 

Nio, 456. 

Nomads, 70; see gypsy ; Sparta- 
cus a, 282, note 13; not Ar- 
yan, 560; the first runaways, 
560. 

Nomenclature, of the Greek com- 
munes, 455, note 16, 

Non-laboring class preferred the 
white color, 466 ; non-warfare 
of Numa’s system, 537, 

Norba, Oircijus, Preeneste, 151, 

North Americau Indians, anal- 
ogy between gens and, 86, n. 6, 

Nuisance, communes declared a 
283, note 16. 

Numa Pompilius, 146 ; laws of, 
109, 119; encouraged trades 
unions, 123, 146, 156. 161; his 
celebrated provision, 285; up- 
held the labor societies, 303; 
promoted trade and labor un- 
lons and the brotherhoods 700 
years before Christ, 335; the 

first king that recognized, be- 

friended & legalized labor, 336; 


INDEX. 


538; reigned 43 years 338; 
his greatness, 339; death of, 
375; compared with Solon and 
Tullius, 426 ; sanctions the bac- 
chanals, 502. 

Numantia in Spain, bad condition 
of slaves, 179. 

Numbers, of children of the rich, 
49, note 5; of slaves at Greek 
mines, 143, note 38; of cap- 
tive slaves in the conquests, 
193, note 1; in the armies of 
Eunus, viii., 218, note 70; of 
Piso’s army, 223; crucified at 
Enna, 229; slaves in rebellior, 
254, note 20; of the army of 
Salvius, 255, 363; of army of 
Lucullus, 264; combined force 
of slaves at battle of Scirthea, 
of imported slaves for cheap 
labor, 286, note 27; killed in 
battle with Spartacus at Vesu- 
vius, 297, note 93; of army of 
Spartacus after Garganus, 304, 
note 77; Appian’s estimate in 
Thuria, 306, note 82; killed, 
according to statementof Fron- 
tin, 319, note 118; total force 
of Spartacus at Silarus accord- 
ing to Vellejus Paterculus, 
324-8, notes 123-4, 152; also 
of combined Roman armies at 
same battle, 424, note 122; of 
slaves estimated killed in all 
uprisings, 330, note 136, of 
slaves owned by Claudius, 340, 
note17; of the Dionysian com- 
munes, 404, note 9; of war- 
riors of Eunus, 549; of Jews 
murdered by the Romans, 567; 
comparative, of mankind, 570. 

Nymph, Thalia, 247; Lycia, 569. 

Nymphodorus, little known of, 
165; a Sicilian geographer and 
historian, 163-4; his lost book, 
165, note 10; his remarkable 
story of Drimakos preserved 
by Athensus, chapter vii, 


667 


O 


Oaken tables, of our forefathers, 
the communal, 532. 

Oath, exacted from freedmen & 
slaves in camp, 471, note 12. 

Obligatory rule, compelling the 
unions to chisel out their lith- 
ographs, 426. 

Obloquy, falsely attaching to the 
ancient bacchantes, 502. 

O’Bryan, on slave leaders, 274, 
note 70. 

Oderic, 392. 

Odium, attaching to slave rebell- 
ions, 294, note 47; attaching 
to labor, 502, 529 

Odyssey, shown to be younger 
than the Iliad, 80. 

nomaus, 289, note 36; elected 
a lieutenant under Spartacus, 
294; his defeat and death, 306 
and note 77. 

Offerings of frankincense, 357. 

Officers of the brotherhoods enu- 
merated, 357, translation 617 
Greek, 453. 

Offspring, replenishing the Spar- 
tan state with good, 536. 

Oil-grinders, 364. 

Olenus Oalenus, soothsayer, 154, 
note 27. 

Oligarchy, of money, 398, note 
26; of one-third of the popula- 
tion, 496; Aristotle’s 542, 543. 

Ollas, jumping and tumbling on, 
505. Φ 

Olympiad, 247, note 1. ἡ 

Olympian Zeus, statue of, 101; 
heights, 236; abodes, 516; & 
thrones, 548; mount, home of 
the gods in charge of the wel- 
fare of mortals, 351. 

Opimius, the murderer of Grac- 
chus, 241, note 19. 

Oppression, ancient resistance to, 
68; of the dominant class. 79; 
of ancient slaves, 96. 


668 


Optimate class, 469; lictors re- 
quired to be of the, 476; did 
not work, 530 of Aristotle’s 
state, 542. 

Ora Rhodana (the mouths of the 
Rhone), and modes of an- 
cient commerce, 440. 

Oracles, diviners of, 413. 

Oration, of Cato against Galba, 
181, note 5. 

Order of the wood-workers, 360, 
note 3; of the masons, stone 
and bricklayers, 365; tax-men, 
440, 441; see trade unions. 

Organization, ancient secret, 69, 
71; of freedmen, 74; of mer- 
cenaries, 78; the Eleusinian, 
87; secret, 90, see communes; 
antiquity of labor, 94; of fam- 
ilies and fratries, 101, of the 
Helots, 108; people driven to, 
110; of fish-mongers at Syra- 
cuse, 119; encouraged by Nu- 
ma, 123; grievances discussed 
by, 129; of slaves in Sicily, 
197; of the laboring class, 
333; see chapters on organi- 
zation p. 333, sqq.; of trade 
unions, index of them; of 
farmers, see farmers. 

Orgeons and Essenes, 450, 493; 
and the orgiastes, 469. 

Orgies lupercalian, of the Ger- 
man farmers, 344, note 30; of 
Eleusis not belonging to the 
labor question, 505. 

Oriflamme, 485. 

Origin of the gladiatorial games, 
278, note 3; of conscience, see 
chapter ii.; of life, 59; of cun- 
ning, 60; of ghosts, 61; of 
the word flag, 485; of Chris- 
tianity, Wescher quoted, 506. 

Orpheus, the priest, 92. 

Orsona, Aimilius’ camp at, 186. 

Ostia, port of Rome, unions at, 
382, note 23; inscription show- 
ing the political action at, 383, 
note 26; its business, 440. 


INDEX. 


Ouranos, the vaulted dome, 236; 
its invisible inhabitants, 516, 
352. 

Outcasts and descendants of the 
slaves, 438; the plebeian pop- 
ulation, 344; the dangerous, 
437 ; victimized by prayer, 464. 

Ovation, to the Palakoi, 263; to 
Aquillius, 272. 

Overseer, of collectors’union,439. 

Overturned villages, cities and 
eastles, 267, note 50. 

Ownership, by the government, 
of mills, 417. 

Ox, harnessed to Pliny’s reaper, 
569, note 109; car-load of Ly- 
curgus’ iron money, 532. 


Ῥ 


Peans and prayers οἱ thiasotes, 
536. 

Pagan, religion, 69; was over- 
turned by the labor unions, its 
true basis, 76; religio-slavery 
the outcome of it, 83, 495; its 
temple, 114; traditional fam- 
ily, 497; Pagan law of entail- 
ment upon  primogeniture. 
558; prayers, specimens 
brought forward, 561-64; in- 
stitutions and adherents, and 
what became of them, see the 
chapter xxiv, an. pp. 513- 
520; final, 315. 

Painting, a master of, 101; era 
of Grecian, 128. 

Paleozoic era, 276. 

Palestra, of suffering, 249. 

Palaeographic and _ tradional 
records, 492; anaglyphs 
ete., 451; unearthed during 
the 19th century, 501; 
showing a microcosm of a 
far future state, 459. 

Palenque, inscriptions at, 112. 

Palestine, 41, 46, 88, 444; se- 
eret communes of, 501, the 


INDEX. 


entire chapter xxiii, pp. 
493-519, 

Palkoi, 247; asylum of the 
252; twins of Thalia and 


Jupiter, 247. 

Palisade-like intrenchments or 
fortifications against Sparta- 
cus 320 and note 119; 318. 

Palladiums, etc., 558. 

Palladius and his account of 
the ancient reaper, 569, note 
109, 

Pallas, children of, 49; Athene 
562. 

Panatheniastes, 462. 

Pangaetus, strikes in the mines 
of gold at, 144. 

Pangaeus, mines in Thrace, 137. 

Panifices, or bakers, 349. 

Panionius, revenge of Hermo- 
tius, 168-9, note 7. 

Pantaetus, 143. 

Paperna, campaign against Ar- 
istonicus, 242, 243. 

Paphlagonia, 239. 

Papian law, 243, note 21. 

Parallelisms, of Socrates and 
Jesus, 514, 560. 

Paraphrase, Dindorf’s, on 
tramps, 261, note 37; Dio 
Cassius, and Diodorus, 261. 

Paris, vast catacombs at, 155. 

Parmenides, 518. 

Paros, the slab of, 87, note 10. 

Parrhasius, great painter, 101. 

Parthenon, 101, 124, 126, built 
under Pericles, 124, its mar- 
bles and material, 368; made 
by the genius and chisel of 
the sculptor Phidias, 125. 

Passions, toning and moraliz- 
ing, 530. 

Patavium, inscription of the 
ragpickers found at, 423. 
Patch-workers, 422;  piecers, 
424, how they drifted into 

the business, 425. 

Paterfamilias, 69, 74, 497; his 

power over brothers and sis- 


699 


ters, 50, 51; worships his 
dead father as a god, 51; be- 
comes saint and god after 
death, 85, 

Patriarchal, government un- 
mentioned by inscriptions, 73. 

Patrician, 39, 72; Plato a, 39; 
disposal of property of, 49-50; 
contest of opinion between 
the, and the communes, 493; 
consuls fought the working- 
men, 474; smiles of the, 532. 

Patron, saint or divinity, 469. 

Paul, Paulus, Aemilius in Epir- 
us, another, defeated by 
Viriathus, 186; Aemilius, hav- 
oc of, 340, note 17; Saint, 
552. 

Peace, hues were red, 486; 
standard of Egypt is still red, 
491; banner, of American 
colonies, red, 492; makers, of 
Lycurgus, 532. 

Pearl, brass, gold and amber en- 
tered into manufacture of im- 
ages, 430; fishers (margarit- 
arii), 434; used in decorating 
images, 435. 

Pelasgians, Chios, 
home of the, 163. 

Peligni, union of hunters found 
at, 393, 394. 

Peloponnesian war, 105, 134; 
decided by a strike, 138; 
breaking out of, 139. 

Penates, the home of the lares, 
52. 

Penetralia, 52, 494. 

Pennons, jacks, and merchants’ 
standards, 487. 

Pentateuch, 40. 

Pentelicus marble quarries, 368. 

Pepiles, an aboriginal American 
tribe, 92, note 18. 

Pepin le Bref, 488, note 53. 

Perfidy, of the workingmen to 
each other, 228; of Nerva, 
250; of Aquillius, 272; & be- 
trayal, 514, 


primeval 


670 


Perfumers’ society at Capua, 
291; unguentarii, who made 
things “fit for the gods,” 433; 
had unions in Athens and Co- 
rinth, 434. 

Pergamus, see all of chapter x., 
pp. 232-45, Aristonicus; in- 
scription from, 98; insurrec- 
tion at, 150; seat of the up- 
rising of Aristonicus and the 
farmers, 511; become mellow 
ground for Christianity, 512. 

Pericles, archon of Athens, 124; 
wages in the time of, 137; 
an admirer of Phidias, 431. 

Perioeci, a favored class of Lac- 
edaemon, 101, 106. 

Permian age, 276. 

Persecutions, of Diocletian, 
483; of the centuries, 523. 

Perseus, the siege of, 193. 

Petinax, emperor of Rome, 79. 

Petelia, battle of, and victory 
of Spartacus, 321. 

Phidias, a descendant of slaves, 
160; great sculptor, 100; a 
friend of Pericles, 125; trans- 
cendent genius of, 128; mag- 
nificent works, 101; with My- 
ron, Polycletus, Alcamines, 
435; in Lucian’ dream, 543. 

Philemon and Archilochus, 544. 

Philip of Macedon, 544. 

Philo Judaeus quoted, 504, n. 
23. 

Philosopher, Aristotle’s predic- 
tion, 71; is discovering won- 
derful things, 84; Nicholas of 
Damascus, quoted, 277, note 
1; what his greatest pleas- 
ure 539, 542. 

Philosophy, 39; one that de- 
nies the immortality of the 
soul, 52; effect of such, on a 
workingman, 63-4; the Aris- 
totelHan, 116, 118; great era 
of Greek, 128; of annihila- 
tion, 129, n. 90; see Plato 
and Aristotle. 


INDEX. 


Phocaea,favors Aristonicus,239. 
Phoebus, 390; in Britian, 482. 
Phocion, 545. 

Phoenicia, 110; Greek spoken, 
197, its lost art of red dyes, 
479, 480; see Palestine. 

Phoenicians, see Palestine, chap- 
ter xxill., pp. 493-519; were 
not an aggressive race, 40 and 
notes; belonged to the Se- 
mitic family, 48, 120; enter- 
prise of the, 124; were slave 
traders, 164; and their trade 
with the Africans, 432; dyes, 
483; kidnapers, 498. 

Pheenicepteros, 478. 

Phenix, Greek and ardea Latin 
were the flaming reds, 478, 
note 30, fin. 

Phratries, 86, 94, 99, 367; 
outcasts formed into, 86; 
name uppermost for Greek 
organizations, 502. 

Phrygia, stone slabs from 503. 

Physicism, of Aristotle, 516. 

Picenum, 311. 
battle Mummius at, 312. 

Pireus, the unions at the, 113; 
trade unions at the, 125; or- 
ganizations of workers in 
great numbers, 361; unions 
of Greek flute players at, 
410; at the unions of the 
Heroistes, Serapistes, etce., 
450; examol at, 508; a 
thiasos mentioned, 505. 

Pirates, in Chios after the 
death of Drimakos, 176; sup- 
posed to have assisted Spar- 
tacus, 316; account given by 
Tacitus, 316, note 111; more 
about, 498. 

Pisaurum, wood-workers of, 361 
and note 8. 

Piscicapii, 389. 

Pisistratide, an Athenian fam- 
ily of high estate, 125. 

Piso, fourth general against 
Eunusg, 218, 


INDEX. 


Plans, of salvation, of working- 
people, 46 and note 14; of 
Eunus, extermination, 219; 
of slaves in rebellion are ex- 
posed, 151, note 18; a peace- 
ful, of salvation, 517; of the 
various leaders, 525; of 
Lycurgus, a summary, 537; 
of Eunus, 548: of Aristoni- 
cus, 550; of Drimakos, 550; 
of Spartacus, 551; of Salvius, 
255: the two immortal, now 
mixing, 555; of salvation, of 
Moses, ete., 565; of the 
moderns, 567. 

Plant, the new, how prepared, 
513: of lLycurgus, 537; of 
the great men who figured 
for the cause of humanity, 
see chapter xxiv., pp. 520- 
573. 

Planted, the red, all along, be- 


tween Auvergne and Kent, 
488. 
Plaster images  (tectoriole), 


mentioned by Cicero, 432. 

Plato, 39, 53, 59, 107, 109; was 
willing to take gifts from the 
wealthy, but refused pay, 39; 
on the soul, 60; reference to 
his Phedrus, 93. note 19; 
was an advocate of slavery, 
102; the two moral elements 
of, 109; Aristotle against, 
117; his episode at Syracuse, 
118; sold as a slave in Italy, 
119; general movement of, 
132; hardheartedness insome 
things, 136: on immortality. 
193; his visit to Italy, 444; 
ideas copied from the Pagan 
religion, 466; takes Socrates 
down to the Pirzus, 513; one 
of the five remarkable men, 
514. 

Plautius, defeated by Viriathus, 
185; Hypseus, his arrival, to 
fight Eunus, 217. 

Plebiscita, 340, 


671 


Plebeians, 39; not citizens, 344, 
note 27; were the theatre 
actors, 404; their love of the 
red color, 473; Licinius a, 
474; the power of, 474, 
note 20, 

Pliny, his natural history, 79, 
154; celebrated naturalist, 
129; on ancient reaper, 569, 
note 109. 

Plumage, of the red-bird, 479. 

Plutarch, 98, 103; evidence of 
concerniny the murder of the 
slaves, 86; quoted, 105; bat- 
tle of the Po, 311; q .oted as 
to, 311; as to Silarus, 327; 
lampoons the workers, 544. 

Pluto and Proserpine, story of, 
88, 198. 

Poison, for the working classes, 
546, 547. . 

Poiemarch and Lysias, shield- 
makers, 547. 

Polemic, Wescher-Foucart, 506; 

Polias, architect of the temple 
of Minerva, his wages, 137, 
cruel slave owner, 215, 405. 

Policy, of priest-power to cur- 
tail information, 522: ἃ, 
which is the meanest on the 
pagan schedule, 524. 

Political economy, 43; economy, 
prevalence of priest-power in, 
45; institutions and the work 
people, 94; actio. of unions 
at Ostia, 383, note 26; of fed- 
erated trade unions of Pom- 
peii, 390-91 and notes 3, 4, 5. 

Politics, a noble calling, 113; 
forbidden the ancient unions, 
113; Politics, title of Aris- 
totle’s celebrated book, see 
Aristotle; politicians, or the 
upper class were wrangling 
while the communes were 
harmonious, 509. 

Polution, the touch of a work- 
ingman supposed to polute, 
349, 


672 


Polybius, on the red flag, 467 & 
note 5. 

Polycletus, in Lucian’s dream, 
043. 

Polyglot, P. Crassus, who spoke 
many Greek dialects, 238, and 
note 12. 

Pomona, presided over the or- 
chards, 477; herself, Isis, Osi- 
ris and her flaminica, 480. 

Pompey, xii., 317; in war of the 
gladiators, 319 sqq., note 117; 
arrives from Spain, 323; 
bears down upon Spartacus, 
323 and note 121. 

Pompeii, an important inscrip- 
tion found at, 128; volunteers 
to Spartacus from, 297; wo- 
men in the labor politics of, 
390, 391 and note 5; inscrip- 
tion of cloth-fullers who were 
employed by the state, 416, 
note 5. 

Pomptine swamps, the, 149. 

Pont du Chateau, Lalf-red ban- 
ners, 489. 

Po, Spartacus marches to the, 
307, 309; his arrival at, 308, 
note 84. 

Pool of the Twins, 247, note 2. 

Pooling, of sums to bribe Nerva, 
249,, 250 and note 8. 

Poor food, for the slaves, 43, 
note 16; there were unions 
for furnishing its supply, 
383, note 26. 

Popidius (Rufus), manager of 
the family of gladiators, 411. 

Poplicola, tactics of, 308; great 
battle with and defeat of, 308. 

Poplius Clonius, murder of, 
253, note 16. 

Population, of Corinth, 193; in 
the slave era, enormous, 340, 
note 17; of Sparta, 529; see 
census. = 

Porcelain, 
571. 

Pork butchers’ unions, 386, 441; 
see food 


ancient invention, 


INDEX. 


Port, of Ostia, unions of, 382, 
note 23; of the Rhone (Ora 
Rhodani), 440; of Athens, or 
the Pirzus, 361; see Pireus. 

Porte banniéres, 484, note 44. 

Poseidonius, the stoic, 169. 

Postumius, defeats the strikers 
at Apulia, 160. 

Potters, Numa’s union of, 335, 
note 6; ampule or jugs, of the 
milkmens’ union, 399; an- 
other union of, 445; the ty- 
rant Agathocles a, 545. 

Powderly, stand taken by him, 
disclosing the power of or- 
ganization, 334, 

Power, of {16 ancient father 
over his children, 76, note 25; 
of masters over slaves, 121, 
note 75; of married man over 
his female slaves, 49 and note 
4, 147 and note 8; of Eunus, 
221, note 81; of life and 
death, 294, note 48; of habit, 
465-6, 483, 489; of the ple- 
bians in Roman _ elections, 
474, note 20. 

Pregustatorum collegium, union 
of tasters, 398. 

Preneste, 150; slave insurrec- 
tion at, 151, note 18; inserip- 
tion at, 403. 

Prairie on fire, 487, 

Praxiteles, Lysippus, 
435. 

Prayer of woman, 303, note 73; 
the unions opened their ses- 
sions with, 461; sayings and 
doings compared, 525, sqq.; 
and deeds, of Tertullian, 552, 
note 70; of Soerates, 561; of 
Jesus, 562; of Alcestis, 562-3 ; 
of a selfish son, 563; of Ores- 
tes, 563; pwans and, of the 
thiasotes, 563; of the Queché, 
tribe, 564; of ancient Pagan 
priest, 564. 

Pre-Christian societies, 461. 

Precipices, hurled down the, by 
Rupillus, 227; cast headlong, 


Scopas, 


INDEX. 


from the Nebrode, 252. 

Precocious trade unionist, 383, 
note 26. 

Prediction, of the wife of Spar- 
tacus, 558. 

Presses, 386. 

Prestigiation, 45, 274, note 70. 

Pretex of religion, 346, note 36. 

Priest, power in political econ- 
omy, 45; was a public officer, 
114; the Druid, 482 ;—craft, 
origin of, 53, superstitious be- 
lief in, 352; his sacerdotal 
and sacrificial paraphernalia, 
429; of Aristotle's age, 538; 


priesthood, bound in_ the 
secret mysteries, 90. 
Primeval, men, 72; race, 73; 


colors, 473, note 16; mind, 
472. 487. 

Primogeniture, law Of, 50; en- 
tailment upon, 558; laws of 
inheritance and rules of en- 
tail upon, 571. 

Prince of this world, 556. 

Prison, description of the Ro- 
man, 154; the public. 15] and 
note 18; description, by Bom- 
bardini, 154; the strikers cast 
into, 160, note 42; broken 
open and 60,000 prisoners set 
free; 251, note 12, 254; was 
called the home of the prole- 
taries. 287, note 32. 

Private union, 510, note 37. 

Privateers, sozieties of, 510. 

Probus, emperor of Rome, 79. 

Proclaim the eult, 554. 

Procurators with their 
tors, 439. 

Proeranistria, female guardian, 
453, 455, 463.- ; 

Proletarian class, ignored by 
paganism. 428: origin of the. 
85; the army of, 320. 

Prompter, at the theatre, 402, 
note 1. 

Propaganda, system of, 244, 
and note 23; of organization. 
448. note 9, 


quees- 


673 

Pr ‘try ς Posey ure 
roperty, see family; common, 
under Lycurgus, 69; owners 


of, organized for protection, 
property and family original- 
ly one and the same thing, 


281, note 11; comprehends 
money, land, house, slaves, 
ZS ὯΝ ΤΠ 


Prophecy, of Aurinia, 290, note 
37, 305, note 78. 

Prophet, Athenion a, 259; also 
Eunus, 548; were in all tur- 
moils, 557; they existed thro 
all antiquity, 558. 

Propitiation of the divinities by 
wild tumult, 244, note 23. 

Proportion of Gauls to Thra- 
cians of Spartacus, 289. note 
36. 

Proprietorship, system of com- 
munal, 69. 

Propyle, of the Parthenon, 101. 

Propylea, 430. 

Proserpine, or Persephone, the 
story of. 88-9, 92; rape of, 
90; carried to Enna, 198. 

Prostates. a president, 453. 

Prostitution, 463, 464. 

Proto-divinities, 489. 

Protoplasm, 59. 

Proudhon, 60. 

Provisions, and who furnished 
them, 396; see chapters xv. & 
xvi., Rome’s army supplies, & 
victualing system. 

Prytaneum, the, 126. 

Pseudo-Asconius. 225; note 94. 

Psomokolophos, or runaway, 
boy friend of Drimakos, 174. 

Ptolemy Philadelphus, 564. 

Publie works, 403. 

Publicans, Cicero’s 
the, 249, note 7. 

Publishing. how done, 436. 

Publius Varinius, defeat of, 
207. 

Pulvinaria, inscription by an 
association of, 432. 

Punie hostages, 153,-note 22; 
war, the third, 178, 215. 


praise of 


674 


Punishment, of slaves, 244, note 
22; for falsehooa and per- 
jury, 248, note 3; inflicted 
upon the Romans, 266; by 
Crassus, of cowards,, 315, 
note 108; of the soldiers of 
Mummius by Spartacus, 315. 

Putnam, red flag displayed by, 
at battle of Bunker Hill, 492. 

Purple, clothed in, 258, note 29; 
why a mixed color, 476. 

Puryveying, systematic method 
of, 437. 

Puy de Dome, 484, note 46. 

Puzzle-guessing, 528, 558. 

Pydna, the battle of, in Epirus, 
179, 186. 

Pyrrhus, in Tarentum abolished 
common tables, 287, note 28. 

Pythagoras, thought to have 
known Numa, who through 
him was a communist, 359, 
note 1; plants communism in 
Italy, 444; and the sect, 194. 

Q 

Qualms. swoons_and upheavals, 
494, 495. 

Quarrels, between Crixus, “n- 
omaus and Spartacus, 305. 
306; involved in the red flag, 


473; of the medieval shoe- 
makers and cobblers. 484, 
note 45, 


Quarries, 368. 

Question, of Lelius to Blossius, 
241, note 12. 

Quinquennial, five years’ magis- 
trate, 357. 

Quinguennium, city of Rome 
held 5 years from electing an 
aristocrat, 474, note 20. 

Quinctio L. in battle with Cas- 
tus, 320, note 119. 


Quinetins. defeated by Viria- 
thus, 186: and Tremellius 
Serofa defeated by Sparta- 


cus, at Petelia. 321. 
R 
Race, Asiatic, 70; culture, 528; 


INDEX. 


of the Spartans, 535; of the 
Eagle, or aristocracy, in the | 
prayer of Orestes 563; the 
Hebrew, 567; 

Rag-pickers and 
unions, 422, 
SYPSy. 

Rangabé, quoted 507. 

Rape of Proserpine, performed 
as a drama at Elausis, 91, 92, 
note 18; of Virginia, 287 and 
note 32. 

Raphael’s intimacy with Pope 
Leo, 125; taint of labor, 544. 

Ravelli, a place where inscrip- 
tions are found, 364. 

Reaper, of ancient Gaul, 569, 
note 109; of Pliny and Palla- 
dius, 569. 

Reason, guided by social laws, 
60; dawn of, 72; the world 
to adopt, 524; used on two 
distinct lines, 538. 

Rebellion, slaves in prodigious, 
86; in the United States, 
140; other, 405; see insur- 
rections, strikes, turmofls, 
xii.; of the children, 525; of 
the animate tools of labor, 
567, 573. 

Reciprocating shears, in 81 cient 
reaper, 570. 

Records, searcity of, on ancient 
labor, 71; tracing back to 
prove their age, 426. 

Red, flames, 248, note 3; ban- 
ner, see chapter 22, pp. 465- 
92; flag, an account given by 
Polybius, 467, note 5; the 
ehampion of tints, 472; pre- 
valence of, in industry, 477; 
prohibition law killed out the 
invention of red dyeing, 479- 
80; red and white the es- 
sences of color, 480; adopted 
by the Christians. 481; the 
early flag in the United 
States, 492. 

Redemption, 528, 


patch-piecers 
note 30; see 


IND#HX. 


Regent, Lycurgus a, by inherit- 
ance, 531. 

Registration, of friendly socie- 
ties, 447. 
Rehabilitation, of ancient labor, 
and the harvest, 519, 572. 
Religion, bringing of, into this 
history, a necessity, x.; was 
arranged by an_ Intercessor, 
42; the original or first, 43; 
its omission impossible, 45; 
it governed political habits, 
48; was based upon con- 
science, 62; the handmaid of, 
63; the working people were 
religious, 64; of the slaves of 
antiquity, 53; of Jesus, was 
planted by a laborer, 57; 
ancient, 60, 68; Pagan, 69; 
Aryan, 69; a part of an 
ancient workingman’s life, 
70; ancient forms exist in 
modern, 70; belief of slaves, 
(5; basis of Pagan, “10; 
slavery the outcome of the 
Pagan, 83; origin of the 
Pagan, 85; slaves organized 
under pretenses of, 86; of 
Jesus, 88; slaves debarred 
from the glories of, 95; 
denying the equality of men, 
97; Pagan, 109; belonged to 
the state, 121; in this his- 
tory, 143; of Sicilian slaves, 
197; used as a cloak, 346; 
note 36; working people had 
none, 345; communes numer- 
ous in the Pirzus. 513, note 
46. 

Remains, honored, 378, note 14. 

Renaissance, a new, 194. 

Renan, Wescher. Foucart, 402; 
asserts the power of the socie- 
ties, 453; on the ancient dis- 
cussions, 454. 

Rercountre, of the nuptials, 92, 
note 18. 

Render unto Cesar, 518. 

Rent, 382, 383. 

Republic, of Plato drawn among 


675 


the communes of the Pirzus, 
513; of the blessed, 549. 

Rerum Natura, greatest of 
didactic poems, 60. 

Rescue, of Lilybeum, 260. 

Res Seenica, 403; 412. 

Rescue, the Mohammedan, 555; 
events of the, 494; of rank, 
264, note 43. 

Resemblance, of Socrates and 
Jesus, 553. 

Resignation, power of, 562. 

Resistance, unions of, 381; 522. 

Restoration, of old unions, 303, 
note 67. 

Restrictive laws, compelled un- 
ions to appear religious, 508. 

Resuscitation, of harsh old law 
315, note 108; prevented, 532. 

Retaliation, 332; of Spartacus, 
by forcing the Romans to 
fight as gladiators, 308, 309; 
and cut showing the scene, 
332; of Eunus, 549. 

Retribution, to Aquillius, Lu- 
cullus & Servilius, 273-4; ter- 
rible, of Spartacus, 308; of 
Eunus, 550; of Mithridates, 
273. 

Revenge, of He1motius, 168-69, 
note 7; of Spartacus, 332. 
Revival, of the old funereal 
wake, 308, note 85; the 
present labor movement a, 

SLOn 572: 

Revolt, prevented Ὁ supersti- 
tion 76; always feared by the 
masters, 79; was common in 
Chios 170; at Syracuse, of 
slaves, 251, note 13; of pro- 
digious extent against Spar- 
tacus, 319; and vengeance, 
331. 

Revolution, not involved in any 
change from competitive to 
co-operative systems, 38; 
great social; 57; description 
of the, 63; begun by Christ, 
122; the magnitude of, 384: 
that destroyed the identity 


676 


of paganism, 443; the war, 
the red flag at the outbreak, 
492; events of the, 494. 

Revue Archéologique, 453; arti- 
cle quoted from, 505, 506, 567. 

Reward, given to slave inform- 
ants, 149; note 12. 

Rhadamanthus, 95, note 24. 

Rhea, Ceres, Isis, ‘ybele, 
and the same, 470, 471. 

Rhegium in Cisalpine Gaul, 423. 

Rhodes, 461; communes at 493; 
one of the early Christian 
seats, 513; the inscriptions 
of, 169, note 10. 

Ricardo, Jewish speculator, 43. 

Rich men, Cimon, 137, note 16. 

Rights, equal, 40; Spartacus, 
297, note 54. , 

Robes, Greek, of ran:x, 264. note 
43. 

Rock, lined maw of Taygetus, 
533. 

Rodbertus, 71. 

Rogers, Social Life of Scotland, 
466, note 1. 

Romans, were Aryans, 48; used 
competitive idea, 48; private 
property early recognized, 
ΘῈΣ downfall of their empire, 

; literary era of the, 123; 

"Ὁ social and servile wars 
see chapters under those 
heads ; conspira~ , 148; 
treachery of, 181; attempt to 
enslave all Spain, 188; con- 
question of Achia by the, 210; 
depended on the ‘militia to 
crush Eunus, 21]; armies of 
organized to quell rebellions, 
211; slow to realize t e power 
of Eunus, 213; armies of. de- 
feated by Eunus and his gen- 
erals, 218: cities of the, built 
of wood, 360. 

Romanelli’s inscription of gladi- 
atorial fight with wild beasts, 
411. 

Romulus, gives to married men 
power over female slaves, 


one 


INDEX. 


147, note 8. 

Roscher, 38. 

Rose, learned Greek scholar, 343. 

Ross’ Inscriptions Greques, 462. 

Rotatory form of mutual com- 
munity, 507. 

Ridimental colors, 470, note 10. 

Runaways ete., cremated, 75; 
slaves called psomokolaphoi 
among the Chians, 169, 174; 
slaves, inscription, 291, note 
40; slaves, 394. 

Runs, forced to make the runs 
of gladiators, 407. 

Rupillius, .fth man __ sent 
against Eunus, 218; malfeas 
ance, 225, note 94; consul at- 
tacks Eunus, 228. 

Rhythm, of Aristotle, 542. 


5 


Sabelline judgment, 342, note 
wile 

Sacerdotal seat or chair, 431. 

Sackeloth and ashes, 499. 

Sacred, hearth, 69; and civil 
communes, 113, note 63; as- 
sociations, 362, note 12; 
which unions, 445, note 2; 
unions so defined under the 
law 445, not: 2; qu2stions, 
ByA3% 

Sacrifice, Pagan mode of, 51; 
rites of, 92; given by Viria- 
thus, 183, note 7: of Salvius 
to the Twins, 257 τ n. 85 
at Messana, 269 human, 
278: avenging of Sra 
304, nai, asked by Lollius, 
378, note 14; Archon, 505. 

Saddle and bridle-makers, 484-5 

Saga and toga, when used, 477, 
note 25. 

Sagum and vexillum, 476, 477. 


Sailors, a trade union of, 119, 
127. 

Sailors’ union, sacred to Min- 
erva, 429, note 3. 


Saint, Bartholomew massacre 


INDEX. 


of, 102; originated by egoism, 
85; Cyril, 452; Flour, 489; 
Germain-Lembion, industrial 
suburb of Paris, 489; Simon, 
the originator of the term 
“bourgeoisie” 526, 

Salarius, 392; origin of the 
word “salary,” 392, note 8. 
Sallust, 165; mutilated works 
of, 211; regretable loss, 299, 
note 57; describes the battle 
of Mt. Garganus, 306, note 

80. 

Salona, estate of Dioletian at, 
547. 

Salt works, 392. 

Saltatrix, saltatricula, 407. 

Salvation, doctrine of, taught 
by Christ, 517; in the plan of 
EKunus and others 548, sqq. 

Salvius, first mention of, 254; 
elected slave-king, 254, note 
20; a flute player, messiah 
and prophet, 263; his history 
finished, 263, sq. 

Samos, in the labor war, 235. 

Sandal, (solea). how made, 420. 

Sagum ceruleum, 475. 

Sankhaya Kapila, 460. 

Sanscrit language, mixed by 
the gypsies with Latin, 426. 

Santorin, isle of, where the so- 
cieties were very numerous, 
452. 

Sardinia, vast numbers of 
slaves from, 193. 

Satan, 89; king of the earth, 
556. 

Satirical writings of Ovid, Pro- 
pertius, Martialis, were in 
everybody’s hands, 436, note 
20. 

Satrapy of Rome, 24). 

Saturn, his government, spoken 
of by Plato, 47, note 1 ; Jupi- 
ter’s escape from, 89, 

Saturnalia, 123; the feats dur- 
ing which all mankind were 
equal, 338; a great harvest 
festival, 502. 


677 


Satyrs, 248: Ceres adored by, 
477. 

Satyros, and the mutual fratri- 
cide, 273. 

Sauromatides, countless women 
of ancient Crete, 340, note 17. 

Sausage -maker, Aischines son 
of a, 543. 

Sayings, doings, prayers, com- 
pared, 525; sayings of Socra- 
tes, 561. 

Scamander, scene of great bat- 
tle, 270. 

Scars, of Aquillius, 273, note 68. 

Secaurus, built theatre at Rome, 
401, 402. 

Scene, of vengeance, 227; ad- 
juster, 403, note 6. 

Scenicorum collegium, 402. 

Schambach, quotations from, 
277 to 330 notes. 

Schliemann, 110. 

School, of gladiators, 289 and 
notes 36, 37; of mutual love 
and care, 365; schole precep- 
tores, 407; of idol manufac- 
ture, 431 of Ageladas, 435. 

Science, evidence accumulated 
by diggers in, 59; heeds not 
the tablets and inscriptions, 
84; a young female seen by 
Lucian in a dream, 543. 

Scillato, ancient Ancyle, 251. 

Scilly Isles, 483. 

Scio or Chios, strike in the isl- 
and of, 163. 

Seipio and Hannibal, 153; Afri- 
ecanus, 218; Africanus, Grac- 
chus his grandson, 241. 

Scirthesa, a drawn battle, 267. 

Scopas and other great artists, 
435. 

Scourges, scourged ὦ hung upon 
the cross, 154. note 27, 475; 
for lictors, 477. 

Seroll, 2,000 years are but a, 
520. 

Sculptor, (signarius artifex), 
p. 368; Lucian’s dream, 544. 

Sculpture, a great era of Gre- 


678 


cian, 128; of Spartacus, 284, 
note 21; the great master of, 
101. 

Seaport of Athens, see Pireus. 

Seats, cushioned seats of the 
gods, 360. 

Second coming, the ‘abor move- 
ment, 557. 

Secret and secrecy. of the 
unions, 461; recognition, 110, 
note 50; societies in Homer’s 
time, 111; intense secrecy of 
the unions, 346; organiza- 
tions carried red banners, 
471: of red dyes lost, how, 
479, 480; cult secret in 
Canaan, 501; communes, and 
great men who knew of them, 
514; commune, and its 
ancient cult, 554. 

Sedition, of soldiers of Sparta- 
cus, 306, note 80. 

Seething, fiuid, 248, note 3. 

Self-command, superhrman of 
Comanus, 227; aid, 410; de- 
fense, counter organizations 
in, 525; defeating, 527. 

Selfishness, of prayers, 563. 

Semeion, or vexillum, 467. 

Semetic family, Hebrew branch, 
40; race-strugeles with the 
Aryans, 41; racelcharacteris- 
tics, 48; laboring classes or- 
ganized, 68; enterprise, 124; 


used in collateral evidence. 
526. 
Senatus consulti, 340. 
Sentinum, inscription of the 


rag-pickers found at, 423. 
Sentius (Cneus), the man who 
died while yet a youth, 383, 
note 26. 
Septuagint convention, 564. 
Sepuleralia, or Roman burial 
societies, 343. 
Sepulchres, sarcophagi 
mausoleums, 429. 
Sepulture, right of, 70; dread 
of being deprived of, 75. 
Sermon on the Mount, 549. 


and 


INDEX. 


Servile wars, 54; of Sicily, 77; 
of Spartacus, what caused by, 
284; revolt, considered a na- 
tional degradation. 294; also 
433, 508, and see chapters on 
the war-strikes of the ancient 
workingmen. 

Servilianus, defeated by Viri- 
athus at Erisane, 187. 

Servilius, reduced to disgrace, 
274. 

Servius Tullius, king of Rome, 
146, 156, 161; Sulpicius Gal- 
ba, a Roman commander, 
179: Tullius and Numa, suc- 
ceeded by a rapacious slave- 
holding policy, 398. 

Setia, a ‘city in Italy, 149; the 
revolt of slaves at, 150, "51, 
note 18: traitors, 228. ' 

Seven Apocalyptic churches, 
5d 

Sexes, relation between, among 
the ancient slaves. 77; work- 
ing together naked in the 
various mines, 138; both like- 
wise in same condition at the 
games, 530. 

Sharpeners, of swords and jav- 
elins, 411. 

Shepherd, see Athenion, Aris- 
tonicus, Cleon and the word. 
farmer; and ~ farmer, nick- 
named bacchanal, 160. note 
38; humble and \yithout am- 
bitions, 514. 

Shinglers, 377, note 10. 

Shoemakers, Cicero’s contempt. 
and nickname of, 380. note 
20; quarrels of, 484. note 45; 
Order of Crispins took the 
red flag, 483. 

Shop- keepers, of Aristotle, 540. 

Sicilian Olympus, the, 88; ser- 
vile war, 513. 

Sicily, disastrous strike in. 133, 
142; effects of third Punic 
war. 178; shocking condition 
of slaves, 194; Eunus made 
king of, 196; (Greek language 
spoken, 197; the granary of 


INDEX. 679 


the world, 258, 304; tramps 
of, torn open by tramps, 261 
and note 37. 

Sickle, 569, note 109. 

Sidon and Tyre, home of all the 
Pheenicians, 488. 

Siege, of Enna by Piso, 224; 
seeond of Enna, 228; of 
Leuce, 242; of Lilybeum, 
260; by Lucullus of Triocala, 
267, note 49. 

Signs (private) not  inserip- 
tions of the societies, 366,368. 

Silarus, and Macella, great bat- 
tles, 271; head waters of, 
324; battle of 324-5, 327 
note 128. 

Silver, mines of Attica, 100; 
the Laurian, 134; cane of 
Athenion, 259 and note 33; 
and gold workers, 374; 
smiths, 383 note 26, and see 
strike. 

Similarity between 
and Jesus, 560. 

Sin, a terrible, 478, 523, 524. 

Sinus Sejestanus, 258. 

Siphon, in use before Christ, 
571. 

Sister of Horatius murdered by 
him, 475, note 22. 

Situations, procured by the un- 
ions, 511; see co-operation. 
Size of army of Eunus, 218; of 

Spartacus, 324-5; see army. 

Skinned, human beings, 278. 

Slabs, the ancient, lying unob- 
served, in their original places 
or in museums, xi; are being 
constantly unearthed, 110; 
the law record.d on, 71. 

Slave, relies of the ancient, 67; 
equals of their masters, 68: 
system among Aryans, 68; 
African, 68; a rich man’s 
children beeame, 69; run- 
away. 70, 175 to 177; not 
mentioned by the _ very 
ancient writers, 71; the con- 
tempt of masters for, 72; 
poor outlook in ancient times 


Socrates 


for the, 74; slaveholders used 
to kill their children, 74; the 
fear of, 75; superstition at 
first prevented his revolt, 76; 
he multiplied within his own 
estate, 77; branded and 
marked on face and οἶβο- 
where, 79, 196, note 17, 385, 
note 30; poorly fed, 46, note 
16, 79, 385, note 30; emanci- 
pation of, 80; system, 81; dif- 
ferentiation in his favor, 83; 
self-enfranchised, 85; denied 
the right of burial, 85; but 
his body burned, 86; or hung 
up to rot, 299; murdered by 
his masters, 86; was ad- 
mitted into the brotherhood, 
98, note 27, 169, 355; social 
condition in Greece, 99; of 
war, 103; trade, 103, 266, 
note 27; prices paid for his 
hire, 137; of Athens deserts, 
140; one man _ sometimes 
owned a great many, 135, see 
numbers; his attempt to 
burn Rome, 146; assisted by 
king Servius Tullius, 147; 
insurrection of Scio. 163, see 
Drimakos; fear of his rebel- 
lions, 141, 164; citizens of 
Enna massacred by, 202; 
system, Eunus attempts to 
destroy the. 207; vengeance 
of the, at Enna, 209; often 
became brigands, 215; many 
a Roman general in Sicily 
was defeated by the, 218; 
slaves of Eunus were social- 
ists, 223; Piso defeated and 
driven by a, 225; in the ma- 
jority, 249; set free by Spar- 
tacus, 302; numbers. that 
were crucified, 330; system, 
inroads upon by the trade 
unions, 442; had a religion, 
472. his eondition in Pheeni- 
cia, 498; crammed popula- 
tions of Plato, 548-9; dens of 
Sicily, 549. 


680 
Slavery, partly abolished 
among the Hebrews, 39; 


origin of, 49; a second con- 
dition in the establishment 
of society, 54; earlier than 
communism, 68; resistance 
of slaves to, 68; at present, 
that of chattels is extinct, 
68; unwritten age of, 71; 
society outgrowing, 71; long 
night of, 78; phenomena of, 
93; degradation of Spartan, 
102; the curse of, 111; Plato 
believed it just, 119; hideous 
conditions, 156;  supersti- 
tions against, 168, 169; 
Viriathus’ fight against, 188; 
immense growth of, just be- 
fore Christ’s time, 192; in 
Asia Minor, 233; reviewed, 
286, note 27, 141, note 37, 
146, 164, note 2; the anti- 
thesis of trade unionism, 
366; Romans grasped Plato’s 
fashionable idea οἵ. and ea- 
lamities which resulted, 549. 

Saveholders, wealth and num- 
bers, 314-5; see numbers. 

Sleight of hand, 254, note 20. 

Slings, 378, 379, 380. 

Slipper, half-slipper, 419. 

Smart, in sallles and satire, 
dan: 

Smokers of wine, 382. 

Smyrna, burial place of Cras- 
sus, 242. 

Snakes, superstition of Grac- 
echus, 240. 

Social wars, nearly all turn out 
disastrously for cause, xii.; 
ages of past, marked by a 
want of feeling, 65; organi- 
zations, ancient, 69; habits 
of poor, 77; wars, 84, 97; 
life of working people, 88; 
condition of slaves in Greece, 
99; wars, 99, 110; organiza- 
tions that helped Spartacus, 
to almost achieve a remark- 
able conquest, 301. 


INDEX. 


Socialism, 38; not easily seen 
through competitive system, 
43; the perfect, 101; employ- 
ment by the state, 380, note 
19; 381, n. 21; none beyond 
the family, 496; of Jesus, 
497; in the festivities, state 
paid the bills, 505; the radi- 
eal of Lycurgus, 527. 

Socialistic system, 59; organi- 
zations, 97; a state, 121; 
Germany stifled the efforts 
of, 71; enjoying their booty 
in common, 223. 

Society, present condition of, 
toned by Mosaic law, 45; its 
deeds of, transmitted by his- 
tory and archeology, 48; first 
form of, 48; conditions in 
the establishment of, 54; an- 
cient, 113; middle condition 
of, 55; developed by ethics, 
63; history of ancient, 67; 
outcasts of, 69; will outgrow 
slavery, 71; began with the 
bully, 84; two ancient classes 
of, 96; two great classes of 
Lacedemonian, 101. 

Sociology, students of, 71, 80, 
97; students of, are forced 
to drop Plato, 445; consis- 
tency with the study of, 501. 

Socrates, recognized the labor 
unions, 74; Plato, Aristotle, 
Anaxagoras and _ Diogenes, 
worshiped immortal gods, 
430, 486, at the Pireus, 513; 
one of 5 remarkable charac- 
ters, 514; on the God of 
love, 553, note 76; Crito & 
Phedo, 562; a member of 
the brotherhood, 553. 

Sodales, what they were, 127, 
n. 87; of Italy, 77, 364; ful- 
lonum, 415; corresponded to 
the thiasotes, 508; unions of 
the, suppressed, 344, note, 29. 

Soissons, Crispins settled at, 
421; seat of the Crispins, 
483. 


INDEX. 


Soldier of high stock, 381. 

Solemnities of labor unions, 
378, note 14. 

Solidarities, rural, 464. 

Solitudo Magistratuum, 
and note 20. 

Solomon, trade unions as early 
as, 115; King of the Jews, 
123; the temple, 373. 

Solon, laws of, 100, 113; regu- 
lations of, 119, 123; trade 
unions under Jaws of, 126; 
Solon and Numa’s law the 
same, 337, n. 13; law of Solon 
and of the Twelve Tables 
identical, 347; Solon οἵ 
Athens, focilowed Numa’s 

. trade union scheme, 359; his 
homotaphoi or common ta- 
bles, 510. 

Solution, the natural of 
problems, 573. 

Sons born to the gods, 49, note 4. 

Soothsayers, Etruscan, 154, 
note 27. 

Sophists, 39, 132. 

Sophocles and Euripides, 401. 

Sorties, of Cleon. 225. 

Sosias, a Thracian contractor, 
137. 

Soter, or Messiah, 462. 

Sottishness, false opinion, 503. 

Soul, see immortality; consult 
chapter iv., Elousinian Mys- 
teries; apothegm of Luere- 
tius, 60: a philosophy which 
denies the immortality of 
the, 62: origin of and belief 
in, 47-66; fed the disengaged, 
75 and note <2; of states, 303, 
note 73; who plod without, 


474, 


the 


466; slave-souls of Plato, 
539; of Aristotle’s theory, 
540. 

Soup spoons, spits, ladles, 


bowls, cups, 399. 
Southern states, slavery of, 77. 
Spain, slavery drove free labor 
from, 156; see wars of Viri- 
athus in, pp. 178-90. 


681 


Sparta, massacres of, 97; its 
war with Messenia, 98, 103; 
brutal spirit and unfeeling- 
ness, 132; jealous of Athens, 
141; slaves dangerous, 211. 

Spartacus, great general; is 
compared with Hannibal and 
Napoleon, viii.; punishment 
for rebellion, xii.; allusions 
to, 62, 120, 148, 149; upris- 
ing of, 140, note 3; well re- 
ceived in Apulia and Meta- 
pontem, 158-9; his fortune- 
telling wife, 168; was a poor 
man, 181; the prodigious 
conflict, 187; in’ winter quar- 
ters he disallowed gold and 
silver, 202; was called a rob- 
ber, 215; a Thracian, bit 
family unknown, 282, note 
13; in all respects a working- 
man, 282; legends of, 284; a 
man of giant frame, further 
description of, 285, 288, 290; 
a serpent coils about his 
head, 290, note 37; escape of, 
292; elected commander-in- 
chief, 294; line of march and 
tactics, 300; humane quali- 
ties and character, 302-3, 
305, 311; required to march 
through Campania to Rome, 
321; after the death of 
Crixus, he marches to the Po, 
507: and his army hemmed 
in, 323; his death, 324-332; 
70 years after him, Christ 
came, 493; one of the 5 re- 
markable men, 514; his 
mightiness, 551]. 

Spartans, under Lycurgus, 69; 
a favored class, 101; com- 
pared to the Athenians, 139; 
an unsympathetic people, 
103; believed slavery was 
right, 119, division of land, 
530; senators, 531. 

Species, preservation of, 42. 

Spectacles, gladiatorial, 277, 
and note 1, 


682 


Speculators in human flesh, 412. 

Speech, of Drimakos, 169, note, 
172; of Christ, 557. 

Spencer, 59. 

Spice unions, 393; gums, nuts, 
seeds and other raw materials 
of the perfumers, 434. 

Spinners’, weavers’, dyers’ and 
tailors’ overseers had charge 
of the state work shops, 419. 

Spirit-worship, command 
against in Mosaic law, 54. 

Split-corn grits for slaves, 383, 
note 26. 

Spoleto, inscription of fullers’ 
union found at, 416. 

Spooks and goblins, 248, note 
3; see asylum, also goblin. 
Sportula, figures in the laws 
governing sacred unions, 399. 
Spouting monstrous __ sparks, 

248, note 3. 

Spurius Rutilus, a Roman trib- 
une, 145. 

Squares, of the Roman army, 
320, note 119. 

Standard, white at Rome, 481. 

Star-gazer, Athenion, 259, 260, 
note 35. 

Starvation of human chattels, 
405; of Morgantion, 227; of 
Cleon, 260; wages, 526. 

State, ancient social, 123; 
slaves owned by the, 383, 
note 26; factories, 416, note 
5: control of works, 417-19; 
without distinction is with- 
out slaves, 522; paid the fes- 
tive bills, at Anthesteria, 505; 
the celebrated, 538; owner- 
ship, 567. 

Statesman, a work by Plato, 
118; of Aristotle, 540. 

Statistics, of gladiators, 279, 
note 5; of slaves’ living, in- 
scribed on the Egyptian 
pyramid, 446, note 4; of eru- 
cifixions, 330, 517. 

Statue, of Augustus, 80; of the 
Greek Athena, 101,, 125. 


INDEX. 


Statute, the most renowned of 
antiquity, 474. 

Stealing, authorized by Lycur- 
gus, 69, note 8; even taught 
the children, 532. 

Stichus, on the faces of slaves, 
79; their brands, 385, n. 30. 

Still small voice, 523. 

Stoa, of Zeno, 546. 

Stock-farms, the German, 344, 
note 30; breeding, 528. 

Stoicism, 464. 

Stolo (Licinius), law of, 222, 
note 84; see Gracchus. 

Stonehenge, massacre of, 102. 

Stone masons, of Athens, 127; 


cutters, 369, 369, remains, 
450. 

Strabo, 112, 205. ἐ 
Strangers, admitted to the 


membership, 509. 

Stratonice, crowning of, 463, 
and plate; honored jubilee, 
463, 504. 

Strikes, ancient, unknown to 
the living age, viii.; turned 
out to be disastrous in most 
cases, xii.; evidence regard- 
ing them, 67. 3; the ancient 
and modern, 133; in Greece, 
Rome and Sicily, 133; of the 
20,000, at Declea, 134, note 
1, 140, 473; one that decided 
the Peloponnesian war, 138; 
the servile wars, 140, note 32. 
155; one at Sunion, 142, 144, 
of slaves in Macedonian 
mines, 144, note 42; of slaves 
at Rome, 146; of Setia, 149, 
note 12; in Etruria, 155. 157; 
in Apulia, 159; at Enna in 
Sicily, 195; causes of rup- 
ture of Eunus, 198, see Eunus; 
in Asia Minor outlined, 237; 
a match for. 270; strife-war, 
hero of the, 513; see Eunus, 
Spartacus and Drimakos. 

Strongoli or Nethus, 326. 

Struggle, going on, 43; human- 
ity’s ancient, 68; an early, 


INDEX. 


between rich and poor, 99; 
did our era rise from labor 
struggles? 523, sq. 

Styx, flowing between Hades 
and Elysium, 90. 

Suffrage, woman, 
notes. 

Suicide, of Comanus, 227; of 
Blossius, 241 and note 19; 
the mutual, of Satyros and 
braves, 273; forbidden by a 
rule and penalty of burial 
society, 355. 

Sun-god, Syrian, 236; worship, 
in Asia Minor, 236 and note 
9, 373, note 4; worship of 
Nemesis, 413, note 36, 450, 
471; god Apollo, 463, 491; 
brilliant and flaming color of, 
469, 69; worship, the com- 
mon, or popular faith, in 
England, 482; heliopolitai or 
farmer-warriors of Aristoni- 
eus, 550. 

Sundays, none for worners, 135. 

Sundikoi, lawyers, 453. 

Sunion, castle of, 100, 143; the 
miners’ strike at, 142, note 
38; an Athenian mining city, 
145; bloody mutiny of slaves, 
143. 

Superintendent, of public works, 
inscription showing political 
action of unions, 383, n. 26. 

Superstition, of Egyptians, 45; 
of slaves checked their revolt, 
76; was the masters’ bulwark 
of protection, 81; among the 
Greeks, 107, note 49; of the 
Chians about Drimakos, 177: 
in favor of Eunus, 216; and 
of Gracchus, 240. 

Supplicium, the noble, 499. 

Suppression of the unions, 301, 
note 65; of religious unions, 
347, note 40; of all unions, 
362, note 11: union of eran- 
ists, by council of Laodicia, 
511: 

Survival, man fighting for, 61; 


391, and 


683 
of Tryphon and Athenion, 
266. 

Sussitoi, common table com- 
munes, 510. 


Sutlers, union of, 397. 

Sutores, or shoemakers, 421. 

Sweeping extermination, 219. 

Switzerland, fossils of, 72. 

Swoon that fell over mankind, 
494, 495. 

Sword-makers, 377, not 10. 

Symbiosis philia, name of Greek 
commune, 502. 

Symbols of the ancient farm, 
66; of human labor, 482; her- 
aldic, 483. 

Symethus, river, 212, 255. 

Sympathy, see irascibility, con- 
cupiscence; growth of, 206; 
there arose an _ occasional 
character, 500; irascibility, 
concupiscence, 515; how 
formed, 560. 

Symposiums, see cuts and illus- 
trations representing various 
ancient; customs and man- 
ners at a, 111, note 55; pray- 
ers and peans of, 363, 461. 

Syncope, that fell upon man- 
kind, 494. 

Synod, or sometimes called the 
synagogue, 461. 

Synodoi, Greek, the synods, 501. 


Syracuse, unions at, 113; 
Plato’s experience at, 118; 
and the great strike, 146, 


213; proof that it was taken 
by Eunus, 221; slaves strag- 
gling from, 948: theatre at, 
401. 
Syria, 
from, as 
195; slaves 


great numbers brought 

slaves, to Rome, 

organized in, 
197; Greek Spoken in, 197; 
Ceres worshiped in, 198; 
Greek speaking unions of, 
502. 

System, slave, 87; of common 
proprietorship, 69; patriarch- 
ship, 73. 


684 


τ 


Tabernacle, 40. 

Table, the common, 115, note 
67, see Roscher; meals in 
common suppressed by Pyrr- 
hus, 287, note 28; mate of 
Philip the king, 545; see 
communism or triclinium; 
the Twelve, see the Twelve 
Tables. 

Tablets, unheeded by science, 
84, 367; see inscription. 

Tactics of Eunus, extermina- 
tion, 219; of Athenion, 259, 
260 and 274, note 70; against 
enclosure in sieges, 269, 274, 
note 70; military, of Rome 
adopted by Spartacus, 290, 
note 37; of Crassus to teaze, 
919. 

Taint, upon labor, 72, 78, 466, 
533 and 537; some strong 
men dared be brave, 546. 

Talismans, emblems, mementos 
and charms, 435, 556. 

Tamia, a stewardess or house- 

_ wife, 453. 

Tarentine gulf, 158, 211; city, 
the slaves captured at, 192, 
and 300. 

Tarpeian rock, 154, note 27. 

Tarquin, king of Rome, 147. 

Martaruse 9350125: 

Tartessus, Romans fortify them- 
selves at, 185. 

Tassels, of banners, 484, 486. 

Tasters, union of, 398. 

Tauromanion, number of work- 
ingmen massacred at, xii.; 
taken by Eunus, but recap- 
tured 226. 

Tax gatherers, unions of, 119, 
349, 382; slabs showing great 
numbers of such, 440, 441, & 
442; gatherers, chap. xx., pp. 
437, 443; of forgcrs and min- 
ers, 442, note 10. 

Taygetus, dashed to jelly on the 
rocks of, 533. 


INDEX. 


Teamsters (vectuarii, and the 
collectors, 440. 

Technitai, of Aristotle, 541. 

Tectoriole, little plaster images, 
432. 

Temple, of Demeter, 81; Apollo, 
81; of Megaron, 91, 95; built 
by the outcasts, 108; of Jeru- 
salem, how built, 123; of Sol- 
omon and Hiram, 124; Eleusis 
125; of Minerva, 137; of the 
horojn, dedicated by the Chi- 
ans to the manes 9 Drimakos, 
176-177, note 19; of Ceres at 
Enna, 198; of Thalia, 248 and 
note 3; creat, erected through 
government employ, 380, note 
19; of Jupiter, 463. 

Tenets, business of sacred com- 
munes, 113, note 63; of Syr- 
ian theogony, 236-7; of the 
thiasos, 503, note 18. 

Tents, of Roman military sys- 
tem, 467, note 5. 

Tertullian, in defense of the 
early Christians, 527. 

Testament, of Attalus, 233. 

Textores, and textrices, 422. 

Thalia, nymph, 247: the tem- 
ple to her Twins, 248 note 3. 

Thames river, 487. 

Thetetus, of Plato, 118. 

Theatres, their size, 401; see 
circus, amphitheatre. 

Theophanes, 165. 

Theophilus, 452. 

Theophrastus, knew of the com- 
munities, 507. 

Theseus, battle with the Ama- 
zons, 87, note 12, 130; unions 
as early as, 715. 

Theta, Greek letter, meaning 
on the inscription, “death,” 
279. 

Thiasos, of the Greeks, 114; the 
prophets of the, 203; transla- 
tion from stone tablets, 454; 
defined, 449, 493, and shown 
in plate facing page 451; also 
463, 493; “non  bacchicus- 


INDEX. 


est,” 504, note 22; became 
mellow soil, 511. 

Theirs, 489. 

Thrace, mines in, 137; Sparta- 
cus’ home, 285, note 22; wife 

of Spartacus also from, 290. 

Thucydides, 105, 139, 536; 
wrote whne in exile, 107; he 
owned mines in Macedonia, 
137. 

Thuria seized by Spartacus, 
300, note 59; where he estab- 
lished a large armory, 375. 

Thyratira, taken by Aristoni- 
cus; 237. 

‘Liber river, 112, "ὅδ; valley, 
unions of, 133, note 62, 389, 
note 1. 

Tibicenes, Roman and Aule- 
trids, Greek flute-players, 409. 

Tigers, panthers, bears, ete., 
411. 


Tin islands, 
483. 
Titinus 
252. 

‘loga, peace garment, 476; 
peace garment, red, 477; and 
saga, when used, 477. note 
25: chiton, chlamys, hima- 
tion, 481. 

Tombstones, of gladiators, 279, 
note 5. 

Tompkins, Mr. Henry, 447, 449, 
454, 462. 

Tools, for sacrifice, 98, note 57; 
of labor, ἃ difference be- 
tween ancient and modern, 
567; men and women, the an- 
cient, 568, 570; as tools men 

_ were nationalized, 570; and 
they rebeHed and killed their 
masters, 573. 

Torcellum, slab of, inscribed by 
the ragpickers union, 424. 

Toy-gods, manufacture of, 429. 

Trades, organized in ancient 
days, vii.; multitude of an- 
cient secret, 69; unions, 
formed by freed slaves, 85; 


or Cassiterides, 


Gaddeus’ treachery, 


685 


existed early, 86; are courts 
of appeal, 94, 96, 100, 113; 
organizations of freedmen, 
112; as early as Solomon 
and Theseus, 115; unions in 
Sicily, 119; unions, a state 
institution, 121; during the 


Golden Age, 122; at the 
Pireus, 125; organization, 
upheld by king Servius, 147; 
unions, crowded out, in 
Rome, 192; unions, search 
for, 334, note 1; union genu- 
ine of shoemakers, 421; 


unions under aid and guar- 
anty of government, 437; 
unions the most powerful an- 
cient proletarian societies, 
348; unions recognized and 
employed by the state, 440; 
unions of Greece, 461; unions 
the same as the eranoi, 507; 
Lucian’s choice of a, 543; of 
Jesus, 521. 

Traders, of Canaan, 501, 502. 

Training school of gladiators, 
292, note 41; 325, note 124. 

Traitor, perfidy and treachery 
of the workingmen to each 
other, 151, note 18, pp. 187, 
228, 272, 304. 

Tramps, and freedmen, 213; be- 
tween masters and_ slaves 
were ground to powder, 261, 
note 37. 

Transition, period, 71. 

Translation, of Solon’s law for 
the Twelve Tables, 127, notes 
87, 88. 

Trans-substantiation, 89. 

Traps and tricks of Spartacus, 
325, note 124. 

Treachery, of workmen against 
themselves, 227; of Nerva, 
251, note 18; and 257, note 
28; of- Tryphon, 264;. of 
Aquilius, 273; against Spar- 
tacus, 304. 

Tribal community, ancient, 68, 
note 5. 


686 


Tribunal, slaves withdrawn by 
Adrian from the domestic tri- 
bunal, 365. 

Tribunes, elected by the plebe- 
ians, 474, and note 20; Clo- 
dius, 363, note 15. 

Yriclinarehs or stewards, 399, 
400. 

Triclinium, abolished by Chris- 
tians as an abomination, 400. 

Trident, of Neptune, 130, note 
96. 


Trinkets, of the throne, 413; 
the holy, as enormously 
manufauctured, 431. 


Trezen, tutelary soter or savior 
from, 509. 

Trojans, 114. 

Trumpeter, 408. 

Tryphon, assumed name _ of 
Salvius, 263: sends _ for 
Athenion, 264; his fear, 265; 
death of, 269, note 56. 

Tubicen, 408. 

Tullus Hostilius, 154 and note 


Tumbler, every girl was a pro- 
fessional, 535. 

Turkey and its red, 490. 

Turning-lathe, use of, taught 
the Britons, by the Romans, 
485. 

Tutelary, divinity of the for- 
tune tellers, 413, note 36; 
saints, 420; which controlled 
labor, 481, 487; banner of 
Pierrefort, 490; soters, 509. 

Twelve Tables, law of, 100, 283, 
285; Dirksen, on hetere and 
sodales, 115; Gaius on right 
to combine, 127, notes 87, 88; 
they permitted labor organi- 
zation, 303; celebrated an- 
cient code, 337; engraved on 
eleven slabs, 339; same laws 
as the Greek, 347, note 38. 

Twins, pool of the, 248, note 3: 
of Jupiter and Thalia, 247, 
263. 

Tyrannus, Men, 143, note 39. 


INDEX. 


Tyrant, of Sicily, king of 
slaves, 404; the ephori, 531, 
532, see ephori; Agathocles, 
a potter, 545. 

Tyre, Phenician city, 123. 

Tyrian red, 479. 


Ulpian, on natural rights, 552, 
note 69. 

Unions, of mercenaries, 77, 78; 
of slaves, 98, see slave; of la- 
borers (Greek), 99; of clerks, 
114; of workingmen for re- 
sistance, 117; turned into 
banditti, 120; discussion in 
secret, 126; dangerous com- 
petitors of slavery, 366; of 
farmers rare, 443; synonyms, 
for different countries, 502; 
see organization. 

United States, growth of la- 
bor movements in the, 126; 
the great civil war, 140, note 
31; bureau of labor, 146; 
note 3; appropriately adopted 
the stars and stripes, 470. 

Unwashed, the Spartan youth, 
534. 

Uprisings, the ancient, almost 
unknown to the living age, 
vii.; vague evidence of their 
antiquity, 67, note 2; ancient 
strugles and strikes, 78; in 
Attica, 141; contagious, 146, 
and note 3; of Eunus, imme- 


diate cause, 201; at Per- 
gamus, 232-245; see slave, 
wars of the. 

Urinatores (divers), 112, 389, 


note 1, 435. 

Utica, near Carthage, furnished 
elephants against Viriathus, 
186 and plate. 

Utopia, 47, note 1, 55. 

Utrieularis (bagpipe), 408. 


ν 


Vacaney, 474 and note 20. 


INDEX. 


Vale of tears, 352. 

Varinius, defeat of, 297, note 
54; great battle, 299; and of 
Picenum, 300, note 60. 


Varro (Charis) quoted, 291 
and note 37. 
Vascula, spits, ladles, cups, 


soup-spoons, and bowls, 399. 

Vascularii (metal vessel mak- 
ers), were skilled workmen, 
399, and 446. 

Vatican, the ancient works lost 
in, 201, 207; fragments, 300, 
note 60; where is a baxea or 
ancient shoe, 420. 

Vaulted dome, 466; firmament, 
538. 

Vectigalia, means, revenues, 
119 and note 74; system of 
the, 156, 409; see tax col- 
lection. 

V leda, 303, note 73. 

Vellejus Paterculus, his 86- 
count of the wars of Viria- 
thus and Spartacus, 187; 
Paterculus on numbers of 
army of gladiators, 325, note 
125: 

Vengeance, of Hermotius, 168- 
9, note 7; of Rupillius, 227; 
intimidation and, of Plato, 


244, note 29: irascibility 
and, once more vindicated, 
269; wreaking  infuriates, 
407; 549, note 67; of Je- 


hovah, 566. 

Venison, fish and mutton the 
aristocratic food, 386. 

Ventidius Bassus, consul, 79. 

Venus, battle of the hill of, 183. 

Venusia in Lucania, inscription 
of perfumers found at, 434. 

Verna or home-born, 391. 

Verona, inscription of wine 
commune, 382. 

Verres, a pretor or governor of 
Sicily, 119, note 74, 195, 284; 
had no respect for humanity. 
179-80. 

Vesuvius, the then peak of, 293 ; 


687 


height of, before the erup- 


tion, 293. 
Vessel-makers ( Vascularii) , 
445. 


Vetilus, overthrown and killed 
by Viriathus, 182, note 6, 
184. 

Vexillum or semeion, 467; was 
a her flag, 467, note 5, 476-7. 

Via, the Appian, or Appian 
Way, 293; Way, scene of the 
erucifixion of six thousand 
working people, 329; Aquil- 
lia, join the Appian Way, 
was taken by Spartacus, 293; 
Sacra, P. Nicanor the per- 
fumer,-on the, 434. 

Vic, Vic-le Comte, its half-red 
banner, 489. 

Victualing system, 389, 400. 

Vigano, Prof. Francesco, 447. 

Vineyard of the Lord, 522. 

Vini Susceptores, 393. 

Virgin Mary shown on red flag, 
486. 

Virginia, rape of, 287, note 32. 

Viriathus, chapter viii.; story 
of, commenced, 179; personal 
appearance of, 180, and notes 
2, 3, 4; was a-poor man, 
180; collects his band, 181; 
speech of, 182; governor of 
Spain, 182; successful re- 
treat to Tribola, 183; defeats 
a Roman auxiliary force and 
Vetilius killed, 184; made 
king, 185; destroys the forces 
of Quinctius and Amilius, 
186; and deteats Plautius, 
186; defeats Servilianus at 
at Eresane, 187; makes a 
treaty of peace with Rome, 
187; held Rome in check, 
188; murdered by his own 
men, 187; great gladiatorial 
wake, 188-9; red banner 
planted in the land of, 491; 
influence οἵ; 517. 

Vitellius, emperor of 
79. 


Rome, 


088 


γ]Ἱαβίοβ, recent discovery by, 
or. 

Voet, Professor, mentioned, 59, 
447. 

Voice, 
523. 

Volsinii, siege of, where 2,000 
statues and images were 
taken, 431. 

Voodooism, 559. 


plaintive, still small 


Ww 
Wages, early aversion to, 39; 
slavery, 71; in time of Peri- 
eles, 124, 137; slavery fast 
going, 516, note 50; earners, 
as Aristotle’s 4th class, 540. 
Wagon-makers, 377, note 10. 
Waiters were also tasters, 399; 
and cooks of Sparta, 533. 
Wakes, antiquity of, 135; origin 
of, 277; gladiatorial in honor 
of Crixius’ ghost, 308, note 
85. 
Wallace, numbers of mankind, 
283, note 17: on the ancient 
census, 340, note 17. 
Wanderers, what 
said, 500. 

Want, tie that married irasci- 
bility with sympathy, 515. 
Wars, slaves used as mercena- 
ries in, 77, and note 29: the 
Holy, 81; causes of the so- 
cial or servile, 77, 84, 99; be- 
tween Messenia and Sparta, 
103; Peloponnesian, 105; dis- 
couraged by Numa, 123; 
strike during the Pelopon- 
nesian, 134, 138, 142; third 

Punic, 178; of Eunus— 
evidence of the stones, 224. 
note 89; brutal purposes of, 
475; forbidden in the plan 
of Jesus, 553; farmers best 
fitted for, 541, 542. 

Warning, 573. 

Warwick and Spartacus com- 
pared, 327. 

Watern 2n, 383. 


Gracchus 


INDEX. 


Wealth, of Crassus, 340, note 
17; of Celius Claudius, 340, 
note 17; number of slaves 
owned by different persons, 
350; of Damophilus, 196, 
sqq.; of Demosthenes, 548; 
see slave. 

Weavers and drapers, 416, note 
8; carders, etc., and their 
red flag, 486. 

Wescher, archeologist, 506; his 
theory now maintained, 506. 
Whips, and sacrificial axe, of 

Salvius, 264, and note 43; 
horsewhip of P. Crassus, 242, 
note 20; original derivations, 

471. 

Whipped every night, 472, note 
15; and strangled, 567; men 
and women, for the “blessed” 
of a chosen people, 568. 

White, in heathen mythology, 
emblematic of degree, 466; 
essence of non-color, 480; 
and red were essences of 
color, 480; see chapter on 
red flag. 

Wickliffe, 559. 

Wiener Jahrbiicher, article on 
union of piscicapii, 389. 

Wife, the favorite, often buried 
alive with head of tne house, 
82, note 40; of Spartacus, 
558. 

Wild, Mr. Ὁ. L., piano mer- 
chant of Washington, posses- 
sor of a curious book on 
Jesus and the Essenes, 565, 
note 107; slave insurrection 
in Chios, 164, note 3; beasts, 


men thrown into dens of, 
280; beasts in the amphi- 
theatres, 394, 395; beasts, 


lions, tigers, leopards, ete., 
for the combats, 411; boar, 
story of L. Domitius and the 
slave who killed a. 136, 475. 

Will; of Kraton, 98, note 27; - 
of Attalus IIT. 232, 333,.see 
testament. 


INDEX. 


Wine-curers, unions of, 382, 
note 23; smokers’ unions, 
383, note 24, 384; vaulters, 
447; drinking, false notions 
regaraing, 502; presses, 
feasts, 505. 

Winter quarters of Spartacus, 
300, 375. 

Witcheraft, among Egyptians, 
45; and fortune telling, 414. 

Women, paired as gladiators, 
277, note 1; constancy of, 
303, note 73; in politics at 
Pompeii, 390-91, and notes 3, 
4, 5; were prominent officers 
in the unions, 434; took their 
stand in the unions with 
dignity, 450; .as members, 
461; in the thiasos, 463. 

Wonder world, primitive man 
in the, 85; of the ancient 
world, 248, note 4; and awe 
eaused adoration of the sun, 
469. 

Woodworkers under two names, 

. 360; workers under Augusta, 
362, note 10. 

Work, procured by the unions, 
511. 

Workhouse, 274, note 70; pris- 
ons, iron of, for armor, 297, 
note 53. 

Workingmen, number  massa- 
ered at Enna and Tauro- 
manian, xii.; number cru- 
cified by Crassus, and Pom- 
pey, xii; ποὺ originally 
citizens, 49; con«uition, low- 
liness of, in ancient times, 
49; of America and Europe 
combine against brute force, 
57; as a slave, 78; figures 
little in history, 86; societies 
of, 87; political institutions, 
no court of appeals, 94; as- 
sassinated, 98; had the right 
to organize, 100; excluded 
by Lycurgus, 101; condition 
of, in Sparta, 103; fought 
for Sparta, 106; murder of 


689 


2,000, 107, note 46; worked 
directly for the government, 
114: littleness of the ancient, 
117; Plato against the, 118; 
driven from the crusade, 
131; hated Plato, 132; pro- 
tected by gods, 142, note 34; 
terrible condition of, in 
Rome, 179; cruel treatment 
of, causing great wars, 192; 
had no souls, 193; as a class, 
how formed, 528; Jesus in 
all respects one, 153, 514, 
551, 552, and 560. 

Works and Days, a book by 


Hesiod, on labor question, 
161. 
Workshops in the emperor’s 


palaces, 419. 

Worship, in iaws of Lycurgus, 
69; right of, 70; by sacri- 
fice, 75; of gods, 81; of the 
Lord by his children; charac- 
ter of, at Eleusis, 88; im- 
portant right of, 115. 

Wreaths and ribbons, 463. 

Wyoming, massacre at, 102. 


΄ 


Xa.ithos, a slave, builds a tem- 
ple, 143, note 39. 

Xenocles, a master mason, 13]. 

Xenophon, 92, 135, note 9; and 
the “imperishable laws,” 
526; quotes Socrates, 553, 
note 76; on prayer, 563. 

Xipe, gladiatorial feasts of, 278. 


Z 

Zama, battle, of, 152. 

Zend, 526. 

Zenoa, in love with the girl 
trade unionist, 404; Aristotle 
borrowed from, 518; the 
stoic, 546. 

Zeus, man-god, 48, note 2; 
great statue of the Olym- 
pian, 101. 

Zeuxes, and Hermias, slayers 
of Damophilus, 204. 


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